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Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyses the evolution of Romanian-British relations in the context of the détente. The mirror image of general and special interests, the way in which the diplomatic agenda of the two countries was structured in the light of the dynamics of the Cold War, and the transformations the world went through in the 1960s show that British interests toward Romania must be seen in the broader context of the redefinition of the UK's foreign policy towards the countries of Central and South-Eastern Europe. If at the beginning of the Cold War, relations between Romania and the UK were completely frozen, limited to minimal diplomatic representation, in the second half of the 1960s, a completely different dynamic can be detected. The opening to the East was dictated by both specific interests and the traditional lines of British diplomacy in the region. On the other hand, access to technology was a priority for the Romanian Government and, as can be seen from the evolution of economic data, Romania bought industrial plant and equipment from the British market on a massive scale. On the other hand, while becoming an important partner in technology transfer, Bucharest pushed for trade liberalisation and allowing Romanian products access to the British market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse the main features of international relations after Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The author's hypothesis is that after the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014, the stage of cold peace established at the end of the first Cold War ended, paving the way for the new or second Cold War. This last war shows similarities with the period of the bipolar Soviet-American confrontation, but there are also relevant elements of differentiation: a multipolar rivalry, the decrease in the importance of the ideological factor, the fragmentation of international politics. In the study, the author offers arguments for the relevance of history in understanding the new Cold War. At the end, the article shows that during the new Cold War there were substantial changes in the geopolitical role of Romania, which became a border state with a region of conflict, a situation that has wider political and economic implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides some relevant insights about the dynamics of the European politics of history and memory against the background of the third wave of European integration, which is the so called “cultural Europeanization.” These dynamics, originated in Western European both cultural turn of the 1970s and memory boom of the 1980s, is inscribed in the complex geopolitical landscape configured after the end of Cold War, within the context of European enlargement and the struggles for recognition of the “new Europe”. The competition of “Europe’s Europes” memorial narratives about the “painful pasts” of West and East, which is also a competition between two mnemonic paradigms (cosmopolitan vs. national(ist)-antagonist), is followed against the background of both the transnational turn in memory studies and memory politics and the re-nationalization of European politics and ideologies, tightly connected to the post–Cold War developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to provide a view on the Romanian's communist regime activity on the international stage, in the context of the geostrategic rivalry between the U.S.S.R. and the United States. The author emphasizes the way the rivals perceive each other military, political, economic power, the grounds of confrontation and especially the two superpowers' attitude towards their allies. Also, the research focuses on those events in which Romanian communist leaders took domestic and international policy decisions, in direct relation to the perception or error of perception of geopolitical developments arising from the geostrategic rivalry between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Deterrence is one of the most perennial concept in human history being conventionally associated with the capacity of a given actor to dissuade another actor from embarking into an aggressive action based on demonstrative potential to react decisively. This is only one of the existing definitions of the deterrence which is in fact the constant ingredient of every decision-making process. Deterrence become the main norm for generating efficient strategies with practical applicability developed in the aftermath of Second World War. Since then deterrence theory developed significantly, most often in support of the strategic decisions adopted during Cold War. In this framework, it represented the central recourse of supporting the stability of international system based on a mix of conventional and nuclear capabilities. The end of Cold War brought a new reality in which risks and challenges are more interconnected, thus, requiring more synergetic and multidisciplinary approaches in designing the right framework for deterrence. The most common area for implementing deterrence is defence being extensively tested in the last decade, especially within the framework of NA TO. But this is only one perspective from which deterrence could be perceived. Nowadays deterrence is common to various areas in our societies, becoming one of the main instruments in tackling the contemporary asymmetry. Ensuring the right formulas for having a comprehensive deterrence is a continuous process which has to be correlated with the undertaking of creating resilient societies. The necessary solutions could not be identified without implementing flexible approach and structuring practical cooperation formulas which can maximize the support for deterrence strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bucharest University Annals - Law Series is the property of CH Beck Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research is trying to trace the presence of the terrorist Carlos in the Securitate archive files, during the period when he had not yet come into contact with the Romanian intelligence services. Since 1975, Carlos the Jackal has been mentioned in the Securitate documents as a dangerous terrorist, under international surveillance