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This article examines the professional identities of French primary and secondary school teachers through the lens of trade union membership and influence. A detour through the history of the second half of the 20th century provides a key to understanding the transition from strong union hegemony to a clear weakening today, and the effect of this weakening on professional election results. The article then considers how the multiplicity of trade unions on offer impact on teachers’ understanding of the sector, while changes in the administrative procedures for managing careers also result in a decline in influence. We conclude by examining some current issues in teachers’ unions around professional ‘recognition’, the repertoire of industrial action and actual working conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In order to contribute to the debate on women history and unionism, this article seeks to highlight the actions of women in the União dos Operários em Fábricas de Tecidos of Rio de Janeiro between 1926 and 1930. Thus, it proposes to analyze some actions, certain obstacles and certain forms of negociation implemented by women in this union in na attempt to experience the union culture and in defense of their own agendas within the possible limits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract This essay examines the American labor movement since the 2008 economic crisis. I begin with a brief review of the structural, institutional, and organizational conditions for labor before the crisis, including changes in employment and the labor force, the conflict between New Deal and anti-union labor regimes, and the emergence of new repertoires in the labor movement. These form the context for the financial crash, and the failure of policy to challenge corporate power. I then discuss the conservative political offensive against unions and movement initiatives at state and local levels. The conflicts have intensified under the Trump administration, with a resurgence of strike activity and the polarization of institutions governing labor and civic life.

This article examines the insertion of the professions in the Brazilian corporatist apparatus created from the 1930s onwards, the construction of which was part of the conservative modernization implemented by the Varguista regime. The corporatism of the professions involved both the regulation of the professions and the representation of interests, through their official organs the unions and professional councils. The adhesion of the middle class (among whom the professions were a prestige sector) was fundamental in giving the new regime stability, due to the political importance of this social group. The article is empirically based on a broad documentary repertoire, including official statistics, documents produced by corporate entities, interviews, newspapers, and government documents.

In 1973, in Argentina, the return of democracy was marked by the attempts to strengthen the State against civil society, rehabilitating the political sphere as a place to settle social conflicts. The Pacto Social, the chosen tool for containing the intersectoral conflicts for income distribution, sought to rehabilitate legitimate political actors – such as unions – that could contain the class struggle. In the previous years, however, opposition to traditional Peronist union leaderships had been developed in factories and at all levels of the organization. The union became one of the places where social tension was manifested. The emergence of new political identities and new collective actors that claimed and re-signified the image of the first Peronism generated internal disputes within the Peronist Movement that intensified the social tension.However, the growing opposition among the rank-and-file was heterogeneous and did not manage to mobilize all the workers: the workers' organization in the factories was “crossed” by different contradictions. In this paper, we will analyze how these different elements interacted in the conflict at the Yelmo factory in La Matanza, during the second half of the year.

This article analyzes the relationship between labor and politics in Brazil during the COVID-19 pandemic. This is done by tracing the political and social processes that have built up today’s world of labor in Brazil, identifying its main features, and also relating the ways the working class and social movements have struggled against it. Our main argument is that even before the pandemic the Brazilian world of labor was already marked by low social protection and high levels of precariousness, informality, and unemployment. The sanitary emergency brought by COVID-19 exposes this situation wide open and makes its impacts even more serious. That is why the demands presented by the working class in this context are relevant, as they bring to light the hardships in work activities, highlight the social and labor processes that were dismantled and implemented in Brazil in recent years, and point to future issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article is a study on a strike of journalists, typographers and distributors that took place in Lisbon in 1921. Culminating a tension in the past years, responsible for several strikes, this event stands out either for its longevity, lasting about four months, or for gathering workers with different social conditions. From the analysis of the coverage by O Jornal, informative organ of the newspaper companies, as well as by O Século and Diário de Notícias, the aim of this research is, firstly, to demonstrate how journalistic production fits into a strategy of struggle, namely by linking the strikers to the Bolshevik regime and to the exercise of a “red censorship”. Besides aiming at their discredit, establishing such relationship served to justify the repression of trade union activity. Secondly, the text identifies differences and similarities between the discourses conveyed by the daily newspapers, thus contributing to the reflection on the distinction between informative and political journalism.

