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The article focuses on the metaphorical conceptualisation of the #MeToo movement, which has spread virally as a hashtag used on social media in an attempt to demonstrate the widespread prevalence of sexual assault and harassment. The #MeToo movement as a social issue is looked at from the perspective of Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) (Charteris-Black 2005/2011, 2014, Musolff 2004, 2016, Koller 2014, De Landtsheer 2009, Hart 2010). CMA is a blend of Cognitive Metaphor Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis that aims at identifying how metaphors are used to describe socially contested issues and how they reveal speakers’ hidden intentions and attitudes (Charteris-Black, 2014, p. 174). CMA is also concerned with the different functions metaphors may perform. A predicative function, being one of many, is most likely to explain how socially sensitive issues are communicated (Charteris-Black, 2014, pp. 204-207; Musolff, 2016, p. 4). In other words, it implies positive or negative attitudes expressed towards certain issues. Thus, the paper aims to study how the predicative function of metaphor manifests in the discourse of contemporary social concerns cross-linguistically and cross-culturally. In other words, the paper looks into how different attitudes towards the #MeToo movement are communicated via metaphors in Lithuanian and English media and how they shape prevailing public attitudes.

The paper investigates how translation is conceptualised through metaphors employed in academic texts in English and Lithuanian focusing on translation problems. As established by previous research, metaphors are tools of rendering abstract thought in terms of more concrete experiences. The methodology of this investigation is based on the Conceptual Metaphor Theory and further development in metaphor research, the main principles of Metaphor Identification Procedure and metaphorical patterns. The results suggest that English tends to more frequently conceptualise translation as human and also as a dynamic activity, whereas Lithuanian opts for more static conceptualisation of translation in terms of object and material. Such tendencies might be linked, among other factors, to very different etymologies of the verb ‘translate’ and its derivatives in English and Lithuanian as well as other senses of the word.

The aim of the present paper is to describe the main metaphors presented in genetic discourse: DNA as text, information, language, book, code, project/blueprint, map, computer, music, and cooking. It also analyses the social implication of these metaphors. The author of this article argues that metaphors are double-edged swords: while they brighten difficult and abstract genetic concepts, they also lead to the misunderstanding and misinterpretation of the reality. The reason for this is that most of these metaphors are of deterministic, reductionist, and fatalistic character. Consequently, they shift the attention from complexity of genetic processes. Moreover, as they appeal to emotions, ascetics, and morality they may involve exaggeration: while they bring hope, they also create an atmosphere of fear over the misuse of genetic knowledge. The author of this article states that the genetic metaphors do not simply reflect the social ideas on DNA, but also shape our understanding of genetics and imagination on the social application of genetic knowledge. Due to this reason, DNA should be understood not only as a biological code, but as a cultural as well.

The aim of the present paper is to describe the main metaphors presented in genetic discourse: DNA as text, information, language, book, code, project/blueprint, map, computer, music, and cooking. It also analyses the social implication of these metaphors. The author of this article argues that metaphors are double-edged swords: while they brighten difficult and abstract genetic concepts, they also lead to the misunderstanding and misinterpretation of the reality. The reason for this is that most of these metaphors are of deterministic, reductionist, and fatalistic character. Consequently, they shift the attention from complexity of genetic processes. Moreover, as they appeal to emotions, ascetics, and morality they may involve exaggeration: while they bring hope, they also create an atmosphere of fear over the misuse of genetic knowledge. The author of this article states that the genetic metaphors do not simply reflect the social ideas on DNA, but also shape our understanding of genetics and imagination on the social application of genetic knowledge. Due to this reason, DNA should be understood not only as a biological code, but as a cultural as well.