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Suggests that the Luso-Brazilian Accord is a strategy to spread the Portuguese language in Africa, particularly in the former colonies of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome e Principe, and to construct and solidify a community of lusophone nations in geopolitical terms in world affairs. Language planning in these countries must take into consideration cultural, political, linguistic, and ethnic situation of each nation. (Author/VWL)

Anchored in notes elaborated in a multispecies ethnography, this text formulates a reading of biological science laboratories as situating practices of human and non-human actors. For this, the authors bring up plants from/in the caatinga, laboratory equipment, chemical reagents and biologists as entities that act collectively to produce slides with plant pieces that circulate in physical spaces and in texts, becoming entities capable of, although distant from their referents (the plants of the caatinga), informing the transformations (and impacts) of the environments in which they inhabit. It is argued that the actors, human or not, involved in multispecies plots of biological science laboratories, respond from their own agendas that, when tuned, bring outresearch, laboratories and other territories in a constant work of mediation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay seeks to analyze the practices of governmentality adopted during the Bolsonaro government and examine the forms of resistance employed by minority and cultural groups. By exploring the fusion between religious values and state principles, we highlight the instrumentalization of evangelical precepts in government policies, compromising neutrality and the effective promotion of human rights. The phenomenon, as discussed, reflects a kind of"cultural politics" that seeks to modify behaviors based on specific principles, as exemplified by the motto "God, Country, and Family". The imposition of a singular and hegemonic view on culture has resulted in the marginalization of diverse expressions and the suppression of plural perspectives. In this context, Michel de Certeau provides insights into the practice and theory of culture, emphasizing the importance of renouncing the pretense of imposing generalities that eliminate other existences.

The article examines the main ideological currents of the Lat-in American left, the reasons for the “left drift” of the early 21st century, so as the particularities and consequences of the new “pink wave.” The author notes that despite the radical slogans, the new left is closer to the center-left preaching the ideas of social democracy. Unlike classical Marxists, they do not offer a model of an alternative society. In the economic sphere, priority is given not to economic growth, but to the development of science, innovative technologies and digitali-zation, the social sphere is based on solving pressing prob-lems and greater justice. The new generation of leftists advocates strict adherence to democratic principles; the environ-mental component also occupies a large place in their programs. Priority attention is paid to overcoming the discrimination of various categories of citizens, to social inclusion and gender issues. Foreign policy is based on multivector and mutually beneficial relations with all states.

The essay analyzes how F. Hayek’s economic proposal is fundamental for Bolsonarism in Brazil. It examines aspects of Hayek’s according to his statements about Brazilian politics in the 1970s. It introduces two of those responsible for Hayek’s popularization in Brazil, and then examines how the theoretical principles of Liberty are inconsistent with its actual practices. It shows how this conception of Freedom is essential for Bolsonarism to propose a general privatization of relationships as a safeguard for a protected personal sphere and a basis for the foundation of a new politics.

