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Suggests that the Luso-Brazilian Accord is a strategy to spread the Portuguese language in Africa, particularly in the former colonies of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, and Sao Tome e Principe, and to construct and solidify a community of lusophone nations in geopolitical terms in world affairs. Language planning in these countries must take into consideration cultural, political, linguistic, and ethnic situation of each nation. (Author/VWL)

This paper examines humanitarianism in the “Global South” through engaging with resilience projects in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin (LCB) in Africa. It addresses how recent humanitarianism has moved away from top-down interventions which sought to either intervene to save those that have been rendered as “bare life” (Agamben, 1998: 4) by their own governments or improve the state’s —especially “fragile” and “failing” ones— capacity to govern, towards society-based projects which seek to produce resilient subjects. While previous accounts of security and development emphasized why fragile states and authoritarian regimes could constitute a threat to their people and the international system, society, or community, where justifications for interventions were based on their flouting of specific international norms and conventions. In contrast, recent humanitarianism has become less targeted at regime change as was evident with the reluctance that followed the unproductive cases in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya where assumptions that regime change, or democracy promotion could achieve or promote the ends of liberal governance. Moving away from these statist focus, post-intervention has moved towards strengthening the capacities of communities to withstand shocks, adapt and self-transform their own the broader social milieu. My contention is that the move towards resilience is not only an acknowledgement of the cognitive imperfections of the liberal subject but more importantly (Chandler, 2013b), it raises questions about historical claims concerning “liberal” and “illiberal” subjecthood. These imperfections have historically been reserved for non-whites and non-Europeans since the Enlightenment, i.e., issues related to (ir-)rationality and (un-)reason; the homo economicus is a myth after all (Thaler and Sunstein, 2009; Chandler, 2013a). By moving away from humanitarian activities that require intervention to post-intervention, which involves claims about the subject’s internal capacity to “self-govern” (Chandler, 2012; Chandler, 2013a), migration, development and security have become closely intertwined with some suggesting a migration-development-security nexus where humanitarian aid serves the purpose of accomplishing global governance of complexity (Stern and Öjendal, 2010; Truong and Gasper, 2011; Deridder et al., 2020). While useful, this paper problematizes this understanding of resilience which concerns itself with the biopolitics of enhancing life’s capacity to self-govern by unpacking the various ways in which “resilience processes are marked by inequities and by the consequences of a history of the coloniality of power, oppression, and privilege” (Atallah et al., 2021: 9), especially in the Global South. In particular, the move towards resilience has entailed further incursions into people’s lives such that various rationalities and techniques of governmentality target the population which may raise further questions when these populations are those of other countries or within regions that have a history of colonisation and subjugation. By reconceptualising biopolitics as racial biopolitics and by decentring the state and instead looking at assemblages, i.e., a multiplicity of actors and rationalities and technologies, and practices which function as totalities and produce passive or active agents with or without capacity for resistance, Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of agencement which is translated to English as “Assemblages”, is useful to capture the rationalities and techniques of resilience projects in the Sahel and LCB. I reconceptualise this powerful concept as “racialised assemblages,” made up of a set of “racial components” that produce “racialised ensembles,” i.e., a multiplicity of actors, rationalities, and technologies which attempt to interpellate subjects within these spheres of influence. This paper shows how resilience-building projects by Western state and non-state actors such as the United Kingdom, France and the EU and other humanitarian actors such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) within the Sahel and the LCB are both exclusionary and raced and how these attempts seek to exploit the historical infantilization of the non-white subject or subjectivity within these regions. Engaging with humanitarian activities in the Sahel and LCB, the paper argues that through racialised and exclusionary racial biopolitics which function through racialised assemblages, European humanitarian aid and assistance through upstreaming border control management such as biometrics, exploit and sustain colonialities that seek achieve European outcomes abroad. While projects such as migration and border control in the Niger-Nigeria border through biometric management and development projects that seek to address the “root causes” of insecurity, underdevelopment and forced displacement are promoted as humanitarian issues and are facilitated through development aid, such racialised discourses and practices are a continuation of racist historical depictions associated with whiteness and non-whiteness which made assumptions about humans, the environment, and the relationship between the two. For those who emerged in European discourse as lacking the capacity to transform their environment, access to full personhood was either denied or delayed which could be found in recent attempts to interpellate persons and communities in the Sahel and LCB as “vulnerable” and “poor”, and states as “fragile” or “failing” to highlight their deficient resilience and how this could impact on other developed populations or countries who have achieved better resilience. For example, attempts to regularize various forms of desirable movements and criminalise others within the Sahel and LCB could be viewed as attempts to control those viewed as potentially risky to European security interests. For example, border policing and management posts in Konni-Illela and Eroufa in the Tahoua Region of Niger which both seek to manage and control movement across the Niger-Nigeria border are promoted as enhancing Niger’s own border management policy while it was set up through collaborative humanitarian efforts of various actors and was funded by the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL) of the U.S. Department of State (IOM, 2023). This paper shows how these all constitute racialised biopolitical assemblages which attempt to govern complexity within the African context which is a continuation of various historical colonialities where their inherent infantilizing tendencies assume the incapacity of full self-governance, and self-transformation; they perpetuate colonialities which within the Sahel, may stifle other possibilities of non-Western resilience such as those associated with human relationality where the definitions of the human and the environment may be different and their relationship may be more complex. It becomes necessary to problematize the various resilience projects, including those that have explicit humanitarian dimensions such as “assistance” and “aid” by asking critical questions about what they do which could expose the ways in which those that experience them may resist these attempts. Further research should investigate the l ways in which individuals and communities in the Sahel interact with these resilience projects and how various so-called African partners —state and non-state— who play integral roles in facilitating and implementing them become positioned and how they position themselves. Such research could adopt focus groups, in-depth interviews, or ethnographic methods to capture ways in which resilience projects are engaged with, modified, or even resisted by those who emerge as targets of European post-interventionist racial biopolitics.

