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The formation and manifestation of counter-elites in totalitarian regimes emerged as a topic of scientific interest especially after the Second World War. Yet, the specificities of the formation of counter-elites in totalitarian states in conjunction with the decolonization processes, as they have manifested in the Baltic states or in the Republic of Moldova, have attracted comparatively less attention. This article aims to analyze the process of genesis of counter-elites and the transformations incurred within the elites in Soviet Estonia in the process of regaining the independence. The article relate to the Soviet elites with reformist views who designed „Economically Autonomous Estonia” and the counter-elites animated by the desire of national rebirth and total split from the Soviet past gathered around the Estonian Heritage Society, which represented two – of course, among the most important - of the numerous circles, groups, organizations that emerged in Estonia as a result of the new ideological thaw started by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Despite the differences between them, none of them adopted extreme political discourse and both maintained important dialogic availability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article undertakes an analysis of the historical and juridical argumentation brought to the fore by the Finnish experts in the case of the Finnish-Swedish litigation regarding the fate of the Åland Islands (1919-1920) and compares it to the position of the Aaland Commission of Jurists. The empiric study uses the English language materials published in 1919-1920 by Finnish prominent historians and jurists as well as official papers elaborated by the Aaland Commission of Jurists. One of the key findings of this article is that although the conception regarding the sovereignty and domestic jurisdiction was shared in by both the Finnish and international experts, the Commission's views (based mostly on one of its members, Max Huber's thinking) about the sociological basis of the international law as embodied in the concept of "transitional situation" to describe the situation of a new state emerging on the international arena generated heated debates and a swift reply from the part of Finnish historians and jurists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at re-evaluating in the light of recent archival findings and novel historiographic interpretations the consequences of the Ribbentrop- Molotov Pact - seven decades after its signature - on one of the most seriously affected states by the compromise between the two totalitarian states, Finland. The article approaches Helsinki's choices and politics in this respect from the perspective of Finnish meaning of space and definition of spirituality which, once anchored in public conscience, will play a fundamental role during the interwar and Winter War (Talvisota) period. One of the conclusions of this work is that by their political, territorial and demographic consequences, the Soviet politics with regard to Finland are an example of consequences running contrary to the initial intentions and expectations of a Great Power that gives the impulses in the international relations. Instead of getting extra-security in the Eastern Baltic, the result was the eventual joining of the Finnish Army to the Wehrmacht attack against Soviet Union. The undesirable result of Russian politics in the nineteenth century, the Finnish concept of space has played an important role in the resistance of the Finnish nation when confronting the Soviet political and territorial claims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]