Search

The text examines the evolution of the labor movement among education workers during the re-democratization of the 1980s. It discusses the educational reforms implemented under new public management, fiscal adjustment, and productive restructuring, which shifted the labor movement’s stance from confrontation to negotiation and consensus, influenced by the Third Way. During the Lula and Dilma administrations (2003-2016), there was greater openness to participation and high-level negotiations, though this reduced broad mobilizations in defense of public education. During this period, unions were divided between supporters and opponents of the government. The 2008 crisis and the June 2013 protests, along with the fiscal adjustment measures of 2014, reignited strikes and mobilizations. The counter-reforms of the Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro (2019- 2020) governments repositioned the labor movement towards a convergent agenda in defense of public education. The labor movement played a crucial role in electing Lula in 2022, focusing on the revocation of counter-reforms. Finally, the text addresses recent struggles and resistance from educators and social movements against the corporate reform project in education, the current government's responses, and present challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de fontes is the property of Revista de fontes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The establishment of the Republic of Brazil in 1889 intensified discussions of anticlerical content that were fostered, among others, by freethinkers, freemasons, socialists, and anarchists, mainly due to the arrival of religious congregations in the country, identified with ultramontane catholicism. Therefore, in this article, we will deal with the propaganda to combat the Church promoted by the anarchist press with the labor movement, which, through the newspaper A Lanterna (1901-1904; 1909-1916), also brought anti-religious propositions in its framework. So, the anarchists played an essential role in the press and in the creation of fighting entities that instigated the social debate about the interference of the catholic clergy in civil society (clericalism), followed by solid criticism of religious institutions (and religion itself) that, according to the libertarian perspective, freedom of thought and social transformation were seen as obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the influence of Portuguese immigrants, as well as their political and social networks, in the construction of anarchism in Brazil since its establishment until the 1920s. militants in the Portuguese community of the Brazilian labor movement, as well as in revolutionary syndicalism and among anarchists: Joaquim Mota Assunção, Neno Vasco and Tércio Miranda. We hypothesize that Portuguese linguistic and cultural elements favored the construction of organizations that united Portuguese immigrants at first, but this did not exclude efforts for unions with the traditions of local struggles and also with other foreigners. This tendency was influenced by the ideologies gestated by the internationalist tradition and also by the transnationalist practice of the Portuguese agents or their descendants, building common class spaces between different countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to discuss the relationship between workers' militancy and repression in Recife through the path of Júlia Santiago da Conceição (1917-1988). During the democratic period (1945-1964), Pernambuco witnessed a series of political and social movements, and as a result of this effervescence would emerge, for example, communist parliamentarians, the election of Miguel Arraes as governor by the Frente do Recife (Recife Front) and the Ligas Camponesas (peasants Leagues) of Francisco Julião. Julia Santiago, however, was constantly persecuted by her bosses and arrested by Recife’s police as a result from her union activities and communist militancy. Despite being on the radar of the authorities – both factory’s and State’s – since, at least 1933, it was precisely after Estado Novo that she became the most watched and arrested. Reconstituting part of its trajectory, based on the principle of variation in the scale of analysis, it is intended to understand how militancy and repression in the workplace could coexist in the capital of Pernambuco, regardless of the current regime.

The article is an interview with Antônio Bispo dos Santos, also known as Nego Bispo, about the concept of counter-colonialism. He emphasizes the importance of moving away from the monotony of the repertoires and vocabularies used in the labor and employer movements, proposing the creation of new repertoires that can germinate and dialogue among different peoples. The interviewee also discusses the importance of biointeraction and counter-colonialism as powerful words in this context. Additionally, the interview addresses the importance of black youth in universities in the search for a new stance against colonialism. The text also discusses the dimension of environmental racism and how young people are seeking to replant and flourish other forms of activism and militancy. Finally, the interviewee highlights the importance of respecting diversity and states that the counter-colonial movement seeks to fix only its own world. [Extracted from the article]

