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Com a ascensão do fundamentalismo de mercado e o consequente colapso econômico e financeiro, a juventude de minorias pobres não são mais vistos como um investimento social, mas cada vez mais interpretados como um problema e um ônus social. Apanhados num poderoso complexo de controle de crime, a juventude é vista cada vez mais como mercadoria ou se vê submetida aos ditames de um sistema de justiça criminal em constante expansão. Ao ver seus protestos e reivindicações de educação de qualidade e a democracia radical como uma ameaça à ordem social, os jovens estão enfrentando crescentes níveis de violência de estado. O ataque à educação pública é um dos ataques mais perigosos lançados pelas forças da globalização e precisa ser desafiado pelos educadores públicos e a juventude

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Copyright of Estudos de Sociologia is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Les sociétés contemporaines - celtes du Nord en particulier - sont frappées par un courant d’individualisme qui n’a d’égal que des formes de plus en plus grandes d’exclusion dont sont l’objet des couches importantes de leurs populations, victimes de chômage et de pauvreté dans un contexte de mondialisation économique. It s’ensuit un effritement de «tissu social» qui est d’autant plus grand que l’État, de «providence» qu’iI était, se désengage sous l ’effet combiné de la crise des finances publiques et de ta progression du «néo-libératisme». Cette situation est porteuse d’injustices, d’accroissement des inégalités sociales, entre les citoyens d’un même État-nation, puis entre les peuples, à l’échetle internationale. Cet article, en faisant le constat de cette réalité, servira à clarifer un certain nombre de conditions de base dont le respect est nécessaire à la préservation du lien social. De telles conditions peuvent être assimitées à une éthique en tant qu’elles sont porteuses de vateurs favorisant des rapports mutuels de solidarité, tant aux niveaux infra-national et national qu’au niveau supra-national.

This paper discusses the role of citizenship and political education in the contemporary society. It analyses the consequences of neoliberalism regarding its assault on the social sphere and its production of mass inequality around the world. We initiate the conversation by making education central to politics, culture as the key tool that helps us to analyze the meanings of citizenship. The privatization of citizenship narrows the debate around the role of the citizen, the public sphere and undermines democratic values. The goal of this research is to try and understand whether political education can reduce social inequality or not, and how the presence of an informed and politically engaged culture helps create the agents necessary for a substantive democracy. The chosen method enables the production of an international literature review with a systematic bibliographic search, exploring the meanings and scientific uses of the categories Political Education, Social Inequality, Citizenship and Democracy after many years under the neoliberalism hegemony around the globe. This research was conducted via the following databases: Google Scholar; Networked Digital Libraries of Theses and Dissertations (NDLTD); Education Research and Information Center (ERIC) and Scientific Electronic Library Online (SciELO). It includes papers written in English, Spanish and Portuguese which publishing dates range from 1999 to 2019. A total of 51 articles were selected to compose the analytic corpus (n=51). After reading all of the texts and making a content analysis, the results were presented in 3 categories: i - Citizenship education and political education: theories and practices (Conceptual approaches on citizenship and Students’ capacity for political or moral reasoning fostered by political education); ii - Politics, human rights & democratic values in education (Critical approaches of human rights or democratic values on higher education; Popular education or citizen participation on political education and Politics as a teaching or learning tool for formal education); iii - Relationships among State, citizens and civil society (Positive relationships in contemporary societies and Conflicts in adult education). Under neoliberalism, civic culture, democratic values and informed dialogue atrophied. Clearly, this is partly due to the dominant neoliberal view that social agency is dangerous and needs to be shaped by neoliberal forms of education. Under the reign of neoliberalism, there has emerged a pedagogical machinery of power engaged in producing a culture of manufactured ignorance that works to produce a form of political repression. However, as an alternative, many pieces of research are arguing that education must empower citizens to engage in their communities as a method to learn, engage in individual and collective action, and how to participate in political struggles and public affairs. Political education can be an important social movement against the inequalities. That seems to be crucial for building a direct and participative citizenship in our contemporary democracy.