by police around the world. These mentions suddenly disappeared in 1980, when it was alleged that the terrorist Carlos was contacted by the Romanian intelligence services. The study proposes to survey these mentions, trying to establish their relevance in the anti-terrorism policy of the Romanian communist state. At the end of this approach, the author advance some explanations for the lack of documents from the Securitate archives regarding the collaboration of Carlos the Jackal with this institution, as well as about the terrorist attack perpetrated on Radio Free Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After 1945, the Romanian Army suffered several waves of purges seeking to eliminate any officers with explicit anti-communist opinions or were „unreliable” for the new regime. One of those expelled from the military staff was Mircea Pătru, a former pilot that was constrained to work in offices due to an unfortunate accident. Knowing that he may face arrest, Pătru fled the country in 1948 and reached Paris, where, together with other former officers, formed the Intelligence Service of the Romanian Officers in Exile (SIMRE). This structure was founded with French support, but worked independently, having the goals to fight the communist regime in Romania, support internal resistance, and create spies networks. Pătru was engaged in many projects varying from contacting new agents to preparing the groups that were to be sent in the mountains to help the armed resistance. While some of them had notable success, others ended in tragedies, some claiming that Pătru was at least partially responsible for it. The article seeks to examine Mircea Pătru's biography by putting his life events in the larger context of the secret confrontation between East and West conducted in the first decade of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

5G Technology, while being operationalized before the implementation of the specific assigned standard IMT-2020, is considered to be a game changer in the communications field with an impact on the industry and society equivalent with the Internet breakthrough. 5G has the capacity to enhance civil and military communications systems, the intelligence field and critical communications infrastructures. Despite all the benefits brought by the new technology, 5G has become the source of the first strategic dispute between US and China in the technological field (non-literary known as the first „cold war in technology field”). This article is presenting an analytic perspective of the risks associated with the 5G with regard to national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The volume edited by Adela Hîncu and Victor Karady, Social Sciences in "Other Europe" since 1945, is one of the most expected volume on the historiographic "market". The volume brings together several studies dedicated to the evolution and development of the social sciences in the communist bloc. Thus, we can see a series of case studies pertaining to Romania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Yugoslavia. The main thesis is that even if there was a unitary model of ideology, adopted along with the establishment of communist regimes, there were different processes in the evolution of the regimes within each state. And in this process, the social sciences played different roles: from creating a resistance to political control, to negotiating or defining the legitimacy of the regimes. But each state approached the issue differently, and internal party conflicts, as well as East-West dynamics, characteristic of the Cold War, led to unexpected transformations in the field of social sciences, as well as changes of the relations of power and of the social and political roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War and the transformation of the world order from bipolar system to unipolar system, followed by the emergence of additional power centers and new threats generated a new global security architecture characterized by a new conflict paradigm. Thus the contemporary conflicts differ from the previous ones due to the nature of the parties involved and the strategies employed. The contemporary conflicts, by their international nature, bring up the topic of legitimacy claimed not only at the individual state level but at the level of the international community as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cycles in our historical life are divided in periods of stability - when the international system has very clear rules of evolutions, form and relations, as well as a dominant system for solving the conflicts - and transition periods, turbulent and chaotic, for reassessing, reshaping and settling the system according to the new rules of the game, the evolution of the geopolitical capabilities in the system and the level of ambition of different players. The current transition into the 21-st Century, after the end of the Cold War, ended somewhere in 2014, but the system we are going to inherit and leave for the next generation - 20-25 years or so - is the one we are living already for the last 6 years. The transition in the 21-st century has ended, but the acceleration of globalization, tremendous technical achievements that are influencing the human being, society and political life, as well as the lack of credibility in the political establishment, parties, elite and leadership is announcing this tectonic, unstable, turbulent and unpredictable world, changes in the international relations system as well as in the global security establishment. That's what our post-transition generation is going to face and confront. