Search

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Considering both the contrasting positions of the West and the East, as well as the increasingly complicated relationship between the US and China, which presents itself as an exponent of the emerging, multipolar or post-American world, this article aims to infer the meanings currently attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence applied in China's foreign policy, how it has evolved, from the Sino-soviet dispute to present, and to what extend does this concept characterize China's policy towards Africa and the emerging states in general. The first part of the paper focuses on the Sino-Soviet dispute and the differences in the meanings attributed to the concept of peaceful coexistence, which, although foreign to the Western literature of international relations, still seems to constitute the central theme of the Chinese Communist Party, being present in most of the speeches and documents of foreign policy issued by the Chinese government. Moreover, I will analyze the extent to which China's involvement and relationship with the African states - and the other BRICS states - reflects the principles of the concept of peaceful coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The major objective of this paper is to re-evaluate the EU-China bilateral relations under the recent Community initiatives and also from the perspective of the visit by the China's President to the EU. The Joint Communication of the European Commission and the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy entitled "EU-China Strategic Perspective" but also the Strategic Dialogue and the Legal Affairs Dialogue of March 2019 identified a set of recommendations for the member states so that their coordinated actions lead to fair, equitable and mutually beneficial relations. In general, most of the old EU member states are the ones who strongly support the Community initiatives in relationship with China, while countries such as Greece, Italy, Portugal and also countries of Central and Eastern Europe rely on cooperation with China not only due to economic reasons, but also motivated by their expected role within the EU. The multiple interpretations of President Xi's visit to the EU highlight the need for unity among member states, but taking into account the benefits of participating in large-scale Chinese initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is analyzing the evolution of the economical relations between China and the USA at the beginning of the XXI century and comes to the conculusion, that there is a economical interdependency between those 2 states, becuase both of them need the other ones market to sell its products and to deliver certain services for its population. China has become in the last years the second economical partner for the USA woldwide, after Canada. But this economical balance is put down by the USA with the help of Saudi Arabia, a state under the influence of the United States, which is delivering the most oil and gas for the chinese economy. China is trying to re-balance by importing more from the Iran, an traditional enemy of the United States, but Iran does not have for the moment the capacity to satisfy the chinese economy. As part of the conclusions of the paper, we can say that the balance of economical interdependency is still existing, but the influence of western democracy on China will put one day an end to nowdays chinese ideology and way of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to assess the implication of China in a potential World War Three in Syria. It analyses the way in which China offered its support to the region, but also the fact that in a war scenario, it will definitely join the Russian and Iran coalition. On the dark side of the story, there is an explanation of how the muslims plan to take over several countries teritory and ocupy a vast region, over three continents in order to create an enormous caliphate ruled by the Sharia law. Furthermore, people of the high class and elites all over the world, already started to prepare for a potential war, building bunkers where they can survive a potential war. In order for this not to happen, several world powers have been taking action in the region for quite a while now. Military troops and equipment have been deployed, in order to control and eliminate ISIS. Although, in this particular sittuation, there is a worldwide debate, if this is not actually part of a NWO plan. All of the countries taking part to the events in the region must be very carefull, not to accidentally do something that might start a global war. For this particular reason, China did not send yet any military troops and tries to still keep themselves out of the military ecuation. Besides this, they are not even taking any refugees, but on the other hand, they are very interested in maintaining their economic interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an era of globalization we are witnessing the migration of foreign policy interests of international actors. Central Asia has become an area where great powers, which include Russian Federation, European Union, United States of America, and China, have common interests. Most times they overlap or intersect, leading to the emergence of dissent diplomatic or economic order. The area is important because of available energy resources, but also because of the trade routes that exist here and unite East and West. What makes the difference between the major interests of these actors is the ability to win the political and economic war in Central Asia being based on their historical presence in those territories. The ultimate objective of this paper is to highlight the objectives of foreign and security policies of great powers that have economic, political and geostrategic interests in Central Asia so that they can reveal the direction of national policies of those countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is