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Resumo Com base na análise de obras, entrevistas e posicionamentos políticos de Edward Said sobre as relações Israel-Palestina, o artigo discute como inflexões no ativismo do autor se articulam com a evolução de suas reflexões teóricas. Argumenta-se que mudanças de posição de Said sobre os conflitos da questão palestina refletem movimentos contínuos de sua produção teórica, particularmente o desenvolvimento de teses críticas a formas e práticas de filiação identitária. Conquanto Said mude algumas opiniões ao longo dos anos, sustenta-se que a crítica teórica a lógicas identitárias, em especial o que denomina “modelo de partilha” do nacionalismo, assim como o elogio de uma postura universalista se apresentam desde sempre em sua obra. Abstract Based on the analysis of Edward Said’s works, interviews and political views on Israeli-Palestinian relations, the article discusses how inflections in the author’s activism articulate with the evolution of his theoretical reflections. It is argued that Said’s changes of position on the conflicts of the Palestinian question reflect continuous movements of his theoretical production, particularly the development of critical theses about forms and practices of identity filiation. Although Said changes some opinions over the years, it is pointed out that his theoretical critique of identity logic, especially what he calls the “partition model” of nationalism, as well as the praise of a universalist position, have always been present in his work.

O texto consiste numa resenha da obra de Suzanne S. Choo. Nele, pretende-se abarcar as linhas de força dos diferentes paradigmas de ensino de literatura enfocados: o nacionalista, o mundial, o global e o cosmopolita. Assim, busca-se apresentar os resultados centrais da pesquisa de Choo, ancorada no que chama de "pedagogia crítica".

Resumo Apesar das inúmeras problematizações dos conceitos de “nação” e “nacionalismo” no âmbito da historiografia, e das discussões sobre a atualidade e a utilidade da categoria “cinema nacional” no campo dos estudos cinematográficos (BERRY, 2006), essas noções continuam sendo usadas tanto pelos estudos cinematográficos quanto por festivais e premiações. Em contraponto às chamadas “narrativas fundacionais” (SOMMER, 2004), que entrelaçavam felicidade doméstica e ideal nacional, em alguns filmes contemporâneos as esferas “individual” e “nacional” continuam ligadas, mas em chave negativa. Isso nos leva a propor o conceito de “narrativas de dissolução”, com base na análise de filmes do realizador chinês Jia Zhang-ke, e mais especificamente As montanhas se separam (2015).

DOI: 10.1590/2179-8966/2018/34241 Resumo A institucionalizacao moderna da xenofobia comeca com o Estado-nacao e seu principio de discriminacao pelo lugar de nascimento. O estrangeiro e no Estado-nacao, por principio, banido de direito e superexplorado de fato, ele e vigiado e submetido estruturalmente aos principios de excecao. Toda forma de nacionalismo, assim, trata o estrangeiro como um suspeito por natureza. Nos podemos, portanto, estudar os mecanismos que determinam os periodos em que o Estado implementa uma luta sistematica contra os estrangeiros. Geralmente, nos explicamos esses fenomenos com base nas variaveis economicas. Confrontado com o aumento do desemprego e com a baixa do crescimento, o Estado buscara favorecer o emprego dos nacionais. A “preferencia pelo nacional”, deste ponto de vista, se revela como sendo menos uma reivindicacao da extrema direita do que um principio que dirige todo o direito desde o fim do antigo regime. E preciso admitir, entretanto, que a economia capitalista depende continuamente da manutencao de um subproletariado precarizado, ao qual o Estado nega a igualdade e que, no entanto, deve ser reproduzido para assegurar a realizacao das tarefas mais desprezadas. Como compreender, nesse quadro, a ofensiva anti-imigratoria do comeco dos anos 1970 que iniciou o periodo no qual ainda vivemos, em que o imigrante pos-colonial se caracteriza por um tipo de bode expiatorio transversal? Palavras-chave: Migracoes; Nacionalismo; Policia; Pos-colonial; Securitario; Xenofobia; Franca; Sociologia. Abstract The modern institutionalization of xenophobia begins with the nation-state and its principle of discrimination by place of birth. The foreigner is, in principle, legally banned, in fact overexploited, supervised and structurally subjected to principles of exception. Any form of nationalism thus poses the foreigner as a suspect by nature. We can then study the mechanisms that determine these periods when the State undertakes a systematic struggle against foreigners. These phenomena are generally explained by focusing on economic variables. Faced with rising unemployment and declining growth, the state would seek to promote the employment of nationals. "National preference", from this point of view, is less a claim of the extreme right than a principle directing the law since the end of the Ancien regime. It must be admitted, however, that the capitalist economy relies permanently on the maintenance of a sub-proletariat to be exploited, to which the state refuses equality and that it must nevertheless reproduce to ensure the production of the most despised tasks. How to understand, in this context, the anti-migratory fight of the beginning of the 1970s which initiated the period in which we continue to live, where the postcolonial immigrant characterizes a kind of transversal scapegoat? Keywords: Migration; Nationalism; Police; Post-colonial; Security; Xenofobia; France; Sociology.

