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From a perspective of Pikler approach, it's foundations and practices, the present paper seeks to demonstrate and analyze the cited approach as an important instrument for the substantial realization and guarantee of the human rights of babies and young children in the pedagogical activities of infant toddler center. An approach that elevates the subjects themselves as the main actors of their development, despite recognizing the adult as a fundamental reference agent to this guarantee, beyond caring, feeding and playing, guiding stability in all their actions in affectivity, bonding reference adult stability in the autonomous and in the free movement as well as good health. It's a bibliographical study on Pikler approach, relating effectuation at the right to education from birth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European PAC (Política Agrícola Comum - Common Agricultural Policy) and Agribusiness at Polo Juazeiro / Petrolina are contradictory and antagonistic models of agriculture, but with a broad relationship between them, since, while encouraging business agriculture, they point out, in their speeches, that the high production is based on wiping out hunger and improve the quality of life. Thus, the present study has taken in Spain - Santiago de Compostela and Polo Juazeiro / Petrolina because it understands that it is only possible to recognize the place within the global, that is, in the totality of relationships. In this sense, this study aims to understand how the European Common Agricultural Policy goes against Regulation 834/2007 regarding organic production, encouraging an increase in production and productivity through the use of pesticides both in the domestic market and, especially, in the external market, as is the case of Polo Juazeiro / Petrolina and Santiago de Compostela ES. As a methodological path, a biographical survey was used about the theme; documentary research and fieldwork. As a result, it is illustrated that the concreteness of agriculture aimed at the external market in other countries, allowed the insertion in the global economy through the intervention of the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union, guided by the free trade policy, which is characterized for shaping agricultural production according to the requirements of the companies that control the world food market. Thus, it can be concluded that fast production to serve the market, increasingly distances itself from organic or agroecological production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trade agreements, particularly those of economic integration, have political origins and objectives, based in this, the study presents the changes that were introduced by Donald Trump, the current president of the United States, in the economic relations and international policy, when he replaced the "consensus hegemony" of the postwar liberal internationalism for realism. Such a transformation is present in the Brexit, the renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta), and other world events. This text also revises the threats and actions of the United States government towards Mexico, which Trump uses as an electoral mechanism, and compares them with the opinions of Mexican society, which incline more towards a transformation of the economic model. Finally, it presents the most relevant changes of the nafta contained in the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (usmca), and suggests how the interests of Mexico and the United States are favored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s, the Brazilian brewing industry went through a process of productive restructuring as a proposal to face competition from large multinational groups, which were approaching the national market. The changes consisted mainly in the reorganization of work by incorporating informatics into the production process, reducing production costs and streamlining the circulation process. However, such an industry did not withstand external capital. In 2004, Ambev, which controlled around 70% of the national market, formed by the merger between Brahma/Skol and Antarctica, was acquired by Interbrew (nowadays AB InBev). The national breweries Kaiser, Bavaria and Schincariol were also denationalized. In this way, this text aims to analyze the productive reorganization strategies of the national brewing industry, as well as the process of denationalization of the sector, as a result of the increased competition in the world, but also as a consequence of the financial opening of the Brazilian economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1980s to the present day, contemporary capitalism imposes on countries measures for the liberalization of world trade that deregulate labor laws and weaken unions, leading to increased unemployment. In the area of communication, companies start to produce more content and competition between them intensify. The objective of this work is to understand how the process of acquiring experience in media after the socioeconomic and cultural transformations introduced by governments in the capitalist world takes place. The work uses as a theoretical reference to support the investigations, authors Alsina (2009), Bauman (2011), Castells (2018), Hartog (2015), Santos (2017), Silverstone (2002), Moraes (2010), Moura e Rêgo (2012). Thus, the study makes use of theoretical research to understand the definitions and the theoretical contribution used in the analyzes. The study concludes that the stories covered and published by the media portray versions of an event or experience advocated by the editorial policy of the media group in that historical period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Among the meat retailers, the free trade shows are an important means of commercializing this product. In this method of trade meat products are exposed to unfavorable environmental conditions and contrary to legislation. Objective: This study goal was to evaluate the hygienic sanitary conditions in which pig meat is marketed in Goiânia open fairs. Materials and Methods: A total of 71 fairs were visited, in which 45 had one or more stands, totaling 50 stands temperatures analyzed and collected. Only 3 fairs were not found, and 23 didn't encompassed swine huts. Results: A total of 284 compliant items and 716 in noncompliance were found. The average temperatures of pork meat marketed configured in 14.24° C to 23.2° C and chilled in which remained at room temperature. Regarding the stand's infrastructure, 48 (96%) presented poor hygienic conditions in utensils, and 50 (100%) contained