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The article presents a study of the role of Cuba and its influ-ence on the Catalan national movement in the late 19th to ear-ly 20th centuries. Complex socio-political processes, identity formation, and the development of separatist ideas in the con-text of Catalan-Cuban relations were analyzed. Catalonia sup-ported the Spanish government and Castilian nationalism as long as it held colonies, pursued protectionist policies, and acted in the interest of Catalan capital. The catastrophe of 1898 had a significant impact on Catalan nationalism, prompt-ing the development of the idea of regional independence and its desire for greater autonomy. Special attention is paid to the role of Catalan emigrants in Cuba, their influence on the for-mation of separatist organizations, and financial support for the independence movement. The study also highlights the importance of cultural exchanges between Catalonia and Cuba in preserving Catalan identity. It also underscores the key role of Catalan emigrants in the development of Catalan national-ism and the struggle for autonomy, as well as their contribu-tion to the creation of the 1932 Statut of Catalonia.

The 20s-30s of the 20th century have gone down in history as "the time of fascism", which is quite true for European countries. A unique phenomenon for the countries of the "South" was the emergence of a mass fascist movement in Brazil - Integralism, which proposed a new model of state-hood and economic system based on nationalism, authoritari-anism, and corporatism common to all fascist movements. Meanwhile, this movement had a number of striking differ-ences from its European counterparts: multiculturalism, non-ethnic and non-racial nationalism, and anti-imperialism. Inte-gralism was Brazil's first truly mass nationwide political movement in its history, whose main difference was the re-gionalization of politics and the disunity of the elites of the different provinces of the country, thus presenting a model of integration and nationwide modernization of the country. This article analyzes the ideological, political and programmatic foundations of Integralism, its political aspirations and practices.

This article explores the spatial politics of Peru’s gastronomic revolution and corresponding efforts to territorialize Peruvian agricultural products by tracing the spatial dynamics of quinoa’s trajectory from highland dietary staple to coveted national food. Efforts to codify Peru’s national cuisine have involved mapping ingredients and dishes onto specific regions while dramatically reshaping agricultural production geographies and culinary topographies. Because of quinoa’s success as a high-value export crop, the Peruvian altiplano is no longer perceived as a landscape useful exclusively for livestock pasture and mining. Instead, it is imagined as agriculturally productive: the country’s quinoa heartland. At the same time, quinoa’s trajectory illuminates spatial contradictions in the gastronomic boom’s purported objectives and its tangible effects. The revalorization of quinoa led to a geographical expansion of its production outside the high Andes, undermining the spatially bound concepts of authenticity promoted by gastronomic leaders in Peru. Broadly, efforts to commercialize marginalized food products and their corresponding regions can at once reconfigure territorial discourses in important ways, reinforce long-standing geographical inequalities, and generate contestations of the geographic imaginaries of food and nation.