Este artigo analisa representações de nação nos discursos do presidente venezuelano Hugo Chávez ao longo de seus mandatos como presidente da Venezuela, ente 1999 e 2012. Procuramos averiguar, durante o período, de que forma a questão nacional foi representada por Chávez em diferentes contextos do seu governo. Percebemos que o discurso nacionalista chavista centra-se numa redefinição da soberania popular fundamentada, por um lado, numa espécie de resgate da proposta de Simon Bolívar e dos artífices das independências latino-americanas, ao mesmo tempo em que se construíam novos mecanismos de inclusão e participação popular. O discurso chavista objetivava também angariar adeptos a suas propostas em meio às tensas disputas políticas, transformar a realidade e legitimar o fortalecimento do papel do Estado durante seus governos.

A prática do ator e o treinamento corporal durante o século XX estão especificamente relacionados não só com diferentes técnicas corporais, mas também com linguagem, sociedade moderna e o conceito de liberdade. O nacionalismo, o anti-intelectualismo, o purismo corporal e vitalista e a distância cética do projeto moderno no início do século XX servem de ponto de partida para uma discussão sobre o corpo do ator e o treinamento corporal. De um ponto de vista crítico, fenômenos como o orientalismo, o escapismo rural e a quantidade de técnicas corporais na formação dos atores na segunda metade do século XX são justapostos com retórica sobre a liberdade corporal e um consumismo de acordo com tendências no resto da vida da sociedade. O discurso em torno do conceito de liberdade corporal pode ser visto como um projeto disciplinar e uma mercantilização do corpo no mercado atual. Uma discussão contemporânea sobre identidades - como construções, autenticidade e pós-colonialismo - pode influenciar a educação dos atores e torná-la mais individualizada, mas também aumentar a consciência dos valores e relações de poder que estão em jogo quando se trabalha com diferentes técnicas corporais nessa educação., The actor’s practice and bodily training during the twentieth century are specifically related not only to different bodily techniques, but also to language, modern society, and the concept of freedom. Nationalism, anti-intellectualism, bodily and vitalistic purism, and a sceptical distance from the modern project at the beginning of the twentieth century serve as a starting point for a discussion about the actor’s body and bodily training. From a critical point of view, phenomena like orientalism, rural escapism, and the amount of bodily techniques in actors’ training in the second half of the twentieth century are juxtaposed with rhetoric about bodily freedom and a consumerism in line with tendencies in the rest of society. The discourse surrounding the concept of bodily freedom can be seen as a disciplinary project and a commodification of the body in the present-day marketplace. A contemporary discussion about identities – such as constructions, authenticity, and post-colonialism – might influence actors’ education and make it more individualised, but also increase awareness of values and power relations that are at stake when working with different bodily techniques in such education.

The present article discusses foreign and economic policy at the end of the Estado Novo regime. We attempt to show how both were conditioned by a project for national development characterized, among other things, by its proposal for a type of development associated with foreign capital. We discuss the nature of Vargas’ nationalism, attempting to elucidate its multiple facets, and in particular, its specific conception of relations with foreign capital and the U.S. Keywords: foreign policy, economic policy, Estado Novo, nationalism, national project.

Este texto discute o nacionalismo, tomando emprestadas algumas proposições de um filósofo declarada e radicalmente antinacionalista, Friedrich Nietzsche. Procura-se argumentar que, ressalvados os raros casos de integração regional profunda, o nacionalismo é, na prática, o único caminho para o desenvolvimento econômico e a melhoria das condições de vida das populações na periferia da economia internacional.This paper discusses nationalism, borrowing some propositions from a philosopher who was openly and radically antinationalist, Friedrich Nietzsche. It argues that, with the exception of the rare cases of deep regional integration, nationalism is, in practice, the only route to economic development and the improvement of the standards of living of populations in the periphery of the international economy.