no trash cans or a hand basin. It was noted that 47 (94%) had direct contact with cash on manipulation. In 50 (100%) stands, boning was carried out at the sale place, and 45 (90%) were left to be desired in the face contamination and 44 (88%) in the uniform cleaning. Conclusion: The deficiency in the supervision process is characterized by these professionals training lack, denoting guidelines under the risks in which they expose the consumers to the DTA's risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyzed the environmental implications of free trade in the urban geography of Campo Grande-MS, with clipping more arrested in the free fair from Coophavila II neighborhood, at the urban area in the lake. It was intended to recognize and learn in detail the developments of the commercial activity, emphasizing the social relations between residents, merchants and users, as well as the environmental aspects and movement associated with the activity in question. And, finally, propose guidelines or alternatives for urban management of these spaces. Analyzed the technical and social infrastructure installed street fairs with fairs in specific locations. It was adopted as general procedures, the survey of secondary sources, government documents and electronic sources, and complemented with quantitative and qualitative research, with open and closed questionnaires applied to merchants, users and local residents. The results showed that about the understanding of residents, the street fairs present problems for their movement, and the fair dealers pointed out other problem: "one of the problems in the activity is the support of the government". And, the part of users agrees that, the free trade would be best developed in specific locations, among other things. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The creation of the World Trade Organization is an important step for the free trade between nations.Since the advent of the WTO was established the TRIPS Agreement, which is an important institution for the Intellectual Property, with the aim of ensuring the protection and development of the matters relating to this skill. Recent theories of international trade believe that the technology industry, specifically the transfer of technology, will be important in the commercial strategy of multinational companies. The inquiry made by the present study is the effectiveness of the terms of the TRIPS Agreement, when it comes to the protection of the products of developing countries, bringing as an example the lack of protection of a Geographical Indication of Indian origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Complementarity of trade between Brazil and Japan with a view to a free trade agreement. Japan has signed free trade agreements as trade policy since 2002 and three countries have already signed in Latin American. Considering the intention to carry out an agreement with Mercosur, this article aims to analyze the complementarities between Brazil and Japan trade structure by revealed comparative advantages indexes, with World Bank data for the period between 2006 and 2008. The results show a comparative advantage in primary commodities to Brazil and in industrial products to Japan, as well as indicating sectors that may oppose to trade liberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the political and economic relationship between Brazil and United States during the George W. Bush mandate (2001-2008). It discusses the failed attempt to establish a hemispheric free trade agreement, due to the American protectionism, and to expand the use of biofuel. Finally, it also discusses the creation of the Fourth Fleet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Em um ambiente concorrencial cada vez mais intenso e complexo, sobretudo com o processo de abertura comercial, as atividades de P&D se tornaram fundamentais para os países/regiões em desenvolvimento atingirem um elevado padrão tecnológico que conduza à conformação de novos processos e produtos. Como estratégia para se elevar o padrão tecnológico e estimular a inovação, o estado de São Paulo por meio da FAPESP (Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo) criou a Rede ONSA, visando entre outros objetivos sanar o principal gargalo da citricultura paulista, ou seja, os problemas fitossanitários. As redes de pesquisa permitem, portanto, a interação entre diversos agentes que acabam gerando conhecimentos complexos e interdisciplinares, além da redução de custos e riscos para os países/regiões. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complex relationship between the process of trade liberalization and the environment is, nowadays, one of the most important issues found at the international affairs agenda. Much has been discussed, but few conclusive answers on the so-called environmental impact by free trade have been drawn. This paper has beseeched establishing a direct relationship between the increase of both the commercial activity as a result of economic liberalization and the environmental degradation levels. This research has led to the core conclusion that environmental effects of trade liberalization are ambiguous, having shown the impossibility of asserting, as a general rule, the existence of a direct relation between free trade and environmental degradation. We have also concluded that an accurate analysis on the issue will depend on the individual study of each case due to its complexity and subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South America in movement. This paper discusses the prospects for the integration of South America, stressing that there are two competing projects. One the one hand, we have the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), as proposed by Washington, or bilateral free trade agreements with the United States in the FTAA format. On the other hand, we have Mercosur, recently expanded by the accession of Venezuela. Washington's still very significant but declining influence in South America, relations between Argentina and Brazil, Venezuela's entry into Mercosur, and the role of smaller countries are successively examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the dismantling of the Soviet bloc and with the progressive liberalization of trade and investment flows, the economic dimension of diplomacy was gradually displayed and encouraged. This article focus on this gradual process of incorporation of the economic dimension within the diplomatic practices, a process of utmost importance for countries with small internal markets, such as Portugal. We begin by clarifying the concept of Diplomacy and its gradual incorporation of