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 28 of March, 1961, President John F. Kennedy outlined in the Congress the basic elements of a new strategy meant to increase the flexibility of US commitments in the overall context of Cold War. This undertaking was centred on the idea of adapting the military posture in order to maximize the possibilities to achieve the desired effect in operational field. In this respect, President Kennedy highlighted that „Any potential aggressor contemplating an attack on any part of the Free World with any kind of weapons, conventional or nuclear, must know that our response will be suitable, selective, swift and effective". This message was a starting point for an enduring and complex process putting into motion of the so-called „Flexible Deterrent Options" which became, since 1961, the official national security policy of the United States. Within this framework, the US and its NATO allies launched different initiatives aiming to enhance the multilateral cooperation in nuclear field such as Multilateral Force and Atlantic Nuclear Force. In spite of certain setbacks, the efforts paid off by increasing the relevance of cooperation between NATO member states in the field of nuclear policy as one of the main direction undertaking through the new Strategic Concept adopted at the beginning of 1968. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First, the article unpacks the components which, together, support the right to rule of the powers that be. It argues that political legitimacy comprises basically three elements: the self-legitimacy; the popular legitimacy; and the external legitimacy. Moreover, in the particular case of the Soviet Union, one can delineate two types of external legitimacy: and intra-systemic one, in relation to Socialist countries; and an extra-systemic one, in relation to Western countries. Second, the article discusses the impact of the successive phases of the Soviet regime from Lenin to Gorbachev and of major East European crises upon the crisis of the above-mentioned types of political legitimacy. Third, the article reviews Gorbachev’s major contributions to the geopolitical, socio-political and ideological changes which took place on the European continent throughout 1989-1991, including his metamorphosis from a reformer of the Soviet system into a systemic transformer of it, his abandonment of the “Brezhnev doctrine” accompanied by his non-intervention policy in East European political changes, his dual strategy of keeping momentum for the reformist forces while blocking the capacity to react of conservative forces, his unilateral disarmament measures, his connections and empathy with key Western European leaders and – last but not least – his rapprochement policy vis-à-vis the U.S., which reached its pinnacle at the Malta summit in early December 1989 and put to an end the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Romania’s foreign policy in the last years of the Communist regime was characterized by improvisation, lack of vision and an unnecessary effort to safeguard the personal position of its leader, influenced by the international isolation in which it plunged. The Romanian-Soviet relation was rather not difficult, but it was dominated by disagreements between Nicolae Ceauşescu and Mikhail Gorbachev. The Romanian president showed signs of obvious lack of realism, while the Soviet leader publicly despise his counterpart’s methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political crisis in Poland from 1980 to 1981 ended up with the introduction of martial law and Jaruzelski’s new regime. This political change in Warsaw put both countries closer and seemed to be leading them to a similarly political vision towards the Soviet bloc development, after a period of decline in their bilateral relations. Even though the general’s visit to Romania from June 1982 was researched by Adam Burakowski, our paper continues his work and investigates the Romanian archives to see its perspective about this event. That implies to analyze how the Romanian leadership perceived the visit and its outcome and then to compare with the Polish archives to create a thorough understanding of this subject. For doing that, I will use the Romanian diplomatic correspondence from Warsaw as well as the Romanian Communist Party archives and its official newspaper, The Sparkle – Scînteia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to analyze the phenomenon of the Trianon Treaty (1920) from the perspective of its use as a subject of political mythology. The research is chronologically structured, the epistemic object being the identification of functions and the dynamics of the political myth. The main hypothesis of the author is that the revisionist mythology created around the Trianon Treaty had the essential function of preserving the social status quo in inter-war Hungary, respectively to offer an ideological legitimacy to an authoritarian government after 2010. In order to prove this hypothesis, the author first analyzes whether the conduct of the Paris Peace Conference justifies the accusation of "diktat", which is the basis of the political myth. Subsequently, the research presents the main elements of revisionist political mythology and how they were used by the Miklos Horthy regime. In the last part of the study, are presented the dynamics of revisionist mythology from the Cold War period to the time of the government of Viktor Orban. The conclusion of the research is that revisionist mythology has endangered peace and stability in Central Europe, has produced countless tragedies, so relationships based on realities, not ghosts are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is beyond any doubt that the first decade after the conclusion of Second World War was one of most important period for designing the future common security and defence system capable to preserve peace and stability in Western Europe. Implementing a common vision in this respect was a challenging undertaking, especially from the perspective of the need to manage simultaneously different hot spots in the global security environment such as the wars in Indochina and Korea as well as Soviet aggressive stance in Europe. In spite of all these confrontational challenges, western cooperation, underpinned by a strong and resolute US commitment in Europe, succeeded in establishing the institutional framework necessary to provide the adequate answers for different kinds of threats. Establishment of NATO was quintessential in ensuring the cohesion and substance of these undertaking in Euroatlantic area. Within this framework, European defence cooperation achieved certain level of progress, especially through the establishment of multinational organizations such as Western Union as well by launching concrete cooperation projects such is the case of Pleven Plan which aimed at creation of a European Army. All of these contributed significantly