Este artigo explora se e como sinais de uma experiência afro-brasileira vieram à tona durante a existência do SCEC, um sindicato de carregadores e ensacadores de café que prosperou no porto do Rio de Janeiro entre 1931 e 1964 Apesar da forte presença de trabalhadores afrodescendentes no SCEC, o legado negro estava em grande parte ausente do discurso oficial do sindicato, que, em vez disso, colocava a ênfase na classe, no nacionalismo e em outros valores não relacionados à cor. Esse fato não está completamente desconectado do contexto sociopolítico do Brasil naquela época, dominado pelo sistema do trabalhismo e pela ideologia da democracia racial. No entanto, saliento que marcadores de um "campo negro" não eram completamente estranhos ao SCEC. Eles ainda sobrevivem nas memórias dos ensacadores e estão refletidos nos padrões raciais que tradicionalmente caracterizaram o cais do porto do Rio de Janeiro. This article explores whether and how signs of an Afro-Brazilian experience surfaced during the life of SCEC, a trade union of coffee carriers and packers (carregadores e ensacadores de café) that flourished in the port of Rio de Janeiro between 1931 and 1964. In spite of the large presence of Afro-descendant workers at SCEC, black legacy was largely absent in the official discourse of the trade union, which gave emphasis instead to class, nationalism and other color-blind values. This fact is not completely disconnected from the socio-political context of Brazil in that epoch, dominated by the system of labor politics (trabalhismo) and the ideology of racial democracy. However, I point out that markers of a 'black field' were not completely alien to SCEC. They still survive in the memories of ensacadores, and are reflected in the racial patterns that have traditionally characterized the docklands of Rio de Janeiro.

XX Encontro Nacional de Economia Política: desenvolvimento Latino-Americano, Integração e Inserção Internacional - UNILA, Foz do Iguaçu, 26 a 29 de maio de 2015 O final do século XIX e o início do século XX foram marcados por uma profusão de tentativas de dar um signifi cado autônomo à sociabilidade que funcionava no interior das fronteiras do que se entendia como Brasil. Descobrir o sentido do Brasil era algo tão forte no pensamento social da época que as expressões econômicas, políticas e artísticas foram marcadas por esta questão, sem necessariamente buscarem uma referência nacionalista ou xenófoba, apesar de em alguns casos passar por elas. Tomando como referência o tempo histórico entre os movimentos abolicionistas e a Era Vargas, o objetivo deste texto é recuperar no pensamento dos intérpretes do Brasil os elementos da confi guração das estruturas econômico-sociais brasileiras que ganham centralidade em suas visões sobre o Brasil e infl uenciam a origem do pensamento econômico brasileiro Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES); Usina Hidrelétrica de Itaipu (ITAIPU); Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) e Universidade Federal da Integração Latino-Americana (UNILA)

This essay examines how Margaret Atwood’s recent dystopias Oryx and Crake and The Year of the Flood reflect a transnational turn in her fiction, which is a significant development both in light of her early work and her public image as a Canadian cultural nationalist.---Original in English Este artigo analisa a maneira como os romances distópicos recentes de Margaret Atwood, Órix e Crex e O ano do dilúvio, refletem uma virada para o transnacional na sua ficção, que é significante em relação aos seus escritos antigos e à sua imagem pública de nacionalista cultural Canadense.---Artigo em inglês

Why Thought and not Theory? The Brazilian Political and Social Imagination and the Spectrum of Peripheral Condition (1880-1970) Why do we refer to Brazilian political reflection as Thought rather than theory? The hypothesis I intend to explore here is that in Brazil, themain reason for the term "thought" to refer to the country's intellectual products lies in the fact that the elites have always considered such products more or less inferior to those developed in Europe and the United States, due to their own more general perception of Brazil's peripheral status. To frame this question, I will discuss the terminological issue of "theory" and "thought" in the field of political science. Next, I will examine how some leading Brazilian scholars assess the country's place in the world and the quality of its intellectual products, especially those of a social and political nature. This analysis will be divided into two periods, the first pertaining to the predominance of the cosmopolitan cultural paradigm fromthe late 19th century to the 1920s, and the second with the nationalist cultural paradigm, lasting nearly until the late 20th century. Pourquoi désigne-t-on la réflexion politique brésilienne par pensée et non pas théorie? On formule ici l'hypothèse que la raison pour laquelle, au Brésil, il est usuel de nommer "pensée" ses produits intellectuels, vient du fait que les élites d'ici les ont toujours considérés comme inférieurs à ceux développés en Europe et aux États Unis, en raison d'une large perception du caractère périphérique de leur pays. En contexte à cette hypothèse, on examinera l'écart terminologique entre "théorie" et "pensée" dans le cadre de la science politique. Ensuite, on verra comment certains de nos principaux interprètes ont évalué la position du Brésil dans le monde ainsi que la qualité de ses produits intellectuels, surtout ceux de nature sociale et politique. Cet examen comprend deux moments: le premier concernant la période où a prévalu le paradigme culturel cosmopolite, depuis la fin du XIXe siècle jusqu'aux années 1920, et le second, pratiquement jusqu'à la fin du XXe siècle, où l'accent a été mis sur le paradigme culturel nationaliste.

