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Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2009 China has been Brazil´s biggest trade partner, and its important ally. However, the nationalist right that won the 2018 elections has a critical perspective of the country. This paper maps the views on China held by the new Brazilian government, both in terms of the economic arguments (protectionism of industry, fear of Chinese control of infrastructure and natural resources) and political concerns (the desire for a diplomatic rapprochement with the United States and anti-communism hostility towards Beijing). The paper claims that these positions are important for foreign policy decision-making and that they complicate relations with China, but that is also necessary to take into account more moderate views from other groups in the administration.

Since 2009 China has been Brazil's biggest trade partner, and its important ally. However, the nationalist right that won the 2018 elections has a critical perspective of the country. This paper maps the views on China held by the new Brazilian government, both in terms of the economic arguments (protectionism of industry, fear of Chinese control of infrastructure and natural resources) and political concerns (the desire for a diplomatic rapprochement with the United States and anticommunism hostility towards Beijing). The paper claims that these positions are important for foreign policy decision-making and that they complicate relations with China, but that is also necessary to take into account more moderate views from other groups in the administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marriages between people from different countries tend to be organized according to preferential geographies and form distinctive “marriagescapes,” such as the one that takes shape in the Euro-Brazilian transatlantic space, the focus of this article. In this context, marital arrangements with a particular gender-nationality structure prevail (European men and Brazilian women), from which spatial and culturally extensive alliance configurations emerge, based on an exogamy that crosses political, social, and identity boundaries. Diversified and distended, this marriagescape combines multiple axes of alterity: nationality, sexuality, gender, “race,” ethnicity, class. More than cleavage factors, the demarcations inscribed in this heterogamic pattern function as attraction inducing, involving the articulation of diverse desires. The differences and inequalities inherent to the European-Brazilian marriages tend to give rise to the idea that the Brazilian women will be the major beneficiary from the establishment of transnational alliance bonds. However, this female hypergamy can be hindered, particularly when matrimony involves migration to Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pessoa Plural is the property of Pessoa Plural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Diaspora is the first step towards an encounter with the other, forcing a re-negotiation of one’s cultural identity. This quest for the self, known as diasporic consciousness, is thought to be disruptive, having the power to de-essentialize national narratives. While diaspora does shake the core of individuals, this paper differentiates diasporic from hybrid consciousness as two distinct discourses of self. Maintaining a diasporic consciousness means to sustain the idea of a physical ‘home’ that has been forever lost. The constant desire to ‘return’ underscores an unconditional alliance to the homeland and its diasporic footprint. Consequently, the diasporic experience does not necessarily produce transgressive forms of cultural identification. On the contrary, those who dwell on diasporic consciousness reify national discourses abroad. The language of nationalism remains intact, and ‘native’ and ‘other’ constitute themselves through a dialectic but mutually exclusive relationship with devastating consequences for those who cannot cope with the binary. The alternative to diasporic consciousness is Bakhtinian heteroglossia, for it exposes national discourses as ‘epic,’ and de-territorializes ‘home’ to find it in language. Hybrid narratives of self connect diverse memories, images, and experiences into individual stories of identity that ultimately transform official discourses of national, gender, religious, and racial identifications.

In article, Sara Roberts, a former BBC researcher and journalist - currently teacher and writer - offers her own personal impressions of the recent rise of populism in Britain and its effects on Brtitish society, based on her experiences in Oxford, where she lives.

Nationalism in Paraguay is an ideological element consolidated during the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. The article address the anchoring of the nationalist discourse that survived the dictatorial regime of Alfredo Stroessner to roam as common sense in the murky waters of what has been called transition to democracy. We briefly consider the grounds of the nationalist discourse built in the postwar period and its particular implementation and development during the Stroessner government. Then we introduce an analytical scheme of the ideological effectiveness of this discourse that works as a transversal axis to the political structure inherited from the dictatorship. We argue that the nationalist discourse forged during the dictatorship reproduced a family scheme assigning places to the different members of the society and that this resulted into a kind of genealogy that culminated in the dictator but managed to transcend it. Finally, we hope to introduce a wedge to think about other possible identitarian modes within a society that crosses a tense present between both options.