In Canadian common law**, good faith in contracts is limited to specific areas; there is no general obligation of good faith. In Bhasin v. Hrynew, the Supreme Court of Canada, sought to remedy this shortcoming by recognising, first, a general organising principle of good faith and, secondly, an obligation to act honestly in executing a contract. It left it to the lower courts to determine how the new principle would be applied. The Court used the common law methodology to break out of the narrow analytical limits of the common law and to broaden the scope of good faith. However, this precedent did not have the desired effect. The limited definition of good faith given by the Supreme Court of Canada led the lower courts to reduce Bhasin v. Hrynew to a case only applicable to its particular facts. Faced with the indeterminacy of the principle and its scope, the courts of appeal distinguished Bhasin v. Hrynew using a range of techniques, among others, a recourse to the rules of the common law to limit its field of application instead of a recourse to the new decision to change the rules of the common law. The Uniform Commercial Code and the Civil Code of Quebec, to which the Court referred to justify the introduction of the general organising principle in the common law provided a roadmap, which the lower courts did not adopt, for its development.

Objective: To evaluate the support offered by health professionals to mothers of newborns admitted to the neonatal unit.Methods: Descriptive cross-sectional study with a quantitative approach conducted at the Regional Hospital of Tucuruí, in the state of Pará, region of the Brazilian Amazon, where 33 mothers who had newborn children admitted to the neonatal unit responded to the structured adapted version of the NPST (Nurse Parent Support Tool ). Results: Most were aged 20-34 years (48%), married or in a stable relationship (69%), multiracial (87%), housewife (57%), with up to 11 years of study (72%). The scores for the NPST subdomains were 3.39 ± 1.65 (Communication and Information Support), 4.13 ± 1.33 (Emotional Support), 3.93 ± 1.46 (Incentive Support), and 4.21 ± 1,27 (Instrumental Support). The findings revealed unsatisfactory communication and information support from health professionals to mothers, although they expressed satisfaction with the care provided. Conclusions: The perception of scarcity of human resources and health education, verified in this study, weakens the communication process during hospitalization and influences the mother's well-being, leading to a decrease in the efficiency of the support provided. The improvement in this area can lead to better results in daily practice. The replication of this study to other locations can lead to more significant assistance to mothers of hospitalized neonates and provide new technologies and strategies in health education.

Publicado sob autorização da Editora ARTMED. É proibida a reprodução sem permissão expressa da editora. O presente texto corresponde ao capítulo 9 de Os professores como intelectuais: rumo a uma pedagogia crítica da aprendizagem. Porto Alegre: Artes Médicas, 1997, pp. 157-164. Nosso agradecimento à Editora ARTMED por autorizar a publicação.

This essay attempts to address how the Parkland youth protesters are rewriting the nature of resistance as both an individual and collective effort by creating a new vision of hope and mass struggle. Central to their efforts is an attempt to make education central to politics itself and in doing so they have redefined education as a way of translating personal issues into larger systemic concerns, changing the way people see things, and investing a variety of modes of communication in order to use elements of belief and persuasion as appropriate weapons of struggle. Using new digital technologies and media, these young people are redefining the landscapes of pedagogy and resistance. This paper explores their efforts as a new way to connect politics and education.

Le sport est depuis toujours un facteur de hiérarchisation des groupes sociaux. Dans une perspective de rapport de pouvoir, il sert tout autant à réaffirmer les diverses relations inégalitaires entre les groupes à l’intérieur d’une société qu’à poser ou illustrer les relations conflictuelles entre nations. Le présent texte explore la façon dont les journaux participent à l’interprétation et à la construction de ces rapports dans le cadre de la couverture des Jeux olympiques de 1936. L’analyse aborde d’abord la question de la race, particulièrement la « mise en valeur » des athlètes noirs. On découvre ainsi que, paradoxalement, le racisme ambiant permet la mise en place d’un débat de fond sur la question. La réflexion se poursuit ensuite avec les rapports de genre en montrant comment les journaux marginalisent les accomplissements des sportives afin d’éviter une remise en question des schémas traditionnels. Finalement, les Olympiades sont aussi l’occasion pour les journaux de construire un récit national fort à travers diverses stratégies discursives. À bien des égards, les JO permettent de construire une identité canadienne qui cherche à transcender les régionalismes. L’omniprésence de l’expression de ces rapports de pouvoir offre néanmoins aux journalistes l’occasion de réfléchir à ces questions.