Analisa a bibliografia sobre Nelson Rockefeller e a atuação no Brasil da American International Association for Economic and Social Development. Expõe interpretações otimistas sobre as ações de Rockefeller e da agência, bem como a corrente de pensamento que o caracterizou como um dos principais representantes do imperialismo norte-americano, seja como representante político na década de 1960, seja como idealizador de atividades de interesse privado. Procura demonstrar que as ações individuais ou da agência coadunavam com as elites locais, que influenciavam o remodelamento e a operacionalização dos projetos de cooperação técnica. The article analyzes the bibliography on Nelson Rockefeller and the activities of the American International Association for Economic and Social Development in Brazil. It describes optimistic interpretations of Rockefeller's and the association's work, as well as the nationalist stream of thought, which characterized him as one of the chief representatives of U.S. imperialism, both as a political representative in the 1960s and as the mind behind endeavors of interest to the private sector. It is shown that at the individual and agency levels alike, these initiatives involved direct ties to the local elites, who influenced the reshaping and operationalization of technical cooperation projects.

O presente artigo problematiza as relações estabelecidas entre o projeto político de nacionali-zação em Santa Catarina e as práticas escolares a partir da análise do jornal escolar A Criança Brasileira. Esse periódico foi publicado por 27 anos, de 1942 a 1968, assinado sempre por alunos do Primário e do Curso Complementar do Grupo Escolar Lauro Müller, inaugurado em 1912, em Florianópolis. Para essa discussão foram selecionados os números publicados entre 1942 e 1945. Tal escolha foi feita em razão dos temas privilegiados: biografias, datas comemorativas, notícias do cotidiano da escola, principalmente aquelas referentes às associações auxiliares, que evidenciam as práticas nacionalistas do período. Essas questões serão interpretadas a partir das noções de cultura política e de cultura escolar. Postula-se que o entrecruzamento dessas noções permitirá melhor compreender a permeabilidade entre as práticas políticas e as práticas escolares cotidianas, bem como quais normas e valores contribuíram para determinar as representações que os sujeitos e coletividades do passado fizeram de si mesmos e intentaram legar ao futuro. This article presents the issue of relations established between the political nationalization project in the state of Santa Catarina and school practices, departing from the analysis of A Criança Brasileira, a school newspaper. Such newspaper was published for 27 years (from 1942 to 1968), being always signed by Elementary and Complementary school students of a state school, Grupo Escolar Lauro Müller, established in 1912 in the city of Florianópolis. For the present discussion, issues published between 1942 and 1945 have been selected. Such choice has been done based on the privileged topics of the period: Biographies, celebratory dates, school life news - particularly those related to aid institutions that bring to light nationalist practices. Such issues will be interpreted based on notions of political culture, and the culture of school environments. The intertwining of such notions is postulated to avail a better understanding of how political practices permeate quotidian school practices, as well as which norms and values have contributed to determining a representation that past subjects and collectivities have made of themselves, and have attempted to leave as future legacy. A partir del análisis de periódico escolar A Criança Brasileira, este artículo problematiza las relaciones establecidas entre el proyecto político de nacionalización en Santa Catarina y las prácticas escolares. Dicho periódico fue publicado a lo largo de 27 años, de 1942 a 1968, firmado siempre por alumnos de enseñanza básica y del Curso Complementario del Grupo Escolar Lauro Müller, inaugurado en 1912 en Florianópolis. Para la presente discusión, se han seleccionado los números publicados entre 1942 y 1945. Esta elección se dio en función de los temas privilegiados: biografías, fechas conmemorativas, noticias del cotidiano escolar, principalmente las que se refieren a las asociaciones auxiliares, que evidencian prácticas nacionalistas en ese periodo. Estas cuestiones se interpretarán partiendo de las nociones de cultura política y cultura escolar. Se postula que el entrecruce de estas nociones permitirá comprender mejor la permeabilidad entre las prácticas políticas y las prácticas escolares cotidianas, así como cuáles las normas y valores que contribuyeron para determinar las representaciones que los sujetos y colectividades del pasado han hecho de si mismos y trataron de dejar para el futuro. Cet article questionne les relations établies entre le projet politique de nationalisation en Santa Catarina et les pratiques scolaires à partir de l'analyse du journal scolaire A Criança Brasileira. Ce périodique a été publié pendant 27 ans, de 1942 à 1968. Il a toujours été rédigé par des élèves de l'enseignement primaire et par des élèves du cours complémentaire du groupe scolaire Lauro Müller, qui existe depuis 1912 à Florianópolis. Dans le cadre de cette discussion, des publications entre 1942 et 1945 ont été sélectionnées. Ce choix se justifie par des thèmes qui ont été abordés durant cette période comme des biographies, dates commémoratives et nouvelles du quotidien de l'école, à savoir les nouvelles des associations auxiliaires qui mettaient en relief les pratiques nationales. Ces questions seront interprétées à partir de la notion de la culture politique et de la culture scolaire. On suppose que l'entrecroisement de ces notions permettra de mieux comprendre la perméabilité qui existe entre les pratiques politiques et les pratiques scolaires quotidiennes. Aussi, il permettra de mieux saisir quelles normes et valeurs ont contribué à déterminer la représentation que les sujets et les collectivités ont eu d'eux-mêmes auparavant. Il sera également possible de voir quelles normes et valeurs qu'ils ont essayé de transmettre à l'avenir.