This article aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the African continent in the 21st century. With the end of the Cold War and the world order centered on a bipolar logic, Turkey has had greater autonomy to manage its international relations, maintaining a more active foreign policy by expanding its economic, diplomatic, and security affairs beyond the West. In this context, under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the African continent has come to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Turkish foreign relations. Thus, since the early 2000s, there has been a substantial increase in Turkey's presence on the continent, characterized, among other aspects, by the intensification of bilateral trade flows, the expansion of the diplomatic network on the continent, its participation in the mediation of conflicts and the offer of humanitarian assistance to African actors. In this context, and based on the literature on Middle Powers and Regional Powers, this paper discusses the intensification of Turkey's ties with African countries since the beginning of the 21st century, comprehending it as part of a broader international projection strategy. To this end, the study adopts a hermeneutic approach, relying on the literature review on Turkish-African relations and the analysis, supported by quantitative data, of the developments of these relations in the political, economic, and security axes throughout the period in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The development of football, together with its attendant fandom, has been synonymous with the development of the media industry. Globalisation has made European football more accessible across Africa, including in rural spaces where fan identities related to the games have emerged. The growth of satellite television and the evolving digital access to football have influenced glocalised practices and patterns of fandom among Africans in both rural and urban spaces. This explorative analysis explains the role of mediatisation in cultivating European football fandom across Africa. It builds an analysis of localised forms of transnational fandoms grown out of increased access to European football. Football reflects society and the paper argues that the exponential growing of transnational fandom across the continent mirrors ongoing mediatisation processes affecting all spheres of life in contemporary African societies. It shows that there are distinct, evolving and unique fan cultures based on following European football teams. Additionally transnational football experienced through the tri-cast platforms of television, computers and mobile phones has negatively affected domestic African leagues almost without exception. The paper utilised a desk research approach to explore how the process mediatisation can explain transnational fandom across Africa. The study calls for continued study of mediatisation and its effect on specific aspects of African society