This essay reviews Celso Furtado's intellectual legacy, highlighting his enormous importance for economic thought. It adopts the method of comparing Furtado to another great Brazilian economist, Mário Henrique Simonsen, emphasizing the superiority of the former over the latter in several essential aspects. It also discusses the relation of Furtado to Keynes and the Keynesian economic tradition, on the one hand, and to Marx and Marxism, on the other. It highlights, in conclusion, his links to nationalism and romanticism, expressed in his attachment to Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to review the categories through which the study of the relationship between national identities and football was founded in Latin America, especially those of "public arena", inspired by the work of Clifford Geertz, and that of "free zones" of a culture, introduced by the Argentine anthropologist Eduardo Archetti to investigate the foundation of a "popular sporting nationalism" in the early twentieth century. To this end, it examines the ways in which Argentina's recent victory in the Qatar 2022 World Cup was narrated in television accounts and in the experience of fans, as well as the vicissitudes of its (impossible) political capture. Finally, the paper explores the shift from political hero to post-political hero: the narrative games that make the passage from Maradona to Messi possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explain the journey of a relevant actor on the political right in the postrevolutionary context of 1974: the Portuguese Federalist Movement-Party of Progress. For this purpose, the party's official weekly newspaper, Tribuna Popular, is taken as a reference, as well as testimonies from former leaders and founders, with other periodical sources of the time and various printed sources as counterparts. The MFP-PP is analyzed by jointly relating the historical-political era with the vicissitudes of the movement, with a particular focus on its relationship with the institutions of revolutionary power, its relationship with other political parties, as well as the structuring of the MFP-PP. In this way, the article is based between the moments following the coup d'état of April 25, 1974 and the political-military movements of September 28, 1974 linked to the intention of the "silent majority", to which a detailed analysis is provided, regarding the involvement of the MFP-PP, due to its inextricable connection with the dismantling of the party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is the fascist ideology and how to study it from a historicist and realist perspective. The first section discusses the existence of a fascist ideology, contradicting interpretations that reject the originality of the movement. The second presents the main contemporary interpretations on the matter. And the third proposes a methodology that interprets the beliefs from the perspective of the intellectual context in which they were produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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An interview with José Manuel Sobral, director of Análise Social, is presented. He discusses topics such as social memory, nationalisms, and inequalities. Sobral reflects on his tenure as the director of Análise Social, emphasizing the importance of gender balance in the editorial board, the promotion of book reviews, and the global reach of the journal, particularly attracting contributions from Portuguese-speaking countries, notably Brazil.

Reflections on the coloniality that permeates Latin American archaeologies enhance their role in the legitimization of national projects in tension with indigenous populations. These approaches prompt the adoption of an anthropological approach centered on the political uses of the past when studying the history of Latin American archaeologies. This, instead of a purely historiographical use. The history of Bolivian archaeology suggests that the National Revolution of 1952 was a point of rupture between the liberal and nationalist narratives. The purpose of this article is to discuss this postulate by considering the political uses of the past. To do so, we analyze the archaeological work of Arthur Posnansky, which covers four decades (1904-1946) of transformations in the ideologies and policies of the Bolivian State towards indigenous populations: the rise and decline of the liberal state, the indigenist-telurist proposal, and a nationalism that gave rise to the Revolution of 1952. We embark on a detailed diachronic journey through Posnansky’s archaeological work, concentrating on his narratives on the origin of pre-Hispanic populations, their characterization and valuation, the mechanisms of rupture between the present and the past, and their relations with contemporary indigenous populations. This journey is further complemented by considering political contexts and intellectual influences. We posit that Posnansky developed two narratives: one adapted to the liberal moment and the other to indigenism, and that his second narrative is analogous to the one produced after 1952. This new perspective raises questions about the relationship between archaeological narratives and politics, the role of scientific racism in contemporary Bolivia, and the importance of a comparative and cross-border emphasis in constructing a critical history of Latin American archaeologies.

This editorial summarizes a talk presented during the 47th EnANPAD Annual Meeting in São Paulo, Brazil, exploring the role of artificial intelligence (AI) in academic journals. It highlights the impact perspectives of AI, recognizing its effects in various social and academic areas. Although the effects are extensive and their full ramifications are unknown and uncertain, the editorial highlights elements of opportunities and threats of this impact, as well as some ways to mitigate the impact. Journals could become smarter and more accessible with AI, providing a personalized experience for researchers and readers. However, significant challenges, such as the risk of inequality between journals with and without AI capabilities, are also highlighted. To seize opportunities and mitigate challenges, the author advocates for investment in AI, the creation of clear editorial guidelines, and an institutional commitment to responsibility and ethics.