A história do Brasil desde a independência pode ser dividida em três grandes ciclos políticos, e, desde 1930, é possível distinguir cinco pactos políticos ou coalizões de classe. Desde 1930 esses pactos são nacionalistas. Apenas nos anos 1990 as elites brasileiras se renderam à hegemonia neoliberal. No entanto, desde meados dos anos 2000 estão recuperando sua ideia de nação. A principal tese deste artigo é que as elites e a sociedade brasileiras são "nacionais-dependentes", isto é, são ambíguas e contraditórias, cuja definição exige um oxímoro. Hoje, procuram uma síntese entre os dois últimos ciclos políticos - entre justiça social e desenvolvimento econômico no quadro de um regime democrático.The history of independent Brazil may be divided in three major political cycles, and, since 1930, we can distinguish five political pacts or class coalitions. Since 1930 these pacts have been nationalist. Only in the 1990s the Brazilian elites surrendered to the neoliberal hegemony. Yet, since the mid 2000s, they are recovering their idea of nation. In fact, the main claim of the essay is that Brazilian elites and the Brazilian society are "national-dependent", i. e. , they are ambiguous and contradictory, requiring an oxymoron to define them. Today, it searches for a synthesis between the two last political cycles - between social justice and economic development in the framework of democracy.

The article discusses how the commitment to Brazilian cultural development, combined with a search for national identity through the Northern Literature movement, led Franklin Távora to base his work on scientific theory. The analysis of O Cabeleira unmasks the author’s double intention: to rescue national traditions through the history of the first Pernambuco outlaw, and defend the thesis that education could prevent banditry in the sertão. In short, if on one hand the author proposes human and regional development according to positivist ideals, on the other hand he turns back to true values, to sertanejo (inlander) habits and traditions. O artigo discute como o compromisso com o desenvolvimento cultural brasileiro, aliado à busca da identidade nacional por meio da “Literatura do Norte”, levou Franklin Távora a respaldar sua produção nas teorias cientificistas. A análise de “O Cabeleira” revela a dupla intenção do autor: resgatar as tradições nacionais, por meio da história do primeiro cangaceiro pernambucano, e defender a tese de que a educação evitaria o banditismo no sertão. Em suma, se por um lado o autor propõe o progresso do homem e da região conforme os ideais positivistas, por outro, volta-se para os verdadeiros valores, para as tradições e costumes do sertanejo.