The aim of this article is to analyze the process of nationalization of Buenos Aires City’ TV channels (9, 11 and 13) between 1973 and 1974. For this aim, we take into account Television’s History from its origins until 1973 focusing on the role of State and the entrepreneurs. We also analyze decrees that determined the nationalization and public debates about the different projects for television through hemerographic material of the period. Our main hypothesis is that under the idea of a “national television” divergent projects struggle to impose: 1) a television at the service of the people, 2) a mixed system where private participation predominates, 3) a model of public service similar to the European, whose local application was never materialized. Finally, none of these projects prevails and television ends up under State control but holding a commercial model.

The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.

King Salman and prince Mohammad bin Salman yearn to shift Saudi Arabia away from oil dependency via the project Vision 2030, which includes a set of liberalisations for women, such as legalisation of driving and economic empowerment. Topics related to women have been a taboo to Saudi society; thus, it is interesting to understand their role in these reforms and their negotiation of rights within the state. I argue that these reforms are not politically liberalising, as they do not rearrange the patriarchal structure. Moreover, they walk in line with a top-down nationalist project that excludes and arrests, among others, female activists that previously fought for the right to drive, stressing the limitations on women’s freedom under Salman’s rule.

This article focuses on the emotional dimensions of academic historical work within the early twentieth-century Finnish community of historians. Its starting point is the inextricable intertwining of reason and emotion – a premise that is today accepted across disciplines. As the cognitive and the affective are interdependent in the production of knowledge, the formation of judgements and the making of meaning, emotions lie at the core of historians’ scholarly practices and the construction of the scholarly self. By discovering four main types of feeling-thinking processes that are common in historical work, the article argues that emotions not only make history personal, but also make it meaningful in the first place. On the theoretical level, the analysis leans on the insights of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, makes use of readings of Mark Johnson’s and James M. Jasper’s work and exploits the concept of the relational self of the historians Mary Fulbrook and Ulinka Rublack.

The socialist internationalism arises in the late nineteenth century as an innovative phenomenon for the deployment of a sustained response to the rise of militarism and the “new religion” of patriotism. This debate will have an impact on the Argentine socialism, questioned by the border conflict between Argentina and Chile. The 1890s witness a bellicose escalation and mobilization of various sectors of Argentine society and politics, surmounted by the sanction of compulsory military service in 1901. This work thus focuses on two aspects: on one hand, the reception of the debates of the Second International by the rising Argentine socialism; and on the other hand, the forms of antimilitarism intervention that will shape the profile of the Socialist Party in Argentina.

This article addresses Enrique Gaspar’s novel El anacronópete (1887) by means of the articulation of the fantastic genre and nationalism. The nineteenth century witnessed a powerful scientific and techno-logical development, which introduced economic, political and social changes. This can be traced in literature, especially in the second half of the century: for example, in the antagonistic positions between Emilio Ferrari and Gaspar Núñez de Arce in the field of poetry, or novels by Benito Pérez Galdós as Doña Perfecta (1876), in which the tension between the countryside and the city is compared to that existing between tradition and modernity. In this context, the value of Gaspar's novel surpasses the anecdote of presenting the first time machine in literature, eight years before Wells’s. Its value lies in the way in which, starting from the articulation of scientific and literary discourse, it expands the limits of the fantastic while using the procedure to address the question of national identity. The action takesplace during the International Exhibition in Paris in 1878. The novel shows the popularity of the “famous Jules Verne” in Spain, whose “marvelous hypotheses” will be considered “children's toys in the face of the magnitude of the real invention of the modest Zaragoza neighbour of Spain”. More than a science fiction novel, the text calls for the incorporation of concepts related to the process of creation of national identities from such disciplines as history and sociology.

This essay explores the nationalization of beer in twentieth-century China. Using the theoretical framework of “culinary infrastructure,” it shows how the physical facilities and technologies of brewing and marketing interacted with local drinking cultures to shape the understandings of beer in China. It begins by describing how a western consumer good originally marketed to colonial representatives was gradually adopted by the urban Chinese as a symbol of modernity in the first half of the twentieth century. It then reviews the nationalization of foreign-owned breweries and the growth of domestic production in the first decades of Communist rule. The essay concludes that the Chinese acquired a taste for beer as an everyday marker of urban privilege that survived Maoist radicalism and remains to this day a defining feature of Communist China.