to a constant development of European defence cooperation in the next decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War has changed the balance of power at international level. The confrontation between Russian Federation and Western countries has continued to remain the main topic of geopolitics and geostategy of the 21st century. The overtaking of defence diplomacy boundaries has manifested by military-type accents, either in the form of delegated warfare or frozen conflicts. The hybrid war launched by Moscow in 2014, in order to annex of the Crimea, has opened a new paradigm in the Moscow - Washington relationship, which involved the participation of the North Atlantic Alliance. The future evolution of the relationship system between Russian Federation and Western countries is difficult to predict, leaving the place to a considerable extent uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study we aim to elucidate the premises of the emergence of the phenomenon of the so-called „Putinist state", of the „Putinism Doctrine as Future's Ideology" in V. Surkov's approach. We set also the intention to highlight, in this regard, the evolution of Vladimir Putin's rhetoric in the period of 2000-2019. We have reserved a special place for the analysis of positioning technologies of the Kremlin's leader in the 2018 presidential elections, at the moment when the relations between the Russian Federation and the West became particularly tense, some analysts even reffering to a new phase of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores the issue of Romania's neighbourhood policy after the end of the Cold War, from the perspective of border security and state reunification projects. The study is structured in two parts. The first sub-theme of the first part is the relations between Romania and Hungary, being evaluated both the moments of collaboration and the tense ones. The second subchapter analyses the issue of the restoration of the Great Romania by uniting with the Republic of Moldova, highlighting the key elements in the bilateral relations. Finally, the third subchapter of the first part of the study makes a brief presentation of the relations between Romania and Ukraine in relation to the subject of Northern Bukovina and the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact. In the second part of the research is analysed the issue of the restoration of Great Romania from the perspective of the public opinion and of the political parties in Romania and the Republic of Moldova. At the end of the study are included some observations on the prospects for the restoration of Great Romania in the foreseeable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the end of the Cold War, the Caspian Sea has undergone a global geo-economic and geopolitical transformation, becoming an important region for Western countries and for international oil and gas companies. The hydrocarbon resources in the Caspian states have greatly influenced the formation of new international relations in the region, changing the periphery status of the Black Sea. This article focuses on the energy transformations in the Caspian Sea and the Black Sea, after the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. The article tries to highlight the main characteristics of global actors in Black Sea, and their influences in the energy field. These global actors with varying degrees of influence manipulate policy options in the region, the effects is visible in the economic field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During its first half of a century of existence, the United Nations had to face the hardships of the Cold War. Nevertheless, the UN managed to establish basics concepts, principles, institutions and rules necessary to set the foundation for its main purpose, which is to ensure the collective security of the planet. During this period, the decolonization and the fall of communism brought most of the world under the bright blue flag, but the number of peace operations was limited, due to the antagonism between the two political-military blocs. At the end of the fifty years considered here, there were expectations and disappointment, but the UN evolved in two directions: more feasible peace operations and the reform of the organization to fit the new challenges of the turn of the millennia, whence globalization is the pinnacle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, published in 4 parts, presents the background, principles, role of Romania, Lessons Learned and importance for contemporary world order of the sino-US secret negotiations held between 1968 and 1979. In this first part we present the national exceptionalism of the two parties as a potential barrier to their mutual understanding, the general historical and geopolitical background (The Cold War) of that period, the climate and context of the mutual relations, and the realistic & non-ideological principles mutually agreed upon as a sound basis for the success of their negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It's a well-known fact that the end of the Cold War has fundamentally changed the international political system. The bipolar power structure -- the international system is dominated by two superpower -- was replaced with a unipolar power structure -- the existence of a single major power that has the ability to design policies all over the world. Among the world China is seen as the next power that could replace US hegemony. By using a new type of analysis, namely hierarchy, the present article will explore if China present power changes the polarity of international relations, from unipolarity to bipolarity or multipolarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the fate of sovereignty in the post-Cold War international system. It points to some processes that undermine the traditional understanding of modern sovereignty as the exclusivity of jurisdiction over a given territory and the absence of a higher authority than the state. These processes are, first, the development of international jurisdictions that supersede the state, such as the European Court of Human Rights or the International Criminal Court; second, the emergence of a doctrine that links sovereignty to certain obligations of the state towards