well-known that the People's Republic of China's attitude towards the military interventions by other states and organization on the territory of third states has been traditionally guided by the rules of the UN Charter and that it only accepted military interventions with self-defensive purposes, collective security actions with a clear mandate given by the UNSC, while rejecting ab initio unilateral armed interventions without a proper UNSC mandate. PRC is strongly opposed especially to military actions that results into interference in the domestic affairs of other sovereign states. Also, Beijing has made a tradition of not recognizing territorial annexations resulting from the use of military force, nor the emergence of new states as a result of illegal military interventions by other states or organizations. Thus, it did not recognize the temporary annexation of Kuwait to Iraq (1990), later it did not recognize Kosovo, nor Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states. But in the recent years, as Sino-American rivalry become stronger and the western states (the NATO and EU members) began to gradually limit China's trading and technological freedom on their territories, Beijing turned to Russian Federation and they created a strategic partnership against Western values and strategic aims. Therefore, PRC became much more tolerant with Moscow's aggressive behavior and refrained from condemning Russian attack on Ukraine. The Chinese propaganda but also the scientific experts prefer to blame USA (and NATO as such) for having isolated and frustrated Russia, while avoiding to name Russia as a genuine aggressor in international law. Thus, China seems to gradually moving away from its strict adherence to the UN Charter's norm restricting the use of force in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gândirea Militară Românească is the property of Romanian Armed Forces Defence Staff and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of the 'Carol I' National Defence University / Buletinul Universitatii Nationale de Aparare 'Carol I' is the property of Carol I National Defence University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gândirea Militară Românească is the property of Romanian Armed Forces Defence Staff and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Institutional Economics is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For the first time in the modern era, the most powerful state in the world -- which is supposed to become China -- will not be one of the West and will be one with very different civilization roots. In the West, there is a widespread assumption that as countries modernize, they also westernize, but on the Chinese case, this is an illusion. At the same time, there is an assumption that modernity is a simple product of competition, markets and technology. But that's not the case. Modernity is equally shaped by history and culture. China is not like the West nor will it become like this. It will remain fundamentally different in many aspects. The question is how can we try to understand what China is? In this regard, the problem we face in the West is that there is a conventional approach on China by which we understand it through western terms, using western ideas. What is clear is that using western concepts we can not understand anything about this state. The world can be understood and interpreted only within particular cultural and linguistic framework. Each state owns specific lenses through which it perceives the world and so is China. We need to be very objective and seek getting a sense of the shades which make China being Chinese. There is a specific Chinese identity and strategic culture we need to discover and try to understand it in order to make clear what truly represents the nowadays Chinese doctrine and also how the future may be shaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a strong preoccupation within the Chinese political elites to enhance and accelerate the reform of the armed forces in order to prepare the country for its new global role and defend its national interests. The rivalry with southern neighbours for islands and maritime area in South China Sea, the difficult relations with India and geopolitiucal competition with Japan, also the systemic rivalry with the USA push Chinese elites to strive for a strong military force. The People s Liberation Army is also a guarantee for the Chinese Communist Party, the leading force of the state and society, that a possible popular surge against the regime could be quelled, thus ensuring the stability and social peace within the country. The problem is that an armed force destined for internal strife is not shaped the same way as a force aimed at foreign rivals and power projection in the neighboring areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article tries to capture the increased attention that the Chinese authorities attach to the use of cultural diplomacy in order to promote China’s image in the world. In this respect, Chinese diplomacy has turned increasingly in recent years, toward soft power component. Distinguishing between public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, the authors highlight the fact that the cultural fi eld has become the third pillar of Chinese diplomacy, after the political pillar and the economic one. In this context it is considered the role played by the Confucius Institutes in China’s cultural diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rising importance of Asia-Pacifi c region and its major positive impact over the global economy and also the political, economical and military developments of the region's states had as effect the disputes debacle generated by the territorial strifes from region. It is well-known the fact that the main tensions in the region are generated by the different interpretation of these actors, base don their own strategic interests, its evolutions being very diffi cult to manage due to