This article presents an overview of local radio based on its connections with politics in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, located in the Midwest of Brazil. Methodologically, the investigation is grounded in the cartography method, which allowed for the identification, through the inventory of sound broadcasting in Mato Grosso do Sul, of politicians who currently or previously held radio concessions, either in the present or in the recent past. It was also possible to identify political communicators with state-level representation who use radio waves to achieve success at the polls. The link between radio and politics, from the economic perspective ensured through state advertising, was measured by a structured questionnaire applied to the directors of 16 stations located in the main cities of Mato Grosso do Sul. The data demonstrate that the relationship between radio and politics is intertwined with issues of ownership, economic dependence in terms of sustainability through state advertising, and programming led by political agents who use this strategy to build loyalty among potential voters in elections held biennially in the local region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes sources linked to Operation Condor found in the Archivo del Terror in Paraguay. The political situation of the Guarani country in the second half of the 20th century was marked by the dictatorship of General Alfredo Stroessner (1954-1989), with a base supported by State institutions, the war apparatus of the military and political parties that supported him, such as the Partido Colorado. The analysis focuses on documents from the dictatorial power itself found at the end of 1992 near Asunción. The collection is made up of thousands of documents of different types, such as letters, memos, letters, invitations, orders, reports, various controls, among others. The results of the article come from a qualitative analysis of the sources, seeking to uncover hidden facts in the contemporary history of Paraguay that show the violence that exists in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze the role of the people in Polybius’s political thought, as presented in Book VI of his Histories. We argue the hypothesis that, according to the Greek author, there is no politics without the people, a conception that remains embodied both in the Polybian cycle of singular regimes and in the proposed model of the Roman mixed constitution. The emergence of what distinguishes what is properly human coincides with the emergence of the conditions of possibility of politics. With these two processes, the multitude transforms into the people. To support these ideas, we must engage with three prevalent readings in the field of critical examination, whose developments go in the opposite direction to the one we propose here: that, due to its aristocratic trait, Polybius assigned a secondary place to the people in his political theory; that anacyclosis holds an exclusive relationship of contrast with the Roman composite regime; and that the theory of the Greek author should be analyzed exclusively in light of historical truth. We present divergent interpretations of these in order to assume the necessary intermediary hypotheses for the grounding of the central argument of the work. The structure of the text involves five parts, in this order: introduction with preliminary presentation of the central hypothesis and the questions that problematize it; theoretical centrality and structure of Book VI; analysis of the cycle of singular regimes; examination of the Roman mixed constitution with emphasis on the role of the people; and response to the questions raised with a view to a grounded reaffirmation of the main hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo presenta un análisis de los discursos producidos por Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) y Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015) cada 2 de abril durante sus mandatos presidenciales de Argentina, en ocasión del Día de los Caídos y Veteranos de la Guerra de Malvinas (1982). Adoptando el análisis del discurso como práctica interpretativa (Arnoux “Análisis del discurso como campo académico,” Análisis del discurso. Modos de abordar materiales de archivo), se estudian distintos aspectos de la materialidad lingüística que exponen distancias interpretativas sobre la guerra. Específicamente, el análisis se organiza en cuatro ejes: la configuración del adversario, el tipo de emociones desplegadas, la consideración de la guerra como causa nacional o causa dictatorial y la representación de los combatientes. Comparar los discursos de ambxs líderes a partir de estas dimensiones permitirá comprender cómo la memoria de Malvinas se configura discursivamente desde posiciones políticas e ideológicas no exentas de tensiones. This paper aims to analyze the commemorative speeches produced by former Argentine presidents Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015) each April 2nd, the Day of the Fallens and Veterans of the Malvinas War (1982). By adopting Discourse Analysis as an interpretative practice (Arnoux, “Análisis del discurso como campo académico,” Análisis del discurso. Modos de abordar materiales de archivo), we study different aspects of the linguistic materiality that uncover interpretative gaps about the War. We especially focus on five axes: the configuration of the adversary, the kind of emotions, the understanding of war as a national or a dictatorial cause, and the representation of combatants. Comparing the discourses of both leaders by taking these axes into account allows us to understand how the memory about Malvinas is discursively configured from a political and ideological position, not without tension.

This paper aims to add to the debate on the negative externalities of tourism-related megaprojects. It examines the policy adoption and implementation of two contentious airport projects in two tourist-heavy regions, Heraklion (Kastelli), Greece, and Cusco (Chinchero), Peru. In the context of destination competitiveness and commitment to neoliberal economic growth, national and regional governments in both countries became attracted by the idea of regional economic development and further increasing the number of international tourists and tourism investments. Deciding whether building a new airport serves the public interest or not is a complex policy problem with technical uncertainties and conflicting interests, which entails both a technical and political process of expressing and pairing policy actors’ goals and means. The aim of the paper is to identify similarities and differences between the tactics adopted and arguments used for and against the two airport development projects by the respective advocacy coalitions.