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Copyright of Cadernos de Estudos Africanos is the property of Instituto Universitario de Lisboa, Centro de Estudos Africanos do ISCTE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The core proposition of the present article is to analyze Marcus Garvey's (1887-1940) reception in Brazil. The assessed press media showed that the famous Jamaican black leader was addressed in different fashions; the mainstream papers did not highlight his visitation and, eventually, even refer to him in a controversial and sensationalist way. Papers of the so-called black press described Garvey as a "black icon", and addressed him through a distinctive and laudatory perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Abstract The current paper is an ethnographic study of an international cooperation project between an international organisation for the fight against the HIV/AIDS epidemic and the organisation LAMBDA, the largest LGBT NGO in Mozambique. The objectives of this paper are, firstly, to demonstrate how due to the international flow of financial resources attached to certain concepts and agendas, these projects end up somehow institutionalising a homosexuality project in Mozambique, in addition to reviving potentially neo-colonial practices. It also seeks to demonstrate how external bureaucratic practices can clash with local cultural practices, in what has been called ‘NGOisation.’

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Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to discuss the viability of thinking Africa South of the Sahara as a space with its own “Middle Ages”. To do so, I briefly discuss the genealogy of the term Medieval, Medieval Studies and Medievalism. This digression is important in order to observe the intimate relation between historiography on the Middle Ages and Europe. Then, I discuss the “non-eurocentric” proposals that come with a Postcolonial approach to Medieval Studies and, after that, I discuss the implications of conceiving a Middle Ages outside of Europe, especially in Africa South of the Sahara. I conclude arguing that attempting to frame African spaces in a chronology of Middle Ages acts as a type of export of a Academic Medievalism: Africa South of the Sahara becomes, more than na object of study, a field where idealized, romantic and instrumentalized images are created, setting forth epistemological and political implication for our historical understanding of the continent. Therefore, the idea of a “Medieval Africa” is not neutral and has to be constantly questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper argues for a decolonization and provincializing of audience research. The tendencies within audience research reflect on one hand a dominant Anglo-Saxon discourse and use of concepts that emerge from particular Anglo-Saxon realities. On the other hand, studies from other regions, África and Latin America in particular, are presented and discussed in this paper, offering other insights, challenging what is articulated as myopia within audience studies, myopia both in the empirical focus, but in particular in the nature of the knowledge production emerging in contemporary audience studies. The paper seeks not just to celebrate and document diversity within global audience research. By drawing on Boaventura de Sousa Santos’ notions of epistemologies of the south and epistemology of blindness, and of seeing the paper argues for a sensitivity, breadth and nuance in knowledge production that can contribute to a truly global understanding of audiences in the digital era.

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Copyright of Brazilian Journal of African Studies / Revista Brasileira de Estudos Africanos is the property of Brazilian Journal of African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of African Studies / Revista Brasileira de Estudos Africanos is the property of Brazilian Journal of African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents the main points of La langue française, arme d’équilibre de la mondialisation (The French language, a weapon to balance globalization), Les Belles-Lettres, Paris, 2015. This book examines the impact of extrinsic events (wars, revolutions...) as well as intrinsic systems (demography, economics, North-South cooperation...) on the worldwide use of French. It then analyses how this language is rooted in Africa and the crucial importance of the coming years in African countries for French’s worldwide destiny. But helping the training in French of those hundreds of millions of (more or less) French-speaking people, exceeds what the traditional cooperation with France and other northern francophone countries is able to do, while, simultaneously, those African countries attract the interests of foreign economic actors, even those opposed to the spread of French. The paper will also point up how companies and private business does root the use of French, but sometimes also spread the use of English.