In the 19th century Spanish-American volcanoes were a subject of study chosen as representative of Spanish-American nature and landscape. The scientific discoveries inspired European and New World artists who focused on vernacular flora to exalt new values, not only esthetic, but identity and nationalist ones as well. The Mexican pictorial production, specially since the 1910 Revolution, includes inescapable botanical references such as the cactus or the watermelon, sometimes related with the local fauna. Concerning the flower, it has gradually turned into a feminist symbol in Mexican contemporary art.

Men’s rugby in Buenos Aires is going through a phase of professionalization and globalization which is blurring the long-standing link between that sport and the upper-middle and upper classes of the city. Based on two ethnographic studies of porteño (Buenos Aires) rugby players, this article analyses rugby as a space for the creation of “otherness” within the country as a whole, one which legitimizes Buenos Aires as the symbolic center of the nation to the detriment of its “interior”. This phenomenon is reflected in the organization of the sport and the dispute between “amateurs” and “professionals”, which in turn, has a moral aspect insofar as both sides claim that they are the true representatives of the nation. An analysis of the careers of well-known former rugby players from Buenos Aires throws light on attempts to construct a nationalism “with class” in the context of the new globalization of sports which shape narratives about national identity and class.

The »Invention of National Legal History« in Europe deals with a multiplicity of almost unknown histories. Three main steps need to be undertaken in order to better grasp the phenomena. The contribution begins with reflections about the object of something as legal history, the various methods of both defining and presenting it, what »national« means within this research context, as well as mentioning several factors that are probably highly relevant. Since no one author nor the preparatory research is capable of providing a complete picture, even for the larger European nations, the second step offers an analysis of three promising cases studies. Fortunately, these individual case studies generate fruitful insights into the various evolutions and conditions of legal history. With Hermann Conring, Matthew Hale, and Claude Fleury in Germany, England, and France, respectively, we encounter three non-coincidental, parallel initiatives, as will be shown, that all take place in the 17th century. Yet as rich as the three analyzes are, current research can still contribute significantly to these cases. The third step brings nearly all of Europe into focus, namely the »European variations and conditions« of legal histories. Seven special factors of particular relevance are determined and serve as leading questions. Thus, is it possible to show something significant about the varying national »solutions according to their factors« in France, England, the Holy Roman Empire as well as in Germany, Spain, Portugal, Italy, the Netherlands, and the Nordic countries. The contribution closes with a contemplative section entitled »Results, Prognosis and Retrospective«.

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes how relevant issues regarding Paraguay's condition after the Triple Alliance War (1870–1876) were used as a tool in political fight between nationalists and autonomists during Argentinean presidential campaign of 1873 and 1874. It mentions that the conflict, Paraguay's occupation and remained issues from that incident were used by autonomist faction as a strategy in the electoral local fight against nationalism; and newspapers from Buenos Aires have been consulted, once they were the main channel of political debates and promoters of representations.