This article aims to trace the process of institutionalization of Oral History in Brazil, which was formalized in 1994 with the creation of the Brazilian Association of Oral History (ABHO), emphasizing its relations with the International Oral History Association (IOHA). The intention is to examine the impact of this new entity on the expansion and diversification of this research field and demonstrate how Brazilian researchers have significantly influenced the international oral history movement. To illustrate this point, the article anlyzes Brazilian participation in IOHA conferences over its 27 years of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to show how local political culture can influence what makes the news, i.e. how it becomes a newsworthiness factor. A highlight on a news website can become news without any attribute (intrinsic factor), but only because of the power of the elite (extrinsic factor). We analyze the elite power factor in northeastern Brazilian state news in the pre-election period of the 2020 municipal elections. We examine eight regional websites from the two richest and two poorest regions of Bahia. We want to show how a highlight can become news without any intrinsic factor to the fact, but only by elite power as an extrinsic factor. As an alternative to traditional classifications, we suggested an analysis of news values with separation between intrinsic and extrinsic and then the study of the focus-event. We conclude that one in every ten highlights of the eight websites in the countryside of Bahia during the 2020 pre-election period has elite power as the only newsworthiness criterion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trabalhos em Lingüística Aplicada is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of MATRIZes is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Programa de Pos Graduacao em Ciencias da Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Comportamentalia is the property of Instituto de Psicologia y Educacion de la Universidad Veracruzana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract: We evaluated the hypothesis of an association between excess mortality and political partisanship in Brazil using municipal death certificates registered in the Brazilian Ministry of Health database and first-round electoral results of Presidential elections in 2018 and 2022. Considering the former Brazilian President’s stance of discrediting and neglecting the severity of the pandemic, we expect a possible relationship between excessive mortality rates during the COVID-19 health crisis and the number of municipal votes for Bolsonaro. Our results showed that, in both elections, the first-round percentage of municipal votes for Bolsonaro was positively associated with the peaks of excess deaths across Brazilian municipalities in 2020 and 2021. Despite the excess mortality during the pandemic, the political loyalty to Bolsonaro remained the same during the electoral period of 2022. A possible explanation for this is linked to the Brazilian political scenario, which presents an environment of tribal politics and affective polarization.

Conventional wisdom believes that increased prosperity brings with it increased security. As individual, group and national material fortunes rise, domestic crime decreases and tensions ease between States. Yet, in South America improved macroeconomic indicators derived from increased trade within and from without the region have not followed convention. Not only has domestic insecurity increased, but the entrance of the People’s Republic of China as a major regional trade partner has heightened tensions with the United States, which sees a growing security threat associated with the PRC regional presence. Since the US adheres to the Monroe Doctrine as the basis for its regional security posture, this opens up the possibility of conflict with the PRC over its South American activities.

Recently, the logic of public health prevention has found a foothold in research and advocacy about homelessness. From a commonsense perspective, the prevention of a social problem like homelessness is an objectively positive aim. However, in the realm of social and health policy, the concept of prevention is not simply a common-sense word. It is part of a wider set of rationalities and technologies of governance which operate in and through the institution of public health. Research demonstrates that state-driven interventions designed to advance the health of a population often pose problems for particular groups. Prevention efforts, and their differential effects, thus have the potential to illuminate how state-interventions pursued with the objective of safe-guarding the public in general may simultaneously exacerbate specific structural and systemic forms of inequality. In this article, we probe the ethical, empirical, and political dimensions of state-driven responses to the coronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19) public health crisis, surfacing some of the ways these interventions posed problems for people who are homeless and experience intersecting health and socio-political disparities. From this vantage point, we then look critically at moves to frame homelessness as a public health crisis, as well as government efforts to prevent homelessness by drawing on public health rationalities. Although our focus is homelessness prevention, as constructed and pursued by governments, our analysis is inspired by critical public health scholarship that challenges the apparent impartiality of prevention as a central logic and set of practices in public health contexts.

Este trabajo aborda la cuestión del carácter utópico del libro, de la acción y del proyecto político y cultural de Alfonso X. Para tratar de establecer si cabe considerar que las obras del Rey Sabio pueden considerarse utópicas, se analizarán tres aspectos: la propia realización de los códices, como plasmación de un proyecto de reforma; el carácter inconcluso de este proyecto que parece adscribir lo utópico a lo irrealizable; el desplazamiento de la utopía de la obra en sí a su hacedor, el rey. This paper addresses the question of the utopian character of the book, of Alfonso X’s action and of his political and cultural project. To try to establish whether the works of this king can be considered utopian, three aspects will be analysed: the actual creation of the codices, as the embodiment of a reform project; the unfinished nature of this project, which seems to ascribe the utopian to the unrealisable; and the shift of the utopia from the work itself to its maker, the king.

The Great War brought about important changes in the way society perceived gender roles and norms. Women entered the public sphere because their contribution was needed to the war effort; they were assigned various jobs, which allowed them to become more independent than ever before. Stereotypes and patriarchal bias were still common, and women writers tried to use literature as a medium to propagate feminist ideas. It is the case of Edith Wharton who, although not a declared feminist, attempted to challenge patriarchal power. Her short story “Writing a War Story” introduces the reader to a plot that becomes subversive to male authority.