Through the lens of China in Africa, this paper explores the transformations in the relationship between the Internet and the state. China’s economic success, impressive growth of Internet users and relative stability have quietly promoted an example of how the Internet can be deployed within the larger political and economic strategies of developing states, moving beyond the democratization paradigm promoted in the West. New evidence suggests that this model is becoming increasingly popular, but it is not clear why and how it is spreading. Through a case study comparison of an emerging democracy, Kenya, and a semi-authoritarian country, Ethiopia, where China has recently increased its involvement in the communications sector, this paper investigates whether and how the ideas of state stability, development and community that characterize the strategies pursued by the Chinese government are influencing and legitimizing the development of a less open model of the Internet. It analyses how new ideas, technologies and norms integrate with existing ones and which factors influence their adoption or rejection. It is based on fieldwork conducted in Ethiopia and in Kenya between 2011 and 2013, where data was collected through mapping Internet related projects involving Chinese companies and authorities, analysing Internet policies and regulations, and interviewing officials in Ministries of Communication, media lawyers, Internet activists, and Chinese employed in the media and telecommunication sector in Kenya and Ethiopia.Desde la óptica de China en África, este artículo explora las transformaciones en la relación entre Internet y el estado. El éxito económico de China, el impresionante crecimiento de usuarios de Internet y estabilidad relativa ha promovido un ejemplo tranquilo de cómo Internet puede ser desplegado dentro de las más amplias estrategias políticas y económicas de los estados en desarrollo, más allá del paradigma de la democratización promovida en Occidente. Existen nuevas evidencias que sugieren que este modelo está siendo cada vez más popular, pero no está claro por qué y cómo se está extendiendo. A través de un estudio de caso comparativo de una democracia emergente, Kenia, y un país semi-autoritario, Etiopía, donde China ha aumentado recientemente su participación en el sector de las comunicaciones, este trabajo investiga hasta qué punto y de qué manera las ideas de la estabilidad del Estado, el desarrollo y la comunidad que caracterizan las estrategias adoptadas por el gobierno chino están influyendo y legitimando el desarrollo de un modelo menos abierto de Internet. Se analiza cómo las nuevas ideas, tecnologías y normas se integran con las ya existentes y qué factores influyen en su adopción o rechazo. El artículo se basa en el trabajo de campo llevado a cabo en Etiopía y en Kenia entre 2011 y 2013, donde se recogieron datos a través del análisis de proyectos relacionados con Internet en los que participan empresas y autoridades chinas, así como el estudio de las políticas y reglamentos de internet, y complementando con entrevistas a funcionarios de los Ministerios de Comunicación, especialistas en derecho de las comunicaciones, activistas de Internet, así como profesionales chinos del sector de las telecomunicaciones en Kenia y Etiopía.

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Objective: To underline that beyond the territories under Portuguese rule, evidence of the use of protective amulets can also be found in places under Hispanic control and the Caribbean. This study aims to enrich historiography on the subject and dialogue with it regarding source analysis and a rereading based on the descriptions of central-western Africa from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Methodology: It interrogates sources widely used for the study of African matrix cultures in America from a different perspective and reviews non-written sources that allow visualizing written ones in their context. Originality: This paper contributes to the understanding of how sources can be reread to research African Diaspora cultures in the light of their connected history, tracing the use of these amulets in specific socio-cultural contexts. Conclusions: By considering and interrogating diverse sources on the conversion of Africans and the African diaspora in the Americas, these stories transcend the immutable benevolence of Catholicism and Eurocentrism and question the myopia of the Jesuits and inquisitors in New Spain and New Granada when observing African customs.

This paper investigates whether BusinessCommunity Partnerships (BCP) can facilitate local private sector development in Africa. This study offers a new approach to such partnerships by looking at them from a local private sector development perspective using value chain analysis. Focusing on Tanzania, this paper analyses nine tourism business-community partnership cases including three NGO-initiated partnerships, three business-initiated partnerships and three cases in which there was no explicit partnership between the business and the community. Five effects of tourism development are assessed by such partnerships, namely access to capital, access to skills/ knowledge, access to markets, access to infrastructure and access to land. Overall, business initiated Business–Community Partnerships contributed positively to access of markets and access to infrastructure. The NGO-initiated partnerships contribute positively to the access of land and improved in certain cases the access to infrastructure and markets. However, appropriate transfer of entrepreneurship knowledge and access to capital remains very inadequate. This study offers a new approach by looking at partnerships from a local private sector dev