The spread of new labor management techniques, inspired by the precepts of the scientific management and made possible by the mechanization of production, were a hallmark of industrial growth in Argentina during the 1920s, reaching the most diverse branches of production, types of factories and category of workers. In this context, expressions such as taylorismo, sistema taylor, fordismo, organización científica del trabajo, mecanización, maquinismo, but above all, racionalización, became part of a common lexicon - the so-called "new industrialist gospel" - to the most distinct social groups and that tried to account for the transformations, intentional or not, intended or in fact, that the industrial growth of the interwar period allowed the country to glimpse. In this paper we seek to reconstitute the discussions about this process of productive restructuring among the anarchist militants based in La Protesta, as well as to demonstrate how these reflections were fundamental to the strike at the General Motors plant in Buenos Aires in 1929. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the relationship between class conflicts and professional demands, taking as a reference the social determinations present in the contradictory movement of reality. It aims to problematize processes and challenges posed for social work to build relations with movements and their struggles, from the training of social workers to, especially, the professional practice in face of the substantive demand for the mobilization and organization of user-workers. Therefore, the reflections and analyses were built from a theoretical-bibliographical review of social work authors, with support in Marxist theory and method, seeking to point out that the present time demands, more than ever, the strengthening of class and anti-capitalist movements. In conclusion, the article defends the articulation of social workers with social movements as a central axis to advance in the direction of the ethical-political professional project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GVcasos: Revista Brasileira de Casos de Ensino em Administração is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on era of the Industrial Revolution with innovation and machinery contributing to the start of the labor movement and trade unionism in England. It mentions determining factors in the formation of the working class and positive and of social integration or, on the other, as a source of suffering and growing hardship. It also mentions dynamics of neoliberal capitalism in the weakening of collective work action.

Based on the analysis of historical sources of the workers’ press published in Belém between the years 1917 to 1920, this article seeks to make a survey – not exhaustive, but as broad as possible – of the cultural activities (understood as artistic and intellectual practices) carried out by the workers of the Amazonian capital in this period. Activities that include the publication of periodicals; the reading, writing and circulation of social romance books; the organization of libraries by the unions; the writing, staging and preparation of plays by militant groups; and the making, publishing and reading of poetry and songs. From the theoretical perspective of cultural materialism of Raymond Williams, these cultural activities are interpreted as both derivative and producer of class consciousness. Finally, a reflection was made on the relations of this cultural production of groups and militants and leaders and the broader “popular culture”.

Copyright of Muiraquitã: Revista de Letras e Humanidades is the property of Muiraquita and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The history of the working class has opened as its own historiographical field in Argentine historical studies. This prolific development, which encompassed the history of their organizations, struggles and political-ideological disputes, contrasts with the lack of studies on the interior of the country. Not because there are none, but because there is an unexplored terrain in the country’s interior even in its most basic aspects, contrasting with the degree of development of the historiography on Buenos Aires. This work reconstructs one of those missing, the beginnings of the labor movement in Entre Ríos. To explain the particular development we must partially reconstruct the increase in the capitalist economy associated with agricultural activity and local supply, then the progress of the first workers' organizations promoted by socialists and anarchists will be shown, to finish with a review of the main economic struggles of the period.

This article seeks to understand the spaces of organization and mobilization of communist militants in Porto Alegre between 1918 and 1930. The city of Porto Alegre was an important nucleus of the labor movement, where one of the first communist groups in Brazil was created, the União Maximalista, in 1918. The action of the militants created a territoriality in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, with an emphasis on the presence of the PCB in certain areas of the city, such as the Quarto Distrito, a region characterized by the presence of the factory proletariat. This situation changed from the end of the 1920s, with the creation of the Bloco Operário e Camponês, when the militant action spread to several regions of the city. This expansion of communist territoriality came to an abrupt end in the first months of 1930, when intense repression dismantled the movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The centenary of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) in 2022 is a great opportunity to rescue the history that it played as a political-ideological organizer of the subaltern classes in Brazil during practically the entire 20th century. Among the working-class categories that were pioneers in the construction of the Brazilian communist labor movement are hotel workers. Characterized by great instability in living and working conditions, this category of the proletariat found in the PCB during the 1920s the appropriate organizational form to seek to overcome its condition of precarity subalternity through a reform in the methods of union action, strategy and of political tactics and for a moral reform of the appropriate category for the training of revolutionary workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

this paper aims to discuss the relationship between workers' militancy and repression in Recife through the path of Júlia Santiago da Conceição (1917-1988). During the democratic period (1945-1964), Pernambuco witnessed a series of political and social movements, and as a result of this effervescence would emerge, for example, communist parliamentarians, the election of Miguel Arraes as governor by the Frente do Recife (Recife Front) and the Ligas Camponesas (peasants Leagues) of Francisco Julião. Julia Santiago, however, was constantly persecuted by her bosses and arrested by Recife's police as a result from her union activities and communist militancy. Despite being on the radar of the authorities - both factory's and State's - since, at least 1933, it was precisely after Estado Novo that she became the most watched and arrested. Reconstituting part of its trajectory, based on the principle of variation in the scale of analysis, it is intended to understand how militancy and repression in the workplace could coexist in the capital of Pernambuco, regardless of the current regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Oficina do Historiador is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Plural - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of Revista Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the ideological political trajectory of Antonio Bernardo Canellas in the Northeast Region of Brazil in the second decade of the 20th century in the cities of Viçosa and Maceió, both in the state of Alagoas and Recife-PE. His trajectory, writing and performance in the Northeast allows us to recover multiple elements of the history of the Brazilian labor movement outside the Rio-São Paulo axis. The experience and writing of Canellas allows to show his militancy and ideological positioning, adding also aspects related to the class mobilizations interrelated to other cities of the country.