Les Jeux olympiques de Berlin en 1936 sont l’un des moments forts de la lutte idéologique qui se déroule alors sur la scène internationale et Montréal n’y échappe pas. Le présent article explore l’hypothèse que cet événement aurait rendu plus lisibles les clivages identitaires et politiques de la société québécoise, à partir de l’analyse de la couverture qu’offre des JO un échantillon substantiel de journaux montréalais. La première partie de cette étude décrit les caractéristiques de la couverture des Jeux, replacée sur la facture usuelle des journaux, et révèle la dépendance des périodiques montréalais à l’endroit des agences de presse nord-américaines. Le recours massif aux agences crée l’illusion d’un récit unique ressassé partout, fait de tableaux et de petites anecdotes. Cependant, grâce aux textes dans lesquels s’affirme une subjectivité, dans les chroniques sportives, entre autres, le lecteur de l’époque est mis en contact avec l’expression de jugements individuels desquels se dégage une interprétation proprement montréalaise des Jeux olympiques, qui fait une place à des enjeux débordant le caractère strictement sportif de l’événement pour toucher aux questions de politique internationale. L’hypothèse initiale se révèle finalement insatisfaisante, les JO paraissant avoir joué le rôle d’un catalyseur modifiant provisoirement l’économie du système des journaux montréalais, réorganisé autour d’impératifs moraux irréductibles aux clivages sociaux et identitaires locaux.

Um dos filmes mais controvertidos sobre a sexualidade adolescente a aparecer em 1995 foi Kids. Flutuando na superficie de um cinismo sem saída, o filme de Clark deixa de investigar onde está localizada a identidade para os/as jovens urbanos/as que ele representa. O realismo de Clark atua muito facilmente para definir as turbulentas experiências dos/as adolescentes que ele representa, não a partir de sensíveis considerações históricas e sociais, mas a partir de evocações estilizadadas de choque e transgressão. A confiança de Clark na verossimilhança de uma narrativa tipo "documentário", ao jogar com os medos e ansiedades da platéia e colocar a sexualidade e o hedonismo como forças impulsionadoras da agência entre jovens urbanos, revela o conservadorismo ideológico que sustenta Kids. Vistos como não possuindo qualquer capacidade critica, os/as jovens são definidos primariamente por uma sexualidade que é vista como fora de controle, exigindo vigilância, restrição legal e outras formas de poder disciplinar.

O texto propõe retomar a universidade democrática como referência ética, em face dos desafios do mundo globalizado. Discute a situação atual das universidades, caracterizada como uma crise mundial no Ensino Superior, tendo como referência as IES dos Estados Unidos da América e do Canadá. São destacados três aspectos nessa questão-problema: 1- as consequências do movimento de globalização, que atinge todas as esferas da vida humana, entre elas a educação, e demandam do Ensino Superior o exercício da função de educar as gerações futuras para enfrentar os desafios de uma democracia global, evitando adotar a prática da indução dos professores e alunos à instrumentalização e ao imediatismo, subvalorizando o conhecimento crítico. 2- a retomada pelas universidades de seus objetivos de conhecimento e autonomia, posicionando-se contra a instrumentalização, a mercantilização e a militarização, essa última, como monitoramento de diferentes sujeitos sociais, e do Estado, exercidos sobre as IES. Para isso, propõe a colaboração inclusiva como uma das principais formas de divulgação da universidade e da importância da liberdade e da autonomia da Instituição Superior em suas decisões e ações. 3- a universidade acessível a todos que, além de possibilitar o desenvolvimento de uma educação crítica e de uma cultura intelectual verdadeira, adota metodologias prazerosas, estimulantes e capacitadoras, e valoriza os professores extinguindo os "contratos alternativos de trabalho" que têm contribuído para o empobrecimento da qualidade do Ensino Superior.The text proposes to reinstitute the democratic university as an ethic reference, given the challenges of the globalized world. It discusses the universities' current situation, which is characterized as a global crisis in higher education, taking as reference American and Canadian higher education institutions. Three aspects of such characterization are highlighted: 1 - the consequences of the globalization movement, which affects all spheres of human life, including education, and which demands the exercise of the "educating future generations to meet the challenges of global democracy" function, therefore avoiding the adoption of the practice of inducing to the instrumentation and the immediacy, which undervalues the critical knowledge. 2 - the retake of the universities' goals of knowledge and autonomy, leading to positions against exploitation, commodification and militarization. The latter, informed by the author, as a movement to be problematized in social subjects' formation in the United States and in the authoritarianism exercised over the higher education institutions in the same country. For that reason, an inclusive collaboration is proposed as one of the main ways to spread the importance of freedom and autonomy of Higher Institutions in their decisions and actions 3 - the university accessible to all, which adopts enjoyable, exciting and enabling methodologies, valuing teachers, and extinguishing the "alternative employment contracts" which contribute to the impoverishment of higher education quality.