This paper focuses on an important narratological aspect, the setting, as informed by the humanist geography and the distinguishing concepts of “place” and “space” championed by Tuan (2012, 2001). In order to explore such aspect, we chose three short stories written by African women writers that keep the African continent as the main setting: “Leaving Lamu”, by Lily Mabura (Kenya); “Porcelain”, by Henrietta Rose-Innes (South Africa), and “The Homecoming” by Milly Jafta (Namibia). In our analysis and comparison of the short stories, following the methodological procedure of close reading and highlighting the main aspects in regards to space/place and construction of the characters, we detail how the space described in each of the stories becomes a place to each of the protagonists (and how their movements connects to that), helping the postcolonial reader (Ashcroft et al., 2013) apprehend the landscape and understand the idiosyncrasies of a continent which is still seen as “exotic” by many, but whose subtleties, through the literary practice, become familiar, as they are, above all, humane

The Memorandum of Understanding between the African Union (AU) and the Regional Economic Communities (REC) and Regional Mechanisms (RM) signed in 2008 identifies subsidiarity as an ordering principle of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). This was the first reference to the subsidiarity principle within the African context in a process of diffusion from the European context. Through process tracing and an analysis of hard and soft law documents of APSA this paper identifies that imitation was the mechanism of diffusion in 2008 in a process led by African agency and with Europe as a normative power. This result contributes to an investigation into the challenges that the APSA faces into becoming fully operational.

Alexandre Meunier (1870-1942), a forgotten French cartographer working for the "Service Géographique" at the Colonial Ministry, contributed heavily to the production of maps over the French colonial empire. Among his maps, were 3 maps (Djibouti, Harrar and Addis Ababa) on La Côte française des Somalis et contrées avoisinantes, published in 1908-1909. The maps are analysed combining analysis of the map design and their thematic contents as well as their colonial discourse. The geo-political context of the time and the institutional aspects surrounding their publication are brought forward. Beyond the wish to give Alexandre Meunier a place he deserves in the history of cartography, this paper intends to shed light on this particular type of map produced under the colonial scramble in the Horn of Africa where Italy, Great Britain and France competed together on Abyssinia. It shows how apparently ordinary maps contributed to colonial rivalries and international diplomacy.

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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to highlight several scientific paths of Miguel Ramos (1932-1991), first director of the center of prehistory and archeology of IICT. Among them, we highlight the research in the Southwest of Angola, where he led the first mission of archaeological studies and contributed greatly to the knowledge of the African Paleolithic. Thus, combining the past with the future, it is our goal to honor the memory of this research through the project "Georeferencing the scientific collections of IICT" (2014-2020). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present paper I discuss the assumptions and significance of some of the theses and techniques behind Portuguese colonial land policies in Africa between the mid-1920s and the 1940s, and discuss their role in the Portuguese colonial project. I particularly address the extent to which, both in national and international discussion fora on colonial topics, as well as in official discourse, through the voice of politicians in the metropole as well as colonial administrators and experts, arguments in favour of African access to individual property, for different purposes, gained ground. These arguments went against the dominant perspective in Portuguese colonial thought between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which dictated the limited access of Africans to the land for instance in the name of economic development of colonial territories, the fight against land speculation and the safeguarding of Portuguese sovereignty in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum on the challenges of preventing STD/AIDS in Portuguese-speaking African countries contains three articles and a postscript. The first paper reviews academic production on the topic from the fields of the social sciences and of health, with special attention on how local cultural and socioeconomic factors impact the dynamics of the epidemic. Based on an ethnographic study of a region in southern Mozambique, the second paper analyzes the notion of 'tradition' within the context of Mozambique and how it affects perceptions of the local population's vulnerability to STD/AIDS. The third and final article discusses common ground and differences between government and civil society in gender approaches by community HIV/AIDS projects in Mozambique. Their observations suggest that important mistakes have been made in STD/AIDS prevention discourse and initiatives in African countries because the unique features of local development models and cultural systems have not been taken into account.Esta introdução apresenta o Fórum sobre os desafios da prevenção às DST/AIDS em países africanos de língua oficial portuguesa, constituído por três artigos e um posfácio. O primeiro trabalho traz uma revisão da produção acadêmica no campo das ciências sociais e da saúde sobre o tema, focalizando as implicações dos fatores culturais e sócio-econômicos locais para a dinâmica da epidemia. A partir de um estudo etnográfico numa região do sul de Moçambique, o segundo texto analisa a noção de "tradição" no contexto moçambicano e suas conseqüências para a percepção da vulnerabilidade às DST/AIDS da população local. O terceiro artigo discute pontos de aproximação e de desencontro entre o governo e a sociedade civil na abordagem de gênero de projetos comunitários de enfrentamento do HIV/AIDS em Moçambique. As reflexões revelam que os discursos e ações de prevenção das DST/AIDS em países africanos apresentam equívocos importantes por não considerarem as particularidades dos modelos de desenvolvimento e os sistemas culturais locais.