Copyright of Pixo: Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade is the property of Pixo Revista de Arquitetura Cidade e Contemporaneidade and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The missionaries of the Society of Jesus emerged as significant social and political agents in the Colony, allowing the presence of the crown to be felt. As these men took on the responsibility for the health care of the colony's inhabitants, this enabled the Order to build a significant body of knowledge, the restricted circulation of which among its members conferred political importance upon them in the Portuguese Court. Communication, in this context, is positioned as a tool for gathering power in the face of situations experienced by the missionaries, due to its political dimension. Lastly, we seek to highlight the role of the circulation of missionary knowledge in the process of power configuration in the colonial world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a tendency in certain areas of educational research sectors, many of them progressive, to encourage new practices, to recognize diversity and cultural dynamics, to invest in change to solve the education crisis so that it is possible to finally build a school for the 21st century. When we read "Education 2021: for a history of the future", by Nóvoa (2009), do we not come across the same dream? It's striking that proposals for the future and a new tomorrow for the school must be constructed, but always mediated by the onirian liberal horizon. We wonder whether it is possible to organize these proposals in a form of capitalist social organization that is inherently concerned with forming subjects in the logic of the market. This text thus aims to dialogue with the educational tendencies and Nóvoa's proposals (2009), problematizing them and briefly comparing them with the events and results from the second decade of the 21st century on, from the author's perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maintenance of memory in the face of the policy of erasing collective trauma acts as resistance and prevention of the cyclical repetition of history. From another perspective, the alleged maintenance of memory can also be a way of legitimizing policies that deprive the status of subjects of memory to make them the object of a memory narrated by others. The character in the short story “Melhor a ementa que o cianeto” (in reference to the popular saying ‘The remedy is worse than the disease’) by Ana Margarida de Carvalho becomes the target of these policies. Published in “Uma terra prometida” (A promised land), 2016, the story has as its protagonist a resident of an institution for elderly refugees. At this institution, he is constantly questioned about his memories, to fill gaps in the narratives that European organizations have about their past. Narrated in third person, the story summarizes the institutional attempt to manage these memories as a reparative mechanism. Therefore, we seek to establish from the refugee character an understanding of the political use of memory that is not anchored in the stratagems of forgetting, but in remembering. To make these considerations viable, we will rely on the discussions by Jeanne Marie Gagnebin (2009) and Aleida Asmann (2011) about the indissociation between the movements of remembering and forgetting and by Judith Butler (2015) and Andreas Huyssen (2014) on the discourse of memory and the ethics of forgetting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the incessant return of the Brazilian national team jersey between June 2013 and the government of Jair Bolsonaro mean? What is its role? What does football have to do with Brazil's public life in the early 21st century? Does its intervention in the recent political and social history of the country limit itself to the appearance of the national team jersey and its appropriation by extreme-right movements and parties? These are some of the questions that this article seeks to answer. To do so, the analysis mobilizes the theoretical-methodological framework of Greimas' discursive semiotics and Jurij Lotman's semiotics of culture, combining micro analyses of specific texts, practices, and discourses with macro analyses of broader and transversal sociocultural configurations, revealing the links between the semiospheres of football, politics, media, and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Moral Foundations Theory postulates that liberals and conservatives are guided by distinct moral foundations, which can be used as a strategy for political persuasion, as well as influencing voting behavior. In the present paper, we carried out four studies. Participants responded to an online instrument composed of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, their intention to vote, to assign the position to candidates for the presidency, and their demographic data. The studies identified that the individualizing foundations influenced the intention to vote for left-wing candidates, while the binding foundations influenced the intention to vote for right-wing candidates in Brazil's 2018 and 2022 presidential elections. Therefore, the MFT is a robust model for understanding aspects of Brazilian political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Debater A Europa is the property of Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal is the property of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal is the property of Abriu, Estudos de Textualidade do Brasil, Galicia e Portugal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Arcos: Design, Cultura e Visualidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Comunicação Midiática is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista, Faculdade de Arquitetura, Artes e Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I want to point out that the establishment of the modern discursive space, as formulated by Kant, stems from the Copernican turn in philosophy. The suppression of ontology raises the question of the relationship between knowledge and experience. At first, in the Critique of Pure Reason, this question is addressed by resorting to the theological idea of special metaphysics, which produces the transcendental illusion and is rehabilitated by critique as a regulative idea. In a second moment, with aesthetic reflective judgment, this recourse to metaphysics gives way to transcendental intersubjectivity, which refers to the healthy exercise of the faculty of judgment as a guarantor of the meaning of experience. Thus, the open and plural discursive space typical of modernity is formed, the same space that today is being questioned as abstract, ideological and exclusionary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Nick Onuf’s constructivism is one of the most important contributions to the field of international relations in what regards the interchange between social and political theories, and philosophy. In this text, I engage with Onuf’s body of work taken as a whole. The guiding thread of the problematization I propose is woven through the attention to how Onuf’s craft and creative undertaking sets certain beginnings in the construction of his framework, and how setting them has important implications for (the conception of) ‘politics’. I would argue that Onuf’s conception of politics is sustained on two central beginnings: the conception of humans as ‘rational agents’ and the framing of what has come to be called ‘modernity’. This way, I emphasize what seems to me the most enduring contribution his body of work can provide not only to the field of international relations, but also to contemporary social and political theories more generally. The first section outlines the relation Onuf establishes between rules and rule, while the following two sections deal, in turn, with his conceptions of ‘agency’ and the ‘modern world’. My goal in these first three sections is to reconfigure Onuf’s constructivism. The fourth and final section moves ahead, giving a step further – perhaps too far, perhaps too radical –, paving a critical engagement with his work through peripheral (re)begininngs.