O regime franquista, sobretudo nas primeiras décadas, exerceu amplo controle sobre a educação, que ficou sob a responsabilidade dos nacionalistas católicos. Produziram-se inúmeros livros escolares infantis orientados por forte sentido patriótico e religioso. Os autores tinham como objetivo moldar as consciências mirins com base nos pressupostos básicos da mentalidade que dava sustentação ao regime: autoridade, hierarquia, ordem, obediência, temor e devoção a Deus e ao Chefe Francisco Franco. Este texto analisa o conteúdo dos livros destinados ao ensino primário, mostrando como eles foram instrumentos importantes de doutrinação infantil, marcada pela intolerância. O conteúdo e as imagens neles presentes contribuíram para construir uma identidade nacional excludente, a qual estimulava o heroísmo, o martírio, o sacrifício infantil e o ódio aos inimigos da religião e da "Madre España". The Francoist rule, mainly in its first decades, exerted a strong control upon education, which was left in the hands of the Catholic nationalist. Innumerous children’s schoolbooks were published driven by strong patriotic and religious bias. The authors aimed to shape the children’s minds based on the premises that supported the regimen: authority, hierarchy, order, abeyance, fear and devotion to God and the leader Francisco Franco. This paper analyzes the content of the elementary education books and shows how they were important instruments of child indoctrination marked by intolerance. The content and the images of the books contributed to construct an excluding national identity based on a heightened Catholic patriotism, stimulated heroism, martyrdom, child sacrifice, and hatred for the enemies of the religion and of "mother Spain".

Este artigo aborda o conceito de nacionalismo como categoria de análise para o período de 1945-1964 no Brasil. Ao estudar esse longo período, optamos por dar ênfase às mudanças pelas quais o conceito passou, principalmente, ao longo dos anos de 1951 a 1964. Ao utilizarmos as concepções de Eric Hobsbawm sobre o caráter histórico do nacionalismo, pretendemos demonstrar de que forma se realizaram as mudanças nos usos e percepções a respeito do fenômeno, sem perdermos de vista sua importância nos embates políticos pela disputa do poder no Brasil. This article is about the nationalism concept as analysis category for the period of 1945-1964 in Brazil. During this period we chose to emphasize the changes wich the concept has been through, specially, through the years from 1951 to 1964.By utilizing Eric Hobsbawm's conceptions about nationalism historical character, with the intent of showing how the changes happened in the uses and perceptions of the phenomena, without forgetting it's importance in the political battles in the dispute for power in Brazil.

Falar do longo processo de mobilização nacional pela reforma do código da família no Marrocos exige que se preste homenagem aos primeiros militantes, homens e mulheres, pela emancipação das mulheres. Desde os anos quarenta, esses pioneiros colocavam entre suas reivindicações a abolição da poligamia, o estabelecimento do divórcio judiciário e os direitos iguais para as mulheres no interior da família. Os líderes do movimento de reforma Salafiya no Marrocos, entre eles Allal el-Fassi, estiveram entre seus inspiradores. De fato, a evolução da condição das mulheres marroquinas no início do século XX deu-se sob a dupla influência, por um lado, das novas condições sócio-econômicas e culturais resultantes da colonização e, por outro lado, através das idéias-chaves do reformismo muçulmano (Salafiya), difundidas pelos movimentos nacionalistas nas quais se inspiravam. Este ensaio é um convite para que se conheça a contribuição desta corrente e, em particular, a contribuição de seu líder, Allal el-Fassi, à evolução da sociedade marroquina moderna e à ascensão das mulheres marroquinas durante a primeira metade do século XX. To talk about the long process of national mobilization for the reformation of the Moroccan Family Code means also to talk about to the first fighters for women's liberation, both men and women. Since the 1940s, these pioneers asked for the abolition of polygamy, the establishment of judicial divorce and equal rights for men and women in the family circle.The Salafya movement leaders, among them Allal el-Fassi, were the inspiration for it. Two main factors were of importance for the evolution of the position of Moroccan women at the beginning of the 20th century: one, the new socio-economic and cultural condition obtained through colonization, and, two, the key ideals of Salafya (Muslim Reform), spread by the nationalist movements which were an inspiration for them. This article is an invitation to the introduction of this chain of thought and, particularly, to the contribution of his leader, Allal el-Fassi, to the evolution of modern Morocco and the empowerment of Moroccan women in the first half of the 20th century.