China’s economic rise has led to the rethinking of international relations not only between developed and developing economies, but also within developing economies. This paper compares the trade pattern established between China and Latin American and African economies in the 21st century. Results show that the importance assumed by China through asymmetrical trade relations with other developing peers renews core-periphery development concerns central to the structuralist theory. It is highlighted that there are important differences observed among countries, but overall relations should move toward greater economic and technological upgrading, as both Latin American and African economies face difficulties to industrialize or, in some cases, the risk of deindustrialization.

Abstract This paper focuses on the policy responses of Ghana’s government with a focus on three areas: health, economic, and social. Ghana had made several policy interventions in these three areas. The study highlighted the adoption of the 3T-approach in health, CAP-20 in economics, and free water and subsidized electricity for citizens as social interventions. The study concludes that the measures undertaken by the Government of Ghana have yielded significant results even though some challenges with delivery mechanisms are identified. The available statistics as of October 25, 2020 on the COVID-19 situation in Ghana further affirm the gains.

This paper seeks to demonstrate that the motivations of China's engagement in Africa go beyond the exploitation of natural resources, revealing political interests of international insertion, external recognition of its status as an international power and participation in the definition of the rules governing the International Order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After political independence - and especially in the context of accelerating globalisation that followed the end of the Cold War -, most African countries have been affected by political instability, sometimes culminating in violent civil wars and massacres. In the current scientific debates, the wars of the 1990's and 2000's have been singled out and characterised by some authors as "new wars". However, there is considerable controversy surrounding this distinction between "old" and "new" wars. The causes of African conflicts are complex and multidimensional. From a conflict prevention and resolution perspective, it is essential that our understanding of African conflicts be improved through further analyses of the root causes of conflict, as well as of their complex and multiple interactions over time. This paper discusses some of the main doctrinal and theoretical perspectives on this topic, with particular reference to the cases of the Sudan, Côte d'Ivoire and Uganda. The linkages between war, hunger and food insecurity, and gender relations are also examined, namely as regards the situation of women combatants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a sociological perspective, this paper focuses the interactions of the state of Guinea-Bissau on three levels of power relations. The first one focuses the position of the national state vis-à-vis multilateral forces in environmental issues. The second level analyses some patterns of interaction between the national state, NGOs and other partners in socioenvironmental policies. The third is the local level in which degraded environmental circumstances, related to floods, generate a collective suffering. The study concludes that the intra-communitarian bonds create strategies for mutual support. However, the institutional management of catastrophes continues to express the soft state in Guinea-Bissau.

In the Portuguese-Speaking African Countries (PALOP), facing both the intense urban expansion triggered after independence and the difficulty in producing structural responses, cities have become spaces of social refraction, increasingly creased by the unstoppable growth and consequent reproduction of social vulnerabilities and exclusion. This paper therefore aims at mapping out the challenges and strategies adopted in the fight for the ‘right to the city’ in the capital cities of the PALOP, as well as their impact on poverty reduction, namely by focusing on issues such as the difficulty in planning in the face of political instability, major public investments and (de)centralization of power, dependency on external financing, the possession of the land and the regularization of informal settlements. This text, starting from examples of Lusophone African cities, discusses the urban social and spatial challenges, the diversity of policies and actions to overcome poverty, as well as the roles of the different stakeholders in these processes, thus trying to discuss mechanisms for an effective ‘right to the city’.