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The protection of transindividual rights by trade union entities is one of the dimensions of the principle of access to justice established in art. 5° XXXV, CF/1988, indispensable for the realization of the minimum fundamental rights of collectivity. However, its effectiveness comes up against several barriers, whether they are of a global scope, coming from phenomena such as globalization, consolidation of capitalism and new forms of production, or local scope, since there reside several remnants of corporatist model implemented in the Vargas era. These obstacles will be analyzed in this article, using the deductive method in the research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

he protection regulatory structure that covers the worker, which aims to humanize and give social and ethical content to the benefit that comes from the capitalist activity, is often attacked by the corporate community, which seeks, in any way, to reduce costs through basic and fun - damental labor rights resulting from a historic constitutional process. o ne of the subterfuges used was the fraudulent creation of cooperative companies of workers in order to denature a real job where the employer simulates this relationship through a service contract with the cooperative company of workers, which is the intermediary in the workforce, denying all principles of cooperativism. t he research uses a methodology of qualitative analysis using the methods of hypothetical approach - deductive of descriptive and analytical character, having as background the analysis of new legal provisions of a ct 12.690/12, created by the regulatory framework of cooperative work.

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In this paper, we analyze the organization of the working class and the beginning of their unions in the city of Córdoba between 1919 and 1925. We believe that the organization of workers identities can not be separated from its growing level of social awareness. Nonetheless, we can not ignore the political and dialectical relationship that existed between, on one hand, the groups who were seeking the transformation of their social and economic reality, and on the other hand, the state. That's why we approach the role of the state in relation to labor demands and the responses that the first one gave them.

The article study from qualitative research the banking labor certification movement in Brazil, from some perspective: state regulation - Brazilian Central Bank (BACEN), certification agencies, labor unions and banking. The research addresses the labor relations within the banks are affected by the role of the state in its regulatory function (in terms of sectoral and qualification policy rules), by employers (associations and federation) in their determination of shares of forms of work organization. It was found that the Brazilian government through its regulatory institutions changes the context of the powers in the banking sector leading to the practice of certification of workers by banks operating in Brazil. It concludes that banking labor certification results from the Central Bank regulation and negotiations about its structure and content with and between banks organizations. In the last ten year, more than 500.000 banking sought labor certification for improving their skills. This process which runs under state regulation occurs without union interference although professionally press workers of that area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project explores the civic engagement of workers in the Avondale shipyard on the outskirts of New Orleans. Avondale workers earn decent incomes, patronize local businesses, join associations and support those organizations with their leadership, contributions, and civic engagement. This engagement creates the social capital that holds the community together, training people to take an interest in the public good, and driving them to seek political information. As leaders in the community, Avondale workers share that information with family, friends, and fellow workers, and build the sense that they can participate effectively in public life. They are politically engaged, vote at high rates, and participate in democratic life. The workers themselves are clear on where their civic activism comes from – the struggle and victory of securing union representation in the workplace. That struggle was difficult, and it taught workers tointertwine their civic future with that of the community. It also secured the material benefits of income and stability that allowed workers to plan for a lifetime of increasing productivity, income, and generational advancement.