In this interview Giroux explores the various emancipatory and authoritarianconceptualisations of education, underlining their political nature due to their opportunityto connect knowledge, authority and power. Critical education is understood to bethe result of private battles, linked to specific communities, to available resources andthe stories, identities and experiences of students. Giroux conceptualises education as achallenge, which attempts to take people beyond the world that they know. Thus formsof knowledge which make the extension of democratic culture become possible. HoweverGiroux also analyses the reality in higher education, affected by a crisis of politicsand of legitimacy, which makes the development of democratic principles difficult andimposes instrumental and commercial terms. Faced with this, the author requests thatuniversities take on an active role in order to resolve problems in our societies, providingstudents with critical knowledge so as to respond to current anti-democratic trends.En esta entrevista Giroux explora las diferentes conceptualizaciones emancipadorasy autoritarias de la educación, destacando el carácter político de la misma porsu posibilidad de conectar conocimiento, autoridad y poder. La educación crítica esentendida como resultado de luchas particulares, conectadas a comunidades específicas,a recursos disponibles y a historias, identidades y experiencias del alumnado. Girouxconceptualiza la educación como un desafío, que intenta llevar a las personas más alládel mundo que conocen. Así se posibilitan formas de conocimiento que hacen posible laextensión de la cultura democrática. Pero Giroux también analiza la realidad de la educaciónsuperior, afectada por una crisis política y de legitimidad, que dificulta el desarrollode principios democráticos e impone términos instrumentales y comerciales. Anteello, el autor reclama un papel activo desde la universidad para solucionar los problemasde nuestras sociedades, proporcionando al alumnado conocimiento crítico para respondera las tendencias anti-democráticas actuales.

Trace levels of three organophosphate insecticides (OPI) were detected in eight fish species from the region of Santarém, State of Pará, Brazil. Individual concentrations of OPI in fish ranged from less than the detection limit to 2,1 ppb. Mean concentrations of chlorpyrifos, malathion, and methyl-parathion were 0,3 ± 0,3, 0,1 ± 0,1, and 0,3 ± 0,3 ppb, respectively. Pellona flavipinnis, the largest and fattest piscivorous species analyzed, was the most contaminated. Since an inhabitant of this Amazonian region consumes 220 g of fish per day on average, ingested doses of chlorpyrifos, malathion, and methyl-parathion may reach up to 308, 220, and 462 ng·d-1, respectively. Compared to acceptable daily intakes (ADI), quantities of OPI absorbed via fish consumption on a daily basis are far below deleterious levels. We estimated that even considering the highest OPI contents detected, the average daily fish consumption of anadult of 60 kg would have to increase by ca. 1 950, 5 450, and 2 600 times to reach ADI of chlorpyrifos, malathion, and methyl-parathion, respectively. Neither fish diet nor fish lipid content enabled us to completely explain the interspecific differences observed.