economic issues, and we analyse the recent Economic Diplomacy models applied in Portugal so as to conclude on their adequacy as instruments of External Economic Policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state of Florida and its orange and sugarcane producers stand at the center-stage of United States - Brazil economic relations and the Free Trade in the Americas (FTAA) drama. Powerful and persistent, the political importance of these modest economic interests is amplified by Florida's pivotal role in United States' presidential elections of late. Magnified by the the state's pivotal role in the Electoral College, Florida orange and sugarcane interests have effectively restricted the autonomy of the U.S. Executive. This paper employs Putnam's(1988) international agreement ratification theory and examines these industries campaign contributions to explore the Level II ratification challenges associated with the political influence of Florida's primary protectionist forces. This examination demonstrates how factional interests and political institutions can intersect to amplify the political importance of narrow, territorially prescribed industries under conditions of high electoral uncertainty. Lastly, the article explores the implications of these intractable interests upon U.S.-Brazil relations and Brazilian trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interests of the United States in Latin America and the creation of the FTAA are two determinant factors in explaining the European Union intention to establish an Association Agreement with Mercosur. While the European Union is interested in the Mercosur enlargement, the US prefer, through the creation of the FTAA, to induce its dissolution and obtain advantages from asymmetric integration. Our purpose is to demonstrate that, given the possible scenarios of evolution in regional agreements in Latin America, the most plausible (coexistence of Mercosur, EU/Mercosur Association Agreement and FTAA) is also the one that allows for a reconciliation of EU and US interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the importance of the relations between Mercosur and European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the European Union's ability to act as an international actor in the interregional dialogues through an analysis of its behavior towards the Mercosur countries from 1991 to 2003. The first part discusses approaches concerning the perceptions of the European Union as an international actor. The second one examines the development of interregional dialogues. The article presents a brief framework of the relations European Union/Latin America during this period. It analyses the Interregional Framework Cooperation Agreement, emphasizing the political dimension, and the advances and obstacles in the negotiations towards trade liberalization. The conclusion evaluates the actions of the European Union as an international actor in relation to the Mercosur members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of a Free Trade Area of the Americas gathered momentum at the Summit of the Americas held in Quebec City in April 2001. Brazil's role is critical to the success of the negotiations which could lead to a free trade area extending from Alaska to Terra do Fogo. How do US businessmen and businesswomen see Brazil as a major trading partner and what options do observers in the Northern hemisphere consider to be open to Brazil? This paper gives the author's views and is a picture of the existing situation in mid-May 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the present trend towards the constitution of new economic blocs from the point of view the African experience. It aims at briefly reviewing the different moments and aspects involved in the creation and development of an African Common Market. It includes some political, economic and historical remarks about the challenges and opportunities for the further development of a South African Development Community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay analyzes the issue of the American leadership within a new Inter-American dynamics. At the end of World War II, Latin America found itself dominated by American political/strategic and economic interests. Within the context of the Cold War, the importance of a military solution for the World conflict relegated socioeconomic factors such as education and the elimination of poverty to second place. With the end of the two superpowers' rivalry, economic and social issues are taking on new strategic dimension. The Summit of the Americas, first in Miami, in 1994, and more recently in Santiago, enabled the development of a new hemispheric agenda. With the birth of a new century and a new president at the White House -- George W. Bush -- hemispheric relations will continue to be transformed, with new possibilities for important countries such as Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses Mercosul's integration concerning regional economic processes building-up, as a stage of an ongoing integrated World economy, in aspects as origins, backgrounds and results. Mercosul is part of an integration process idealized during the Treaty of Asuncion's signing, dated of March 26, 1991. Nowadays it is possible verify that Mercosul is a Free Trade Zone turning to a Customs Union due to the External Common Tariff (ECT). As of January 1st, 1995, ECT is improving Mercosul's internal relations. That is the turning point to Mercosul: is must change challenges into real consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An assessment of Mercosul's evolution and its main problems during its first eleven year building-up process. Emphasis is laid on Mercosul's flexibility and adaptation to economic and political trends in its member countries, on its institutional framework, its role in guaranteeing the democratic stability in the region, its main challenges (among them, FTAA seems the most important) and the crisis unfolding since 1999. A year by year chronology since 1986 informs about the main decisions adopted within Mercosul. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article seeks to show that the proposal recently presented by the European Comission, promissing the decreasing of trade barriers for Mercosur's agriculture exports to European markets, should not be incautiously interpreted as a sign that a trade agreement between them will be easier to achieve than the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). It still remains uncertain that the European Union will accomplish a deep reform of its common agricultural police (CAP). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an interview with a trade union leader, on American newpapers articles published in Washington, D.C. and on other bibliographical sources, the article analyzes the trends followed during the last years by the American Civil Society organizations, specially the trade unions confederations. In order to defend the American workers of the treats linked to globalization, economic regionalism - specially the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) - and technological progress, the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO) changed radically its strategies. Now, instead of fighting against the free trade agreements, it tries to limit the governmental autonomy into these negociations. At the same time, it promotes a greater articulation with Latin American trade unions confederations. This approximation favours the beginning of a new and hopeful "trade union internacional position". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to show that Argentina is not in crossroads in your foreign policy, having to choose between Mercosur and FTAA. In contrast, Argentina sees Mercosur as a way that leads to FTAA, affirming a position that become possible after a confluence of others factors, as the Brazilian position front Alca and the model of regional integration proposal for Mercosur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Essay on the main trends of the world economy during the XXth century, stressing the structural and institutional changes of the first half of that period, the expansion and crisis of the international economy in the post-WWII and the main features of the globalization process of the end of that century and the beginning of the XXIth (discussion on the structural inequalities among countries and societies). Special sections of the work are devoted to trade (from liberalism to protectionism and from multilateralism to neoprotectionism), to international finance and exchange (from gold standard to gold-dollar standard and the overall flotation of currencies) and to the institutional structure of the international economy of the XXth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses some of the challenges Brazil has faced in its relationship with the United States since the end of the Second World War. During the Cold War, Brazil struggled to develop while it tended to be ideologically aligned to the United States. After the end of the Cold War, Brazil pursued denationalization policies and defended some minor interests against the United States. Economic integration is the challenge on the 21th century. In this context, the FTAA – Free Trade Area of Americas – will make it necessary for this two countries to administrate strategic differences, if it comes to reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Having the new Brazilian financial insertion as its background, the article investigates the different processes of multilateral and regional negotiation in which Brazil has participated. It intends to understand if the process of financial liberalization was conditioned by outer pressure, concretized in different multilateral and regional fora. It analyzes, then, the three following negotiations of the financial services trade: a) the General Agreement on Trade in Services; the South Common Market (Mercosul), and; c) the American Free Trade Area (Afta). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the second part of the author's article dealing with WTO's new themes. MERCOSUL is positioning itself to start negotiations in several fronts: inside WTO in the next round of multilateral negotiations, with the EU in a interregional agreement and with NAFTA inside the FTAA. Two themes are relevant to these negotiations: environment and labor standards. This article analyses the evolution of these themes in the international context from the Havana Charter, through UNCTAD, OECD and ILO to arrive in the WTO. The objective of this article is to give some elements for the discussion of these two themes in Mercosul's future negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic integration, at both global and regional levels, calls for the redefinition and the reorientation of past practices on the part of social actors in general, and on the part of the trade union movement in particular. If States, international organizations and transnational corporations represent the main vectors of economic integration, other social forces do make themselves heard in new and original ways. The paper sets up a theoretical framework in order to understand and analyze these initiatives. After having briefly reviewed contributions by Leslie Sklair and Douglass C. North on this matter, the authors turn towards two issues: first, the international framework set up after World War II and past practices, second, the present terms of globalization as they affect the transnationalization of trade unions practices. This historical and theoretical presentation is illustrated with references to trade unions initiatives within the Americas, both in the North and in the South, as they have evolved in the wake of NAFTA, MERCOSUR and the FTAA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

MERCOSUR is positioning itself to start negotiations in several fronts: inside WTO in the next round of multilateral negotiations, with the EU in a interregional agreement and with NAFTA inside the FTAA. Two themes are relevant to these negotiations: investment and competition. This article analyses the evolution of these themes in the international context from the Havana Charter, through UNCTAD and OECD, to arrive in the WTO. The objective of this article is to give some elements for the discussion of these two themes in Mercosur's future negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The obectif of this article is to focus on the external relations of MERCOSUL. It will start with a rapid introduction about MERCOSUL's genesis, its institutions and its decision making process, which will be very important to understand the members states' room to manoeuvre on MERCOSUL's foreign policy. Then it will analyse the relations between MERCOSUL and the principal geographical regions of the world, e.g., Latin America, North America, Western Europe and Asia. Is MERCOSUL going to be the hard core of a future South America Free Trade Area? Or, on the contrary, is it going to attempt to associate itself with NAFTA? Or, yet, could MERCOSUL combine these two possibilities? What kind of place is the European Union going to take at MERCOSUL's foreign policy? Could MERCOSUL develop its own relations with Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]