Este artículo aborda los intentos del régimen militar encabezado por el general Augusto Pinochet de penetrar las organizaciones de trabajadores, entre el golpe de Estado y la instalación del Plan Laboral diseñado por José Pinera. Para ello, se analizan las distintas estrategias que se desplegaron para prolongar en el tiempo el apoyo dispensado al golpe militar de 1973 por el llamado Poder Gremial, compuesto, entre otros, por una parte significativa del movimiento sindical que se opuso a Salvador Allende, examinando, también, las razones del fracaso de estas estrategias de cooptación del movimiento sindical, confirmado con el triunfo de las políticas neoliberales en el ámbito laboral. La hipótesis que atraviesa este trabajo sostiene que el diseño del régimen militar no fue capaz de romper con la histórica cultura sindical de la organización de trabajadores en Chile.This article deals with the attempts of the military regime lead by the general Augusto Pinochet to penetrate workers organizations between the times of the coup d'etat and the installation of the Labor plan designed by José Pinera. The article analyzes the various strategies used in order to prolong in time, the support that the regime had since the coup of 1973 from the so-called Poder Gremial, composed amongst others, by a significant faction of the labor movement who opposed Salvador Allende. Also examined are the reasons behind the failure of these strategies to co-opt the labor movement that were confirmed by the triumph of neo-liberal labor policies. The underlying hypothesis argues that the military regimes plan was not capable of breaking through the historic tradition of labor unions among Chilean workers.

En la interacción entre sindicatos y sociedad capitalista existe una relación dialéctica (Hyman, 1978) que ha abierto dentro del campo de la teoría y la práctica socialistas un conjunto de interrogantes sobre el potencial revolucionario del sindicalismo, el desarrollo de la conciencia obrera, el alcance del espontaneísmo, la relación entre sindicato y partido revolucionario, entre otros temas. En este trabajo nos interesa explorar cuál ha sido la posición de Antonio Gramsci con respecto a estos tópicos en general, y en relación al potencial revolucionario del sindicalismo y de los consejos obreros bajo la formación social capitalista en particular. Para ello vamos a repasar -a partir del trabajo de Hyman- las visiones de Marx y Engels, Lenin, Michels, Trotsky sobre los sindicatos en el capitalismo, para luego contrastarlas con la posición que sostuvo Gramsci sobre este tema bajo la experiencia de los consejos de fábrica en Turín (1919-1920) primero, y tras la derrota de los mismos después.In the interaction between unions and capitalist society there is a dialectic relationship (Hyman, 1978) that has opened a group of questions in the area of theory and socialist practises. Those questions are about revolutionary potential in unions, development of worker´s conscience, reach of "revolutionary spontaneity" (espontaneísmo), relationship between union and revolutionary party, among others. On this work we try to explore the position taken by Antonio Gramsci about these topics in general and revolutionary potential in unions and workers councils under capitalist social-formation in particular. We will revise (from Hyman´s work) the visions of Marx and Engels, Lenin, Michels, Trotsky about unions in capitalism. We will contrast then with the position supported by Gramsci about this topic: The experience of Turin factory councils (1919-1920) first, and the time after their defeat then.

Desenvolvimento territorial supõe a participação organizada de atores sociais na tomada de decisões quanto ao uso dos recursos públicos - e, em grande parte, também privados - de uma região. Apesar das evidentes virtudes democráticas dos processos participativos amplia-se recentemente a literatura crítica que coloca em dúvida seus resultados. Organizações oriundas de movimentos sociais são protagonistas decisivos de processos participativos. Este texto procura mostrar uma das mais importantes tensões que vivem os movimentos sociais contemporâneos: a que opõe representatividade e inovação. Movimentos representativos tendem a consolidar e enrijecer interesses, e sua institucionalização os empurra em direção a atitudes rotineiras que bloqueiam, muitas vezes, seus potenciais inovadores. Uma saída para os impasses dos movimentos sociais está em modalidades de governança da participação social voltadas explicitamente, à aprendizagem e à inovação. O texto se apóia no exemplo da política brasileira de fortalecimento da agricultura familiar e examina duas organizações egressas de movimentos sociais: a Federação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura Familiar (FETRAF), uma organização sindical, e o Sistema CRESOL de Crédito Solidário, um conjunto de cooperativas. Ambas estimulam processos participativos e têm vínculos com políticas governamentais. No caso do sindicalismo, entretanto, a participação social é pouco inovadora e os laços com o Governo tendem a confinar o movimento em relações já conhecidas. No caso do cooperativismo de crédito, a participação social e os vínculos com o Governo fazem-se a partir de incentivos que estimulam o fortalecimento daquilo que a nova sociologia econômica chama de laços fracos e, portanto, abrem caminho para ampliar as próprias bases dos processos localizados de desenvolvimento.Territorial development involves the organized participation of social actors in decisions regarding the use of the public - and, largely, private - resources of a region. Despite the obvious democratic virtues of the participatory processes, there has been a recent increase in the critical literature, questioning their results. This paper intends to reveal the tension experienced by the contemporary social movements: the conflict between representativeness and innovation. Representative movements tend to consolidate and strengthen interests, and their institutionalization pushes them towards routine attitudes that often block their innovative potential. One way out of the impasses of the social movements is in the terms of management of the social participation focused explicitly on learning and innovation. Organizations coming from social movements are an essential part of the participatory processes. This article, based on the example of the Brazilian policy of strengthening family agriculture, examines two of those organizations whose origin is in the social movements: the Federação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura Familiar - FETRAF (Federation of Workers in Family Farming), which is a trade union; and the CRESOL System of cooperatives for credit outreach. Both organizations stimulate participatory processes and are associated with government policies. In the case of the trade union, however, social participation does not result in innovation, and the ties with the government tend to restrict the movement to relations already known. As regards the credit cooperative, social participation and ties with the government are the result of incentives that encourage the strengthening of what the new economic sociology calls weak ties, and thus open the way to expand the very foundations of the processes of local development.