Proponiamo la traduzione dell’articolo di Henry A. Giroux, (titolo originale: When Schools Become Dead Zones of the Imagination: A Critical Pedagogy Manifesto), che è stato pubblicato sulla rivista on-line Truthout il 13.08.20131. Nell’articolo emergono i caratteri essenziali del pensiero e della teoria pedagogica di Giroux, nonché il suo appello in favore di una scuola che, lungi dal ridursi alla somministrazione di test e all’applicazione di rigidi schemi di valutazione, sappia riscoprire il valore dell’impegno sociale, della creatività e dell’immaginazione.

Neste artigo, Henry Giroux coloca o estudo da branquidade em um contexto histórico, reconhecendo os vários modos pelos quais a identidade racial tem sido usada por ideólogos conservadores e acadêmicos críticos que procuram expandir a discussão de raça e poder. O autor também focaliza as limitações do conhecimento atual sobre branquidade. Embora esse conhecimento tenha ampliado, com sucesso, o estudo da raça, no sentido de incluir o estudo da branquidade como uma construção histórica, cultural e política, não revelou o potencial liberador da desconstrução da branquidade na esfera pública. Por meio de uma análise de Dangerous Minds e Suture, dois filmes com narrativas contrastantes sobre raça, o autor fornece um exemplo das possibilidades de discutir criticamente, em sala de aula, a representação de raça e etnicidade na mídia. Por meio dessa discussão, os estudantes de raças e etnias diferentes podem refletir sobre a representação de si próprios e de outros e a posição da branquidade como o referente dominante. É necessário que a branquidade seja teorizada e discutida de maneira que se reconheça o seu potencial crítico, bem como a possibilidade de que estudantes brancos distingam seu próprio modo de agir e lugar legítimo no interior da luta pela mudança social e por uma sociedade anti-racista.In this article, Heniy Giroux places the study of Whiteness in a historical context, recogwizing the various modes in which racial identity has been used by conservative ideologues and critical scholars who seek to expand the discussion of race and power. The author also points out the limitations of the current scholarship on Whiteness. Although this scholarship has successfully expanded the study of race to include the study of Whiteness as a historical, cultural, and political construction, it has not shown the liberating potential of deconstructing Whiteness in the public sphere. With an analysis of Dangerous Minds and Suture, two movies with contrasting narratives of race, the author provides an example of the possibilities for critically discussing, in a classroom, the representation of race and ethnicity in the media. Through such a discussion, students of different races and ethnicities can reflect on the representation of themselves and others and the position of Whiteness as the dominant referent. There is a need for Whiteness to be theorized and discussedin a manner that recognizes the potential for criticism, as well as the possibility for White students to recognize their own agency and legitimate place within the struggle for social change and an antiracist society.

How might education be used to question the common sense of the war on terrorism or to rouse citizens to challenge the social, political, and cultural conditions that led to the horrible events of Abu Ghraib? Just as crucially, we must ponder the limits of education. Is there a point where extreme conditions shortcircuit our moral instincts and ability to think and act rationally? If this is the case, what responsibility do we have to challenge the reckless violence-as-fi rst-resort ethos of the Bush administration? Such questions extend beyond the events of Abu Ghraib, but, at the same time, Abu Ghraib provides an opportunity to connect the sadistic treatment of Iraqi prisoners to the task of redefi ning pedagogy as an ethical practice, the sites in which pedagogy takes place, and the consequences of pedagogy to rethinking the meaning of politics in the twenty-fi rst century. In order to confront the pedagogical and political challenges arising from the reality of Abu Ghraib, I want to revisit a classic essay by Theodor Adorno in which he tries to grapple with the relationship between education and morality in light of the horrors of Auschwitz. Keywords: Education. Adorno. Auschwitz. Abu Ghraib. Como pode a educação ser usada para questionar o senso comum da guerra ao terrorismo ou para insuflar os cidadãos a desafi ar as condições sociais, políticas e culturais que conduziram aos eventos horríveis de abusos contra prisioneiros iraquianos na prisão americana de Abu Ghraib? Só assim, de modo crucial, podemos ponderar os limites da educação. Até que ponto as condições extremas causam curto-circuito em nossos instintos morais e em nossa capacidade de pensar e agir racionalmente? Se for esse o caso, qual nossa responsabilidade em desafi ar o etos imprudente da “violência como primeiro recurso” da administração de Bush? Tais questões estendem-se além dos eventos de Abu Ghraib, mas, ao mesmo tempo, Abu Ghraib fornece uma oportunidade para relacionar o tratamento sádico aos prisioneiros iraquianos à tarefa de redefi nir a pedagogia como uma prática ética, às situações nas quais a pedagogia acontece e às consequências da pedagogia para repensar o significado da política no século XXI. A fim de confrontar os desafios pedagógicos e políticos originados pela realidade de Abu Ghraib, quero revisitar um ensaio clássico de Theodor Adorno, no qual ele tenta abordar a relação entre a educação e a moralidade à luz dos horrores de Auschwitz. Palavras-chave: Educação. Adorno. Auschwitz. Abu Ghraib.