A partir da análise de Tropical, tela pintada por Anita Malfatti em 1917, este artigo propõe que a artista procedia a uma mudança em sua linguagem pictórica, afastando-se das concepções de vanguarda que adotara até então para, aderindo ao clima de retorno à ordem internacional, aproximar-se das discussões sobre o nacionalismo na arte, presentes na cena paulistana. Assim, a imagem de mulher insegura que mudou sua perspectiva por causa da crítica de Monteiro Lobato adquire outra conotação. Os modernistas teriam preferido essa interpretação a efetuar uma análise da obra de Anita Malfatti, por meio da qual se poderia desvelar uma deserção do programa vanguardista feita de forma consciente pela artista.Looking back at the issue of a lecture given at Pinacoteca do Estado (São Paulo, Brazil) in 2003, this article, based on the analysis of Tropical, canvas painted by Anita Malfatti in 1917, proposes that the artist, contrary to what has traditionally been stated, was undergoing a change in her pictorial language, distancing herself from the vanguard conceptions she had been embracing up to that date. In so doing, she would align with the international trend of the Rappel à l'ordre and approach the discussions on nationalism in art, present in the art millieu of São Paulo city. Thus, the image of an insecure woman who changed her perspective because of the famous review by Monteiro Lobato, acquires another connotation. Modernists would have preferred, and reiterated, this interpretation instead of making an analysis of Anita Malfatti's work per se, through which a volunteer desertion from the vanguard program could be unveiled.

Field Day has been the most important collective cultural initiative in Ireland since Yeats and Lady Gregory’s National Theatre movement in the early twentieth century. Founded in 1980 to articulate a cultural intervention into the crisis in Northern Ireland, it brought together some of the most important cultural figures in Ireland, such as the playwright Brian Friel, the actor Stephen Rea, and the poet Seamus Heaney. While it was originally conceived of as a touring theatre company, the enterprise also became a publishing imprint, and has produced some of the most challenging scholarly work on Irish culture and history. Its most ambitious project was The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, a massive undertaking that looked to compile and rethink 1,500 years of Irish writing. When the first three volumes of the Anthology were published in 1991 the egregious lack of women’s writing in their 4,044 double-columned pages, and the fact that not one of the editors of the 44 different sections was a woman, were immediately noted. In an embarrassed response, the editors commissioned a second instalment, which was entirely edited by women and devoted to women’s writing, and was published in 2002 in two volumes. The focus of this article is on the modes of postcolonial thinking that informed these two instalments. The first three volumes were clearly influenced by thinkers such as Said, who published a pamphlet with the group, and considered Field Day an archetypal postcolonial enterprise. Indeed, Field Day is credited with having introduced postcolonial thinking into Irish Studies, a move that was by no means uncontroversial. For many critics, theories emanating from African, Caribbean and Indian colonial experiences had no relevance in an Irish context, and they strongly suspected that Field Day’s interest in postcolonial thinking was little more than an attempt by the group to re-dress nationalism in exotic clothes. The blindness to gender evidenced in The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing was taken as confirmation of this, as it showed that Field Day was a group that could not see beyond the ‘national’ question and engage with other urgent issues. In many ways, then, attention to gender and to women was construed in these, at times fiery, debates about the first three volumes as a symbol of progress and modernisation. Particularly in the Republic of Ireland, Field Day was characterised as a group of middle-ged,patriarchal Northern Irish men, who would drag the whole island backwards; who could not provide a viable narrative for it at the end of the twentieth century. However, volumes IV and V of The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, (those devoted to women’s experiences), are, in fact, even morevertly postcolonial in their outlook than the first three volumes. But rather than looking towards Said, Fanon and Memmi, this second instalment was indebted to Subaltern Studies. Through giving an account of this episode in contemporary Irish cultural history, this article thinks about the problems and possibilities that attended upon this translation of postcolonial thinking from a non-European to a European setting. Field Day has been the most important collective cultural initiative in Ireland since Yeats and Lady Gregory’s National Theatre movement in the early twentieth century. Founded in 1980 to articulate a cultural intervention into the crisis in Northern Ireland, it brought together some of the most important cultural figures in Ireland, such as the playwright Brian Friel, the actor Stephen Rea, and the poet Seamus Heaney. While it was originally conceived of as a touring theatre company, the enterprise also became a publishing imprint, and has produced some of the most challenging scholarly work on Irish culture and history. Its most ambitious project was The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, a massive undertaking that looked to compile and rethink 1,500 years of Irish writing. When the first three volumes of the Anthology were published in 1991 the egregious lack of women’s writing in their 4,044 double-columned pages, and the fact that not one of the editors of the 44 different sections was a woman, were immediately noted. In an embarrassed response, the editors commissioned a second instalment, which was entirely edited by women and devoted to women’s writing, and was published in 2002 in two volumes. The focus of this article is on the modes of postcolonial thinking that informed these two instalments. The first three volumes were clearly influenced by thinkers such as Said, who published a pamphlet with the group, and considered Field Day an archetypal postcolonial enterprise. Indeed, Field Day is credited with having introduced postcolonial thinking into Irish Studies, a move that was by no means uncontroversial. For many critics, theories emanating from African, Caribbean and Indian colonial experiences had no relevance in an Irish context, and they strongly suspected that Field Day’s interest in postcolonial thinking was little more than an attempt by the group to re-dress nationalism in exotic clothes. The blindness to gender evidenced in The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing was taken as confirmation of this, as it showed that Field Day was a group that could not see beyond the ‘national’ question and engage with other urgent issues. In many ways, then, attention to gender and to women was construed in these, at times fiery, debates about the first three volumes as a symbol of progress and modernisation. Particularly in the Republic of Ireland, Field Day was characterised as a group of middle-ged, patriarchal Northern Irish men, who would drag the whole island backwards; who could not provide a viable narrative for it at the end of the twentieth century. However, volumes IV and V of The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing, (those devoted to women’s experiences), are, in fact, even more vertly postcolonial in their outlook than the first three volumes. But rather than looking towards Said, Fanon and Memmi, this second instalment was indebted to Subaltern Studies. Through giving an account of this episode in contemporary Irish cultural history, this article thinks about the problems and possibilities that attended upon this translation of postcolonial thinking from a non-European to a European setting.