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A proposta deste artigo é discutir os efeitos do processo recente de flexibilização da produção industrial (automotiva) sobre as relações de trabalho e sobre os operários e seus sindicatos. A partir do exemplo da primeira unidade brasileira da montadora francesa PSA Peugeot Citroën, instalada no município de Porto Real, Rio de Janeiro, em 2001, pretende-se argumentar que a construção de uma fábrica "enxuta" e reestruturada, com um projeto de superação da organização fordista e integrante de uma cadeia produtiva global, reconfigura as relações com os trabalhadores (e com o sindicato) no espaço fabril por meio da exigência de mais escolaridade, maior capacidade de adaptação às novas tecnologias e novas formas de organização da produção. No entanto, mantém práticas gerenciais autoritárias e evita a reprodução de experiências anteriores de resistência operária. O debate beneficia-se dos trabalhos sobre esta empresa na França realizados por Michel Pialoux e Stéphane Beaux, que nas últimas décadas analisaram suas transformações gerenciais e os desdobramentos sobre o modo de vida de diferentes gerações de operários.The article discusses the effects of the recent process of flexibilization in industrial (automobile) production on labour relations, on workers and their unions. As an example, the authors examine the first Brazilian plant to be opened by the French manufacturer PSA Peugeot Citroën, installed in Porto Real, Rio de Janeiro, in 2001. They argue that the construction of a 'shrunk' and restructured plant - a project designed to move beyond Fordist organization as an integral part of a global productive chain - reconfigures the relations with workers (and with the union) in the factory space by creating the demand for higher levels of schooling, a greater capacity to adapt to new technologies, and new forms of organizing production. However, these relations maintain authoritarian practices while preventing the reproduction of previous forms of worker resistance. The debate benefits from the research on the same company conducted by Michel Pialoux and Stéphane Beaud, who have analyzed its managerial transformations over the last few decades and the impact on the lifestyles of different generations of workers.

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O artigo trata do tema dos fundos de pensão brasileiros como um processo de construção social. Pretende mostrar como as transformações sofridas por estas entidades nos últimos dez anos refletem uma lógica social segundo a qual a definição de seu "real significado" se torna objeto de disputa por parte de diversos agentes coletivos. Esses agentes são os seus dirigentes tradicionais, os quadros financeiros que cresceram, grosso modo, durante os mandatos de FHC, e os dirigentes sindicais que, tendo decaído em importância com a queda da inflação no mesmo período, tentaram reconverter-se na administração das entidades. Na primeira parte do texto, apresenta-se um apanhado da história recente dos fundos. Na segunda, ensaia-se uma discussão teórica que propõe estabelecer os sentidos sociais da disputa e suas conseqüências para o entendimento da cena econômica brasileira contemporânea.The article deals with the issue "Brazilian pension funds" as a social construction process. The aim is to show how their recent changes may be understood as resulting from a fierce struggle among three groups of social agents, each one of them trying to establish their "real meaning". The agents are the traditional managers, the new "Chicago boys", and some former unions leaders put out of the show as a by-product of the 90's monetary stabilization, trying to make a new way as pension funds managers. In the first part we have some remarks on the Brazilian's pension funds recent history. The second part is dedicated to an approach of the subject as a path for the development of some theoretical consequences for the understanding of the recent Brazilian economic and social landscape.