Copyright of Mundo Agrario is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article analyzes, according to literary criticism and image analysis, how, from the Rhine Movement (1840) to the early years of the foundation of the German Empire (1871-1883), the figure of Germania was instrumentalized by poets, painters, and sculptors. At the time of the publication of the poem "The Watch on the Rhine" (1840) by Max Schneckenburger, an imaginative literary figure of a vigil on the Rhine was constructed, incorporating various discourses related to nationalist issues in a context of imminent confrontation with France. A whole textual and visual culture was conceived during the so-called long 19th century, focusing on this figure of Germania, which takes on increasingly defined forms as the political contours of the new German state and its warlike ideology are delineated. The climax of its reception is the inauguration of the Niederwald Monument (1883) by Johannes Schilling, as a celebration of victory in the Franco-Prussian War. Furthermore, it can be observed that this figure continues to be invoked in turbulent moments when notions of identity and national unity are sought, as was the case during the First World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the 30s of the XX-th century. in Bolivia, there has been the formation of political forces that will become dominant in Bolivian politics throughout the XX-th century. we are talking about revolutionary nationalism, Indeanism, Marxism and right-wing radicalism of the Spanish type, represented by the Bolivian Socialist Falange party. This article is devoted to the study of the ideology and political practice of the Falange. A feature of the Bolivian phalanx was an attempt to apply right-wing radical views of the philo-fascist type in a country where the Indian population predominated, opposing hispanism and clericalism to Indian nationalism, painted in nationalist and anti-imperialist tones. In addition to putschist political practices, violence and anti-communism, the Bolivian phalanx was distinguished by anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist aspirations, building its own right-wing radical social utopia. This party played an important role in Bolivian politics in the 40-60s of the twentieth century, and then became the basis of both ultra-right marginal groups and part of the «new left» that arose in Bolivia in the 70-80s.

Countries have been organized as nations for over two centuries. This research starts from the concept of nation and its symbols that represent it, reflecting especially on national anthems. Our goal is to deconstruct the belligerent nationalism contained in the lyrics of the anthems of Europe and America, with the aim of promoting interculturality and the integration of peoples based on the universal values that unite us. We will construct a narrative of belligerent nationalism whose process goes from subjugation to independence, with violence against the invader being the predominant element.

Juan Luna was a major force of painting tradition in the Philippines particularly in the late 19th Century. Like his colorful paintings, his life was also interestingly complicated which scholars and historians were fond of studying about. His paintings are known to be packed with symbolism. In this study, I tried to interpret the painter's works and the intricacies of his life as a nationalist and as a private person. By employing semiotic-hermeneutic interpretation, an exposition of various symbols embedded in his works and what they signify was made. As gleaned in the works interpreted, messages and contents were conveyed and made powerful through his visual metaphors. Apparently, Luna concealed his nationalistic ideas and his innermost feelings in his work.

In his short story "Tapiiraiauara," Guimarães Rosa portrays a hunting scene in which a tapir's life and diplomacy issues are at stake. Based on the cosmopolitics debate, the analysis of the story reveals problems related both to Amerindian Tupi-Guarani perspectives and Brazilian Modernismo, especially regarding the symbolism of some animals that appear in the clash between "anthropophagic" cosmopolitans and verde--amarelo nationalist group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Nations, Nationalisms: Yesterday, Today (and After?)" is a review of the book "Nations and Nationalisms: A Global History of National Sentiment, Extremism, and Conflicts" by Florian Bieber. The author explores the importance of nationalism as a lasting sentiment and its relationship with conflicts and extremism throughout history. The book also addresses the distinction between civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism, as well as discussing the global spread of nationalism and migration. The text discusses nationalism as a modern phenomenon related to the logic of globalism. The author argues that nationalism emerges with modern states and cannot be attributed to a supposed proto-nationalism. The chapter "The New Nationalism and Populism" addresses the link between nationalism and authoritarianism, exemplifying with populist leaders such as Donald Trump, Recep Erdogan, Narendra Modi, Marine Le Pen, Vladimir Putin, and Jair Bolsonaro. The author highlights that the electoral success of these leaders does not necessarily reflect the general nationalist sentiment of citizens. [Extracted from the article]