Este artigo investiga as mudanças no ideário sobre raça e identidade nacional nos Estados Unidos, durante os anos 1930, através da análise da reação do público ao pugilista negro Joe Louis. Especificamente, o artigo focaliza duas lutas entre Louis e o pugilista negro Max Schmeling, ocorridas em 1936 e 1938, argumentando que o eventual símbolo da democracia que Louis encarnaria refletia a emergência de um nacionalismo. This article assesses changing ideals about race and US national identity during the 1930s through an analysis of public reaction to black pugilist Joe Louis. Specifically, the article focuses on Louis' 1936 and 1938 fights with German boxer Max Schmeling, arguing that Louis' eventual symbolism as US democracy incarnate reflected an emergent racially inclusive nationalism in mainstream society. Cet article évalue les changements d'idéaux relatifs à la question de la race et de l'identité nationale aux USA durant les années 30, et ce à travers une analyse des réactions du public vis à vis du boxeur noir Joe Louis. L'article cible particuliérement les combats de Louis en 1936 et 1938 contre le boxeur allemand Max Schmeling montrant que l'éventuel symbole de démocratie aux USA incarné par Louis reflète l'émergence d'un nationalisme racialement inclusif dans la société traditionelle.

This article examines the agents and narratives dedicated to celebrating the "Labor tradition" in the State of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. It begins by presenting the social origins and background of interpreters of this "legacy" who occupy different positions in the partisan political spectrum. It then proceeds to discuss the strategies for establishing continuity between the traditional icons and the individual and collective stances represented by these interpreters. The research then demonstrates the unvarying issues like valorization of the Labor partisan legacy, the nationalist rallying cries, and regional political specificity as well as the differences pertaining to the profiles of agents undertaking the historical research task. Based on the latter, the research also highlights the heroicization of the principal leaders and their link to political selection and recruitment processes at stake. Dans cet article, on examine les agents et les récits consacrés à la célébration de la "tradition travailliste" au Rio Grande do Sul, au Brésil. D'un côté, on présente les origines et les trajectoires sociales d'interprètes de l"'héritage" qui agissent à différents échelons politiques des partis. De l'autre, on montre les stratégies de construction d'une continuité entre les icones de la tradition et les prises de position individuelles et collectives que ces interprètes représentent. À partir de la recherche, on voit les invariances comme une mise en valeur de l'héritage du Parti Travailliste Brésilien, les emblèmes nationalistes et la spécificité de la politique régionale ainsi que les différences concernant le profil des agents engagés dans la constitution de la mémoire du parti. On constate aussi une tendance à considérer les principaux dirigeants comme des héros et on insiste sur leurs liens avec leurs processus de sélection et recrutement politique.

This text proposes an outline of the current stage of what its author calls a third moment in the expansion of imperialism, which began around 1945 but gained new features since the end of the Soviet Union and of Third World's nationalist populisms. The mentioned third moment is labelled a 'collective imperialism' of the United States, Europe and Japan, under American hegemony. The article comprises many aspects of its subject but, while tracing an outline from its chosen perspective, it emphasizes the possibilities of changes in the world system which could eventually emerge in Europe (depending, among other factors, on the establishment of a political alliance Paris-Berlin-Moscow, with possible Asiatic extensions) and in China. The author does not agree with current theories which assert that the so-called 'globalization' implies an inevitable state decline