O texto aborda o atual momento de reestruturação produtiva das empresas, com suas políticas de gestão participativa e de envolvimento dos assalariados, segundo um ponto-de-vista que as enquadra no interior de um contexto mais amplo: da democratização da sociedade brasileira e da formação de uma esfera pública que contemple a relação entre capital e trabalho como constitutiva. Nesse sentido, são postas em confronto uma matriz contratualista e uma matriz corporativa enquanto duas linhas-de-força em disputa na história das relações industriais no País. A discussão sobre o fordismo é feita sob a ótica daquela confrontação. As virtualidades de uma via contratualista são associadas à vaga de negociações que têm tomado corpo no sindicalismo nos últimos anos, aproximando-as de uma prática que enfatiza o aspecto procedimentalista dos acordos, chamando a atenção para o caráter inovador que eles tomam em um ambiente histórico tradicionalmente arredio à presença pública dos representantes do mundo do trabalho.This text approaches the actual moment of productive restructuring of enterprises, with its politics of participative management and the involvement of employees, from a point of view which places them within a wider context: the context of democratization of Brazilian society and the forming of a public sphere that contemplates the relationship between capital and work as constitutive. In this sense, a contractual matrix and a corporate matrix are put in confrontation as two competing driving forces in the history of industrial relations in Brazil. The discussion on fordism is made by the means of this confrontation. The virtualities of a contractual path are associated to the wave of negotiations that have taken shape in syndicalism in recent years, bringing them closer to a practice that emphasizes the procedural aspects of the agreements; pointing to the innovating character they have in a historical environment traditionally resistant to the public presence of work representatives.

The current patterns of gender segregation in the labour market are still partly an expression of the exclusionary and segregating practices displayed by unions since the beginning of the industrial revolution. These patterns began to take shape when the payment of smaller salaries to women was accepted. It was only at a later stage that unions started to demand equal pay for women and men as a way of defending male employment.The first part of the text gives an account of some of the insulation practices of trade unions in Portugal. The second part discusses the major lines of change in the orientations of the trade union movement in what concerns gender inequalities in the labour market, and refers to some of the initiatives taken to promote equality between women and men.

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in this article, we focus on the trajectories of parties, unions and associations, in order to understand their struggles against the hegemonic local groups and the very issue of living insecurity for workers, in the state of Amapá, between 1944 and 1964. Based on the analysis of interviews and journal articles, we infered that the making of a social agenda was a crucial factor in the alliance between workers and the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB). Moreover, we argue that «laborite press» had an important role in the approximation between the organizations that formed the political opposition to the Amapá's ruling class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Brazilian macroeconomic environment has pointed to improvements in labor market, employment and income indicators, a context which should help union activity. However, traditional standards in labor relations have been maintained, especially in terms of pressures on workers to improve eligibility requirements and be accountable for results, without unions pressuring the government and organizations back. This article aims to analyze, under the distinct perspective of unions (collective representation of workers), to what extent the implementation of competence-based management systems has become a union issue, since they are considered a modern business management tool and have been adopted by many of the largest organizations. Methodology was based on a qualitative approach, using documentary and field research. Investigation steps consisted of: (a) literature review; (b) analysis of relational database; (c) expert panel; and (d) focus group. The results indicate that competence-based management is an unknown term in collective bargaining by unions, reducing their ability to identify and counter demanding and abusive goals, which is their main purpose. As such, the government doesn't assume its role of promoting skill development and organizations maintain their control over workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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