Copyright of Revista Lusofona de Educacao is the property of Universidade Lusofona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, CEIEF and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the tendencies emerging from the new configuration of the Brazilian world of work based on the changes in the labor legislation instituted in the Brazilian legal order, particularly between 2016 and the first trimester of 2020. To do so, a bibliographical review of the legislation and juridical doctrine, along with an analysis of data from the world of work, were performed. The methodology is composed by the epistemological perspective of Historical Materialism and the dialectical method. The present research points to a movement of flexibilization in the labor norms and the precarization of work relationships due to the incorporation of neoliberal rationality in the world of work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the working class has opened as its own historiographical field in Argentine historical studies. This prolific development, which encompassed the history of their organizations, struggles and political-ideological disputes, contrasts with the lack of studies on the interior of the country. Not because there are none, but because there is an unexplored terrain in the country’s interior even in its most basic aspects, contrasting with the degree of development of the historiography on Buenos Aires. This work reconstructs one of those missing, the beginnings of the labor movement in Entre Ríos. To explain the particular development we must partially reconstruct the increase in the capitalist economy associated with agricultural activity and local supply, then the progress of the first workers’ organizations promoted by socialists and anarchists will be shown, to finish with a review of the main economic struggles of the period. The history of the working class has opened as its own historiographical field in Argentine historical studies. This prolific development, which encompassed the history of their organizations, struggles and political-ideological disputes, contrasts with the lack of studies on the interior of the country. Not because there are none, but because there is an unexplored terrain in the country’s interior even in its most basic aspects, contrasting with the degree of development of the historiography on Buenos Aires. This work reconstructs one of those missing, the beginnings of the labor movement in Entre Ríos. To explain the particular development we must partially reconstruct the increase in the capitalist economy associated with agricultural activity and local supply, then the progress of the first workers’ organizations promoted by socialists and anarchists will be shown, to finish with a review of the main economic struggles of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we present historiography survey, produced in the last four decades, about the world of work in Mato Grosso do Sul, highlighting the diversity of themes, subjects and sources that have contributed to amplify and deepen the interpretation of the region, understanding it as part of all national, in interface with the transnationality in view of it’s frontier characteristics that demarcate specifications in the formation of the of the working class. We start from a debate about the notions – not always explicit and not always publicly admitted – of downtown and periphery in the national historiographies that contaminate, also, the social historiography of work. Therefore, initialy it is made brief incursion on the sources and historiography of the labor movement in countries of the Platinum Basin (Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay), with focus on the comprehension of synthethizing dichotomies of inland regions, partly present in the labor movement and in the historiography of these countries, such as: west/east, civilization/barbarismo, downtown/periphery, coastline/hinterland [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies on the origins of the Argentine labor movement argue that the late nineteenth century working class faced exclusion and high levels of repression. The growing influence of Anarchist and Socialist agitators within the nascent unions, it is said, was a response to reactionary governing elites and harsh, abusive forms of capitalism. Based on the study of the most significant labor conflicts, protests and public rallies of the 1880-1900 period, this essay suggest that this approach requires revision. It shows that Argentina’s liberal political framework played an important role in channeling the workers’ collective action. Furthermore, it suggests that both government and opposition, as well as the press, regarded strikes and mobilization as legitimate means to further labor’s interests. In sum, workers’ demands were negotiated through, not against, the institutional forms of Argentina’s liberal, capitalist republic. Integration into the political order, rather than resistance, was the most significant aspect of worker’s politics.

Copyright of Revista Arqueologia Pública is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista HISTEDBR on-line is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Políticas Culturais em Revista is the property of Politicas Culturais em Revista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the trajectory of three foreign militants – the italian Targini Mariani, the spaniard Joaquim Azpilicueta and the portuguese Tercio Miranda – in the interior of the workers movement in the city of Manaus of the first three decades of the 20th century, seeking to inform the ideological links and the political syndicalist perspectives that they undertook, as well as analyzing their actions, interactions and oppositions, both among themselves and with other Amazonian leaders and workers during the construction of their identities as workers.