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En 1872 se produjo una controversia jurídico-diplomática entre Japón y Perú debido a que un juez japonés ordenó la liberación de los inmigrantes chinos a bordo del barco peruano María Luz. Dicha controversia supuso la primera ocasión en que se cuestionó la validez del régimen de extraterritorialidad que se había impuesto a China y Japón durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, en virtud del cual se eximía a los ciudadanos de un conjunto de países occidentales del alcance del Derecho y la jurisdicción de las autoridades chinas y japonesas. El desenlace de la controversia condujo, a su vez, al establecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas entre el Perú y el Imperio Qing, entablándose por primera vez relaciones bilaterales entre un país latinoamericano y China y Japón. Este artículo, a partir del examen de la controversia suscitada en torno al incidente del María Luz, analiza el cuestionamiento de los Tratados Desiguales impuestos por los Estados occidentales a China y Japón durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX; abordando a su vez el establecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas entre estos dos países asiáticos y Perú y la inmigración china a este último país. Se presta particular atención al surgimiento de las ideas de Estado-Nación en China y Japón en el contexto del cuestionamiento de la extraterritorialidad.

Conservatism has been a characteristic of the political culture of Santa Catarina since the Vargas Era. This paper aims to analyze the complexity of political disputes in the state during the thirties, recognizing social, political and economic factors that contributed to the consolidation of conservatism as an integral part of the "barriga-verde" political culture. Drawing on the studies of historian João Henrique Zanelatto, the research seeks to overcome the traditional ethnic issue to explain the social and political factors that still integrate the state scenario, problematizing other issues that have fostered and still foster conservative positions in Santa Catarina's politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pathway covered by liberalism in Brazil is winding. As an ideology imported from the European bourgeoisie, it found in a colonized country the appropriate environment for its advancement, even if contiguous to its antinomy, that is, nationalism. Particularly, within the Brazilian state of Rio Grande do Sul, liberalism, obliquely absorbed by the Brazilian elite, oligarchies employed liberalism in an even more instrumental, and rather contradictory, way, if compared with the rest of the country. Liberalism, therefore, experienced a particular history within Rio Grande do Sul, where several conflicts were waged on its behalf. Accordingly, this paper aims at rescuing the history of liberalism in southern Brazil by reconstructing such conflicts--and the liberal element at its bottom: the Farroupilha Revolution (1835-1845), the Federalist Revolution (1893-1895), and the 1923 War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Cadernos Argentina Brasil is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the first half of the 19th century in Mexico, the concept of fanaticism, which had been re-semantized in France at the end of the previous century, became particularly important in debates about religious tolerance. On the one hand, it was used to identify what was impossible to preserve in the modern world, and what it was necessary to eliminate to achieve the prosperity of other nations. From the opposite perspective, it served to disqualify those who dared to question the Catholic unity, accusing them of leading the country to anarchy instead of the promised prosperity. Mexican elites used this concept to discuss how much traditional religion could adapt to modern civilization.

After the military coup in Portugal on April 25 1974, negotiations between FRELIMO and the Portuguese government progressed and culminated in the Lusaka Accord signed on September 7, 1974, which postulated the complete transfer of power to FRELIMO, without elections, and after a nine-month transitional government. Dissatisfied with this solution, some colonizers decided to break into the headquarters of Rádio Clube Moçambique in Lourenço Marques (now Maputo) and proclaim through the microphones another independence of the territory. This article analyses the broadcasts made by Rádio Moçambique Livre between September 7 and 10, 1974 with a historical and ethnomusicological approach. I aim to analyse the “sonorous construction” developed during this coup, with particular attention to the musical repertoire used to symbolize the notions of “revolution” and “independence”, in juxtaposition to the political values advocated by the protagonists of the assault.

This article analyzes the conditions of production, presentation and reception of the Algarvian landscape The gipsy lodge (1923), painted by Eduardo Viana (1881-1967), in their relationship with the Portuguese artistic field of the 1920s. While observing this painting, the text discusses some of the main assumptions about post-war modernism in Portugal, specially the idea of an homogenous modernist artists’ front, united by a nationalist consensus, and the downgrading of their avantgarde aspirations. Considering both Viana’s painting place of production – the “cubist village”of Olhão —, and its subject, The gipsy lodge emerges embeded with an active political meaning that goes against such homogeneization by illuminating the full continuity of the cosmopolitan orientation of Eduardo Viana’s earlier work, associated with the Corporation Nouvelle, and his fruitful collaboration with the Delaunays and Amadeo de Souza-Cardoso.