Abstract This study aimed to estimate the prevalence of alterations in self-perceived mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic and their associated factors in four Latin American countries. This is a cross-sectional study based on data collected from adults in 2021 through the Collaborative Response COVID-19 Survey by the MacDonnell Academy at Washington University in St. Louis (United States). The sample was composed of 8,125 individuals from Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Chile. A generalized linear model for a binary outcome variable with a logistic link and fixed country effects was used. There were 2,336 (28.75%) individuals who considered having suffered alterations in self-perceived mental health. Unemployed individuals (OR = 1.40; 95%CI: 1.24-1.58), those with bad/regular quality of life (OR = 5.03; 95%CI: 4.01-6.31), and those with high socioeconomic status (OR = 1.66; 95%CI: 1.41-1.96) had a higher risk of self-perceived mental health alterations than those with full-time employment, excellent quality, and low socioeconomic status. According to the fixed-effects model, Brazilians living in the country during the pandemic, who disagreed with their government’s decisions (OR = 2.05; 95%CI: 1.74-2.42) and lacked trust in their government (OR = 2.10; 95%CI: 1.74-2.42) had a higher risk of having self-perceived mental health alterations. Nearly 30% of respondents indicated that the COVID-19 pandemic altered their self-perceived mental health. This outcome was associated with political, sociodemographic, and health risk factors. These findings should help policymakers develop post-pandemic community interventions.

Objective/Context: This article introduces debates on the relationship between gender and politics in various fields of analysis. Although gender, as an analytical category, is essentially political, such a condition is not automatic as it results from a variety of ways in which activisms and specialized knowledges understand each issue. Methodology: We review some moments and general contributions to the subject that allow us to discover the originality and particularity of an emerging and innovative literature we selected for this special issue. Conclusions: It becomes evident that the gender perspective is not limited to dealing with women’s issues but allows for understanding the organization of society in its different spheres under a new light. There are, however, topics that still deserve to be brought to the center of these debates, such as the question of politics without the State being a point of reference, new forms of government that are genderized, and sexuality, and the place of masculinities as an object of analysis and intervention in policies. Originality: This issue presents feminist readings of wars and political transitions, as well as the possibility of reading other dimensions of politics and “other politics”.

The text introduces the Débora Arango Heritage Fund, a collection of works and documents that represent the artistic and cultural legacy of Débora Arango, one of the most relevant and influential artists of Colombia in the 20th century. Arango's art was a social and political cri-tique, which led her to be censored and persecuted by the government and the conservative society of the time. The text also describes the socio-cultural context in which Arango developed her work, highlighting the misogyny and sexism widely accepted and assumed in Colombia in the 1940s, as well as the restrictive roles and stereotypes of gender, the limited access to education and job opportu-nities for women, and the normalization of gender-based violence. The influence of the church, the conservatism, and moralism promoted by the society and the sexual stig-ma faced by women who challenged the established norms are also mentioned. The text emphasizes that Arango was one of the women who challenged gender roles and conser-vative values of the time, through her artwork and politi-cal and social activism.