its citizens, under the name of "responsibility to protect"; third, the dissolution of the distinction inside/outside, as well as of the cohesion of the political community upon which the sovereign state is founded. Parallel to these processes, there is a visible tendency of the state to reassert its sovereignty through a tighter control over the society and its territory, and through the manipulation of the discourse on security and danger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public diplomacy was one of the key Cold War weapons but, with the end of the bipolar world, it became less popular. After September 2001, which triggered a global debate on public diplomacy, and public diplomacy has become an issue in most countries. Many ministries of foreign affairs now develop a public diplomacy policy of their own. Their association with public diplomacy can be seen as a symptom of the rise of soft power or, at another level, as the effect of broader processes of change in diplomatic practice. The new public diplomacy has in fact become part of the changing fabric of international relations. Foreign publics now matter to practitioners of diplomacy that was unthinkable as little as twenty-five years ago. This article joins the debate on new public diplomacy in theoretical and methodological terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The totalitarian nature of the conflicts of the 20th century and the extension of the concepts of national defense overpasses the traditional boundary between civil and military areas. Psychological war, which manifested either through a threat to use means of political, economical or military constraint, or through the effective use of these means, proved to be an important feature in the state-to-state relations. Psychological actions were in the core of the 20th century war. Various methods were used in order to ruin the moral of the enemy and to get support from the people. This paper presents the actions of disinformation and propaganda develops by the Securitate, the secret service of Romanian's communist regime, in the Western's countries. In the acceptation of the communist regimes, disinformation did not mean replacing the truth with a lie, but substitution the true information with the ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conjunction between globalization, development and human security is absolutely necessary and extremely useful to understand and to explain the contemporary space of international relations. The globalization process, even more obvious after the end of Cold War, offers the conditions to define human development and human security, focusing on the normative priority of the impact of policies on the individual. The international space, transformed under the pressure of globalization, becomes relevant in the extent that an alternative discourse that encompasses all these transformations comes out. This new narration transforms the individual in the referent object of development and security, as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of international relations as well as the theory and practice of social work owe much to the concept of „security”. „Security” is a fundamental value of any contemporary social system. Traditionally speaking, function of the attribute that qualified the concept, we understood the particular localization of a certain study within the area of social sciences: international security or regional security made recourse to domains completely different from social security, food security or human security. After 1990, the field of international relations is confronted with the new reality that military threats no longer define the international arena post-Cold War. The result is the broadening of the concept of security and, at the same time, the discovery and conceptualization of the values of human security, which are values pertaining to the field of social work par excellence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the dynamic 1960s-1970s the world experienced a new phase in the East-West conflict: the Cold War gradually turned into Détente, the confrontation into antagonistic cooperation. The Federal Republic of Germany developed, next to the Détente-concepts of the two superpowers (USA and SU) and the multilateral Détente-concept of the CSCE, two specific forms of Détente: the Ostpolitik and the Deutschlandpolitik. The following paper aims to provide an overview of the two concepts, their practical implementation, their successes and limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviving the Romanian foreign policy underwent an unprecedented increase after the declaration of the Romanian Workers' Party's position on issues of international communist movement and workers in April 1964. The document says the Romanian political elite's autonomy from the Soviet era and marked the distancing of Romania from the Soviet foreign policy, helping to legitimize nationalist leaders in Bucharest. This autonomy was limited; however, it is not any major ideological difference with Moscow. Strengthening political autonomy towards Moscow required achievement of economic autonomy. This purpose could be achieved only under conditions of normalization of relations with the West, which would provide new markets for raw materials and the Romanian products and, especially, access to modern industrial technologies. The timing for launching this policy benefited a favorable international context. In the early '60s, the U.S. launched a new strategy of relations with communist countries, the so-called "building bridges policy". U.S. policy was designed to give new impetus to the opening with the East, to settle communication channels with the Soviet Union's satellite countries in Eastern Europe and to accelerate the process of European detente. The relevance of the new American political strategy against the East and its long-term impact did not seize as opportunity for politicians in Bucharest. This led to the normalization of relations with Western countries through an unprecedented series of diplomatic actions in the short history of the Romanian communist state until then; Bucharest initiated a comprehensive program of agreements with Western countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]