Ce texte vise à présenter, de manière exploratoire, un aspect particulier d’une recherche en cours qui porte sur l’imaginaire politique autochtone contemporain au Canada. On y trouvera un portrait impressionniste d’un axe de la production symbolique autochtone contemporaine, axe qui s’est graduellement constitué dans la recherche en cours comme une hypothèse de lecture. Cette hypothèse est à l’effet que l’imaginaire politique autochtone contemporain apparaît comme étant organisé autour d’une constellation d’images/symboles dont la dominante est la référence au corps. Plus précisément, cette dominante semble être structurée par une doublure schématique, sans cesse reconduite dans cet imaginaire, entre le corps et la terre. Cette doublure corps/terre semble manifester dans ce cas précis une notion implicite selon laquelle le corps est un espace à géométrie variable - le corps est, comme je veux l’appeler, un «corps-territoire».

The School Achievement Indicators Program (SAIP) has been collecting data across Canada on 13- and 16-year-old student achievement in mathematics, in science, and in reading and writing since 1993. In 1999, it completed its second assessment cycle and was reviewed in Spring 2000. The review design included a survey of officials from all the school boards/districts that participated in the science assessment program held in 1999. The results of this study show that this stakeholder views as the most pressing issue for SAIP to succeed in its mandate, the need for development in four areas: a) Increased teacher and student motivation to participate wholeheartedly in the program; b) Effective dissemination options; c) Leadership through innovation in teaching and in assessment practices despite high accountability orientation; and d) Cost-effective, yet rigorous means of providing both snapshot information and longitudinal means of comparisons. Although universally appealing, such approaches have yet to be supported by sound educational theory and methodology.

En los últimos 10 años los educadores radicales han desarrollado varias teorías acerca de las nociones de reproducción y resistencia. En este artículo, Henry Giroux analiza críticamente las principales posiciones de estas teorías, encontrándolas inadecuadas como fundamento para una ciencia crítica de la escolarización. El concluye delineando las direcciones para una nueva teoría de la resistencia y escolarización que contiene una comprensión de cómo el poder, la resistencia y la acción humana (el agenciamiento humano) pueden transformarse en elementos centrales en la lucha por la justicia social en las escuelas y en la sociedad.

The authors describe and discuss neuropsychological aspects related to the functional organization of the brain connected to cognition in 81 Alzheimer's disease patients in the Laboratoire Théophile-Alajouanine du Centre de Recherche du Centre hospitalier Côte-des-Neiges in the University of Montreal. They confront the clinical of homogeneity against the heterogeneity within functional organization of the brain. The criteria used for diagnosis were those of the NINCDS-ADRDA. All of the patients were in the beginning of the evolution, in stages 3 and 4 of Reiberg (Functional Assessment Staging, FAST). The conclusion shows that there are two cognitive profiles: a non-recurrent profile, made up by the majority of the patients, and the heterogeneity depends on the genetic background of each individual; a recurrent profile, made up by a small group of patients that show changes in the heterogeneity of clinical, nosological, pathological and normal aging forms.