The article aims to analyze the political uses of Elisa Lynch, who had an affective relationship with the Paraguayan president Francisco Solano López and was an important character in the Triple Alliance War (1864-1870). A central episode in the History of Paraguay, the war and its main characters were thoroughly studied. It was not different with Lynch: her trajectory was reconstructed in several biographical works. Characterized, at the end of the conflict, as a vile and manipulative woman, in the 20th century, during the Stroessner regime, Elisa Lynch was elevated as national heroine, along with her partner. This research reflects on the potential political interests behind this rehabilitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first decade of independent existence, Guyana went through a phase of alignment with the US and another phase of socialism. In this article, I analyze the Brazilian diplomatic documentation produced at the Itamaraty, signed by the foreign ministers and dispatched with their respective presidential generals, in order to problematize the foreign policy of Guyana and its search for better paths of international insertion. It is an unpublished documentation, precious way to understand the history of that country. I conclude that, with autonomy in alignment with the US, Brazil was able to face Guyana in a professional manner, ensuring the maintenance of its sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the theoretical and methodological perspective, in the present paper we intend to contribute with the debates pertinent to the History of the historiography of the brazilian Seventh Art. We problematize hermeneutically the book Classic historiography of Brazilian movie: methodology and pedagogy (1995) by the movie critic Jean-Claude Bernardet. We take into consideration the reflections of Michel de Certeau (2007) on the social, political, economic and cultural place of historians, especially one of its primordial elements, the "not said", as well the proposals of the German theorist Jörn Rüsen (2010) regarding the hermeneutic method applied in the production of historical knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this text will be to reconstitute the process of institutionalization of university teaching of History at the University of Paraná (current Federal University of Paraná) between 1938 and 1971, emphasizing the process of curricular change that the Geography and History course has undergone until they became autonomous in the early 1960s. Between 1938 and 1961, the History course was unified to that of Geography, a process similar to what happened in São Paulo (University of São Paulo) and Rio de Janeiro (University of Brazil, current Federal University of Rio de Janeiro). The sources that supported this research were the Yearbooks of the FFCL/UFPR, the diaries and classbooks, and the Minutes of the History course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the historiography on political exiles in the social context of southern Latin American dictatorships. It is referenced on three works published between 2007 and 2013, and aims to highlight the most used ways with which historians inserted and gave visibility to the subject of exile in their agenda from the perception and (re)discovery of the magnitude of the events. Respecting that, it carries out a debate around the following proposing guidelines: how the referenced works helped to consolidate the "exile" object concerning a systematic pattern of interpretation; and which ways were used to formalize an interdisciplinary and transnational network of scholars whose experience with the problematic of research showed to be fundamental to renew theme-related theoretical, historiographical and methodological meanings. The article concludes that such interventions ended to give a status of heuristic legitimacy to the investigations about the exiles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims at analyzing the approaches taken on the participation and importance of the leaders Farrapos in the 1957 Revolt in the Southwest of Paraná, which resulted in the defeat of the land companies and the government of Moysés Lupion who practiced land fraud in the lands of the Missões lands and part of Chopim territories. In the historical approaches of the revolt, the exaltation of the urban leaders who operated from 1951 to October 1957, as well as in the aftermath of the lupionista defeat, prevailed as they became political leaders and considered "heroes" of the October 1957 uprising, because the victory would have occurred without the shedding of blood. However, the references of the Farrapos leaders in the frontier area with Argentina, especially of Pedro Santin, were in the background or as a negative example to be followed and recalled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The results of a research project developed between 2014-2020 related to the didactic narratives of history in Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay and relevant to the Guerra Guasu content (1864-1870) are presented. Although there has been a significant historiographical advance on the subject, these narratives have a traditional, descriptive profile, with a focus on the achievements of those considered as "great men". In the case, above all, of the Brazilian narratives, different categories of historical sources were incorporated, however the subordinate subjects listed for this analysis: women, children, indigenous people and the freed and enslaved blacks remain invisible by the writing of an official didactic narrative and that reverberates the canons of the winner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work explores the representations of women in a selection of textbooks used in Paraguayan schools during the period 1989-2020, with the aim of analyzing the historical role attributed to women in school stories about the War of the Triple Alliance. (1864-1870). It is argued that despite the process of reviewing the school curriculum and educational policy initiated with the democratic transition in 1989, the hegemonic representations of women linked to nationalism persist, consolidating traditional gender roles within the framework of a patriarchal