the fact that any decision to support one of the parts is based on pure political consideration and less by the historical and, sometimes, geographic truth. Furthermore, taking into consideration the throwing back of the differences regarding the demarcation of the boundaries (terrestrial and maritime), the claims over the unilateral exploitations of some energy resources (oil, natural gas), mineral (gold, platinum) and detention of the maritime transport routes, it could be stated that the potential to burst an open confl ict is proning to rise. In this context of regional and international security, China`s incisive behaviour toward the South China Sea was increasing simultaneously with the state`s economic development and with the tightening of competition with USA in Asia-Pacifi c region. In Chinese foreign strategy, South China Sea is the “boundary line” between China and USA, and the Beijing`s force demonstrations in area are destined to Washington and not to region`s states (including those with territorial claims in SCS) to which keeps up availability to dialog and cooperation. The perseverence to which China is holding on its ambiguity regarding the decision to use the “9-Dashes-lines-map” in order to claim total sovereignity over the entire maritime area included within the “9-Dashes-lines” could be viewed also as a possible preservation of fl exibility in pursuing its maritime claims in SCS while making it more diffi cult for the other regional actors to defi ne specifi c objectivs or pursue legal challenges to those claims. It does appear clear that, next to Chinese Law on Territorial Sea and Contiguos Zone, enacted in 1992, the implementation, beginning with January 1st 2014, of some fi shing regulations in area represent more than evidences of the Chinese administrative control wielded by facto in almost entire SCS. The incisiveness rising of the fl eet commanders existent in region toward the freedom of navigation in South China Sea, sometimes in disagreement with those of Presidential Administration, generated the tension`s emphasis in area, with a strong echo on international level due to the fact that in not oppugning anymore the freedom of navigation in region (FON), but the peculiarly right to transit an exclusive economic zone (territorial sea) of a coastal country or/and to conduct “military surveys” in these zones without giving prior notifi cation to this state. Unfortunately, the future actions of the American side in the area could led to the acceleration of the build/upgrading activities of the Chinese authorities in disputed islands and making the regional states to feel more threatened, cancelling the main purpose of FON activities, relatively the exclusive economic zones regime (stipulated in United Nations Convention on the law of Sea - UNCLOS), and setting China and USA in a dangerous spire of proving their supremacy in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on China's economic sector and the implications of recent evolutions in the stock market. It introduces a brief presentation of the structure of China's recent economic issues, and analyses the evolution paths and latest performances of the markets. Furthermore the relationship between China's economic growth, economic development and its stock market evolution is presented. In end of the article it is argued that China's economic sector is strongly interlinked with the security sphere, and specific measures are drawn together in perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the close relations developed between the Romanian and Spanish Communist parties in the context of the Soviet-led intervention in Czechoslovakia. It explores the similarities and differences between the visions of Nicolae Ceaușescu and Santiago Carrillo on the reform of the world Communist movement and also the new meaning attributed by both to proletarian internationalism. Drawing on transcripts of their conversations in crucial political moments, the article reveals how Eastern and Western Communists found ways to work together in order to undermine Soviet control over world Communism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Global Economics / Revista de Economie Mondială is the property of Institute for World Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the military intervention in Czechoslovakia, in August 1968, Ceausescu's position in front of Moscow was much weaker. In the summer of 1969, in Moscow, after long preparations, a worldwide conference of Communist parties had been convoked. Brezhnev cared so much for it, expecting it to confirm Moscow's leading role in the World Communist Movement. Once again, Ceausescu was in a position to resist, reaffirming his principles of foreign policy and, more than anything, to prevent a public condemnation of China, which would have ruined the balance of his policy. The fact that the conference ended without a denunciation of the Chinese was a success especially for Ceausescu, more so as it was obtained immediately after another major event: the Sino-Soviet armed clashes at border. Using Khrushchevist arguments, the Romanian delegation opposed the condemnation of a party that was not present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the literature on Chinas rising to prominence has almost become a field in itself, rather few studies dwell upon the bilateral relations between worlds still hegemon and its challenger. The present study reflects on the domestic consequences stemming from US-China economic ties. Having as a theoretical background Robert Gilpins hegemonic stability theory along with democratic peace theory, the claims made here are that a prolonged US-China interdependence may have as result Americas eroding republican institutions and Chinas liberalisation. A less democratic America and a slightly more liberal (but still authoritarian) China will probably be more aggressive one to each other and destabilize the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]