In 2021 the activities and speeches which celebrated the bicentenaries of Latin American independences were complemented in certain countries by a strong radicalisation. This paper explains why this process took place in 2021 and proposes what should be done to prevent historiographical accounts from promoting exclusion nationalism favouring instead the creation of plural and inclusive societies.

Reseña del libro: Losson, Pierre. The Return of Cultural Heritage to Latin America: Nationalism, policy, and politics in Colombia, Mexico and Peru. New York: Routledge Studies in Heritage, 2022.

‘Deglobalization’ has been bandied about now for almost a decade, capped off with the war in Ukraine and its geopolitical and geoeconomic impacts on global trade, investment, and finance. However, there have been and continue to be developments that run counter to the argument that we are living in a period of deglobalization. For example, China’s state firms are major investors in Latin America’s energy, roads, dams and other infrastructure, and space industries. In fact, China has surpassed the United States as South America’s largest trading partner. Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) is investing $40 billion in chip manufacturing in Arizona. And Mexico’s Grupo Bimbo has been actively doing business in China for over five years. Admittedly, the world economy is in a period of contraction. However, this slowdown in growth can be attributed as much to politics, in the form of nationalism and populism, as to economics. Additionally, measures of globalization and trade, in general, focus on manufactured goods, yet services comprise the most robust, fastest growing and dynamic sector of the economy worldwide. Any discussion of globalization and deglobalization must also address non-tariff barriers to international trade, the growth of startups, later-stage companies, and cross-border data flows. In essence, there has been no generalized decline in international economic activity but rather the growth rate has slowed. Globalization is here to stay.

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In contrast to mainstream, conventional view of globalisation as a force for ‘good’, the article argues that the current form of cultural globalization needs to be conceptualised as synonymous with Americanization. As a form of cultural replacement and destruction of world cultures, globalization has engendered conflict on a series of levels. Because the process is one-way and unidirectional, the result is anything but the fusion between nations and amalgamation of ethnic groups. Contrary to the gospel preached by the evangelists of unrestrained globalization, the imposition of more and more American mass products and cultural icons means less and less possibilities for direct inter-ethnic encounter, communication and mutual understanding among nations. In its current form, globalization means conflict and, ultimately, international conflict.

In the 1960s and 1970s, Portugal witnessed a cycle of political radicalisation on the right and left, in the context of the crisis and fall of the authoritarian Salazarist regime, and the transition to democracy after the military coup of 1974. For the right wing, radicalisation was led by young university students inspired by the Portuguese nationalism of the first half of the 20th century, but also by foreign doctrines from the inter-war period, and by the neo-fascist subculture immediately after the second world war. This article explores the mobilisation of this radical subculture, with its links to the Estado Novo and the European far right, through a bibliographical appreciation of one of its best-known leaders, nationally and internationally: Zarco Moniz Ferreira. From his career as a political activist, between the end of authoritarianism and the democratic transition, a faithful picture emerges of the characteristics, dynamics, successes and failures of the mobilisation of the far-right in those troubled years of recent Portuguese history.

Starting from a recent ideological and political controversy regarding the devaluation of the concept of “nationalism” in relation to that of ‘patriotism”, the author – following his own years-long investigations on the subject – historically and philosophically reframes each of these concepts from the perspective of rhetoric and argumentation. It is shown, in this context, that the arguments in question are fallacious (and even, in some applications, clearly perverse) and a radical and provocative reformulation of the aforementioned concepts and the controversy involved is proposed – a reformulation which, eventually and at best, may give rise to a new historiography on the subject.

The permanence of the debates carried out in Brazilian modernism throughout the 20th century is discussed based on an analysis of the discourses of aesthetic and political engagement proposed by Mário de Andrade, of the official institutional actions that privileged the productions of this aesthetic current in their cultural, educational, and diplomatic policies, as well as the actions of interpreters and composers in defense of musical nationalism. It concludes that, in order to understand this permanence, it is necessary to reflect on the role that institutions have historically played, and that the analysis of the action of other agents, such as interpreters, can reveal aspects not yet discussed in the study of modernism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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