society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how and why the Guasu War or the Triple Alliance War remains in the memory of Paraguayans as part of their national identity. Starting from the idea that Paraguay had to go through a process of symbolic reconstruction after the defeat of 1870, the different resignifications of the myths consecrated by the revisionists throughout the 20th century are analyzed, in order to identify how these myths permeated political and cultural practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Romantic and modernist Brazilian literature tried to tackle the issue of our nationality as a means of self-recognition, a search for national identity. With the rise of post-modernism and especially of cultural studies, the question of national identity and of the representation of the nation is back again; historians, social scientists and literary and visual arts critics have been discussing the theme and we, therefore, see analysis of novels, short stories, poems, paintings, installations, movies and TV series, among others, which deal with how these media try to represent the nation - or if it is still possible to speak in a totalizing way about narratives of the nation and of national identity. Nonetheless, this matter does not seem so compelling in theatre studies. Although there are plays which attempt to narrate a space and its society, whether it be the nation or the city - the latter sometimes representative of an idea of nation -, the debate on what this idea of nation and national identity are is, in theatre studies, limited. Thus, this article aims at analyzing how the nation was imagined and the understanding of national identity in the play BR3, signed by Bernardo Carvalho and staged by the company Teatro da Vertigem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze how the writer José Pereira da Graça Aranha represented the Brazilian national identity in the set of essays The aesthetics of life, published in 1921. José Pereira da Graça Aranha (1868-1931), born in São Luís do Maranhão, Brazilian writer and diplomat, graduated in Law from the Recife Law School. Graça Aranha was concerned with defining what it meant to be Brazilian. In an attempt to address this issue, he elaborated to explain what constituted the Brazilian being and the reasons for having such characteristics. He publicized his projects through publications, which included texts such as essays, novels, among others. The Aesthetic work of life is formed by a set of essays, among which Aranha exposes her philosophical conceptions of the world, presenting the view that each people has its own characteristic that would form the soul of the race. For Aranha, each nation would integrate the universal whole through its uniqueness. In this work the author explains how this whole would be formed and how Brazil could find its characteristic to integrate it, defending the conservation of Portuguese characteristics and the political union of Brazil and Portugal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century was the stage for the creation of the Italian national identity during the movement known as Risorgimento, which, for this purpose, resorted massively to reinterpretations of events linked to the Middle Ages, having elected the Lombard League, the battle of Legnano (1176) and Alberto da Giussano as essential symbols for their struggle for the constitution of Italy as a nation-state. From the beginning of the 1980s, with the formation of the right-wing ethnoregionalist political party known for most of its history as Lega Nord (1989- 2013), these symbols were reframed to adapt to the objective of creating a new nation, Padania, which, according to Lega supporters, would be the successor of the medieval Lombard League. We analyze in this article how the key elements of the neomedievalist mythopoiesis orchestrated by the Lega (the Oath of Pontida, the Lombard League, Legnano, Alberto da Giussano and the Carroccio) are essential for understanding their ideology and how these elements are present in their masterpiece, the feature film Barbarossa (2009), analyzed here taking into account the ideological arguments of the Lega infiltrated in the narrative; the historical elements disposed there and, finally, the referential relations with other works of a neomedievalist nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social identity is part of a person's self-concept and is built on characteristics associated with certain social categories to which one belongs. Currently, one of the most salient categories of social identity has been the nationality. The present study presents a new measurement of national identification, developed for the Brazilian context. Two studies were carried out. The first concerns the construction of the instrument and the investigation of initial evidence of internal validity. The second study investigated new evidence of internal validity and sought evidence of validity based on relationships with external variables and theoretically correlated with national identity. The results of both studies indicated evidence of construct validity and scale criterion. However, other evidence of validity is still needed to attest to the quality of the National Identification Scale and its actual suitability for use in the Brazilian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Veritas is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Comunicação Midiática is the property of Universidade Estadual Paulista, Faculdade de Arquitetura, Artes e Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The work presented here intends to identify how the relations of the nationalist government of Getúlio Vargas with the great international powers of the 30s and 40s, led the internal relations with the Nazi movement - which lasts throughout the 1930s and part of the 1990s. 1940, through the National Socialist Political Party and Associations - and external relations, in Latin America with Argentina, in the definition of a national Varguista project, mainly from 1938 to 1942, and foreign policy conducted until the alignment with the States United States of America. Here, the privileged concepts were of nation and nationalism, but the terms that defined Brazilian foreign policy strategies were also