The purpose of this manuscript is to study the educational perspectives that were processed and developed in the Third International, also know as The Communist International (CI). The reserarch methodology is based on bibliographic sources, in the critical description of his historical trajectory, and in the emphasis of this working class organization has places on the establishment of socialist pedagogy and its dissemination as part of its purpose of world political intervention. In primary, your main purpose is to recognize the importance of CI for the internacional labor movement, succinctly retrieve some aspects of your history and research in the authors the theoretical concerns and challenges they pose to those who work in their field and had priority in educational intervention as the case of Nadezhda Krupskaya. The prints and photograps used in the article are for illustrative purposes, in the public domain and constitute the collection of the authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea is the property of Teoria Juridica Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The content of this article is from a dissertation which aimed at understanding labor movements and the meanings attributed to work by young professionals. We understand that the process of entering a university and, later on, in the working world, has some particularities in Brazil, bringing tension between distinct areas such as Education, especially Higher Education, and Work. Sixteen young adults who had just recently finished their evening under graduation courses at federal universities were interviewed. The analysis, inspired by the Meaning Core, was made through: 1) Social Marks; 2) Living experiences in college; 3) Labor Trajectories; and 4) Conceptions on "work". Based on the results, we consider work as well as education as mediators of the young professionals' movement towards the world of work. In addition, in their processes of entering the world of work, the young adults, in the face of difficulties, gave new meaning to their conceptions and expectations in relation to work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: It is possible to verify the role performed by the first activist dissidents from Stalinism aiming at noticing the impact from Marxist-Leninist theory and Russian Revolution on the organization of thinking and left-wing militancy in the capital of São Paulo. The Brazilian Trotskyists ideas and action, during the 1920s and 1930s, are re-evaluated from the analysis of primary sources, in order to understand the interpretations that the dissidents have given to historical events in which they were active and fervent protagonists. In that manner, we expect to get to a more rigorous interpretation of the formation and development of PCB (Brazilian Communist Party). Originality: The studies on PCB usually assume a Stalinist bias, despising Trotskyists as cowards or traitors of Proletarian Revolution. This analysis reveals the Trotskyists interpretation of the events in which they participated, with the support of vast documentation, mostly unpublished, preserved in workers and police archives. Methodology: This approach uses concepts consecrated by the Marxist-Leninist dialectical method, raised to the category of "subject knowledge", understood as blocks of historical knowledge that were present and disguised in the interior of functional and systematic sets, and that were disqualified as non-conceptual knowledge, hierarchically inferior. This is an approach that questions the formal systematizations from consecrated authors and raises the narratives of individuals who were silenced by power. By focusing on human actions and meanings that go unnoticed in broad analytical frameworks, the goal is to extract from facts that are apparently common a relevant sociocultural dimension, with the use of the narrative as a resource. Conclusions: Strongly influenced by immigrants and by anarchism, the Brazilian labor movements created their own labor unions and parties, and the most important was the Brazilian Communist Party, founded in 1922. In no time, as a consequence of the mortal fight between Stalin and Trotsky, the Brazilian comrades strongly disagreed about the course of the revolution, originating a severe dispute for the dominance of the party's direction, considering that it was moving away from historical materialism and condemned, for this procedure, the proletarian progress to deviance and defeat. The opponent most operating group, gathered in the International Communist League, started a constant fight against the party's direction and political policy, becoming the repression preferential victims during the difficult times under the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cadernos PAGU is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CPC is the property of Revista CPC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims at discussing the mediation of the communication produced by the MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) website on the changes in the Brazilian forest code facing the discursive field, since the figures employed there approach a reflexive dispute. We chose to focus the concepts of public deliberation and mediated deliberation within the context of social movements. The corpus of the research encompasses the notes published in MST website, within the section "Specials - Campaign: In Defense of the Forest Code", between March and December 2010, in which the Forest Code underwent a process of reformation by the Brazilian National Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the ideological political trajectory of Antonio Bernardo Canellas in the Northeast Region of Brazil in the second decade of the 20th century in the cities of Viçosa and Maceió, both in the state of Alagoas and Recife-PE. His trajectory, writing and performance in the Northeast allows us to recover multiple elements of the history of the Brazilian labor movement outside the Rio-São Paulo axis. The experience and writing of Canellas allows to show his militancy and ideological positioning, adding also aspects related to the class mobilizations interrelated to other cities of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Historicos is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologias is the property of Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the trajectory of three foreign militants - the Italian Targino Mariani, the spaniard Joaquim Azpilicueta and the portuguese Tércio Miranda - in the interior of the workers' movement in the city of Manaus of the first three decades of the 20th century, seeking to inform the ideological links and the political-syndicalist perspectives that they undertook, as well as analyzing their actions, interactions and oppositions, both among themselves and with other Amazonian leaders and workers during the construction of their identities as workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lutas Sociais is the property of Nucleo de Estudos de Ideolgias e Lutas Sociais (NEILS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)