explored. For that, qualitative research was used, from an investigation with primary and secondary sources with documentary triangulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the background of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the largest and most relevant institution in Africa. It emerges in 1963 from the historical trajectory of the continent marked by exploitation, slavery, colonization, armed struggles, pan-Africanism and nationalism; processes that culminated in decolonization, self-determination of peoples and independence. The OAU results from the friction of two groups of countries, Monrovia and Casablanca, which fought for the same objective: the end of colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a review of independent cinema in the period of democracy building in Brazil from 1985 to 2016, a time span with films that portray a democratic project of emergence of erased identities in national cinema. The place occupied by black people, women and the poor assumed a tense status in this new context. The Day Dorival Faced the Guard by Jorge Furtado (1986), for example, chronicles the strategic and shrewd thinking of a black inmate in order to be able to take a shower after ten days in solitary confinement by order of no one knows who. Kbela by Yasmim Thainá (2015), on the other hand, is a black woman’s film of humble origin. The narrative shows the transformation of five women who overcome racial prejudice by discovering their own identity, color, culture, ancestry. In the two films it is possible to identify a trajectory that transforms the figuration of freedom of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pensares em Revista is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Considering the intense presence of cinema in the history of Cape Verde, the aim of this article is to take a look at the proposals regarding the film screening aired in the early years of independence (1974-1980). In the same period, the government's actions with regard to sports, seeking to consolidate a national identity that did not fit the archipelago's trajectory, clashed with a historically constructed understanding of the practice (Melo, 2011). What would have happened to the cinema? How was the topic debated? The evidence examined comes from Voz di Povo, which circulated the PAIGC positions, as well as Alert! and Novo Jornal de Cabo Verde, periodicals launched at the time of transition to independence. It is concluded that the proposed interventions were unsuccessful, in part because of operational limitations, but also because the population refused to abandon old habits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Veritas is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this work is to present a case study on the identification between Romanesque art and national identity in Catalonia, an association that emerged in the framework of the emergence of national movements at the end of the 19th century, but that was recovered a century later when the process for the declaration of the Romanesque churches of the Boí Valley as a world heritage site by UNESCO began. The identification of the Romanesque with a «national art» is reinforced in this case because it is a Romanesque art located in the heart of the Pyrenees, with the strong symbolic value of the mountain as the «cradle» of the Catalan nation. We will analyse the World Heritage process and its effects in the context of a small territory, with a scarce population and dependent to a great extent on the seasonality of tourism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lucía Miranda is a character identified with the formation of the region of Rio de la Plata, which will star, in the 19th, two of historical content written by Rosa Guerra and Eduarda Mansilla. The stories presented by the two authors differ in the treatment of the theme and seem to propose different ways of seeing the history and the possibilities of constructing signs of national identity. In this work, I analyze comparatively the two works and the ways in which they turn into fiction an event considered historical. At first, the paper presents some considerations about historical novel and its uses in the nineteenth century. In a second moment, I present a brief review about the myth/history of Lucía Miranda and about the life of the authors Rosa Guerra and Eduarda Mansilla. Then, a comparative analysis of the two novels is presented to establish the points of convergence and divergence between the two works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sports mega-events are periods when the spirit of nationalism is high, leading people to buy products to express support for their country in the competition. The purpose of this correlational study is to verify which variables influence the impulse buying behavior of merchandise. 441 Brazilians participated in the study (264 women and 177 men, Mage = 34.56. SD = 15.89 years). Data collection was carried out through an online questionnaire (SurveyMonkey platform), which was shared through Facebook, WhatsApp, and email lists during the FIFA World Cup 2018. The results showed that men are more fanatic about the cup and tend to become more involved in the event. A sequential mediation model, applied to both sexes, revealed that the stronger the national identity, the greater the fanaticism, which leads to greater involvement, resulting in impulse buying of merchandise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a historiographic reconstitution of the debates that the work of the writer Machado de Assis provoked together with Octávio Brandão and Astrojildo Pereira, two fundamental intellectuals in the political and cultural history of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). The legacy of Machado's work had wide repercussions in debates about the fates of the Brazilian Revolution, the political agenda that guided the intellectual interventions of Pecebist nationalism. This article describes and analyzes a set of writings that Octávio Brandão and Astrojildo Pereira published between 1939 and 1958, dates that marked, respectively, the centenary of birth and the 50th anniversary of the death of Machado de Assis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]