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This paper investigates the representation of university students in the collective Italian imaginary during ’68 through the contemporary articles published in La Stampa and Stampa Sera describing the student uprisings at the University of Turin (Italy). The paper draws on a large amount of articles published in the daily newspapers La Stampa and Stampa Sera (nearly 400, from January to June 1968, the most dynamic phase of the protests) to highlight how journalists constructed the narrative of the rebellion by criticising the image of the rebel students, using words loaded with negative meanings and delegitimising their claims without any effort to understand their motivations. The image of the students that emerges from the articles over the period of time considered is negative, constructed to underline the destructive nature of the demonstrations against the political and social system of Italy in the 1960s. There was an unfailing tendency to highlight the rioting, disturbance of lessons, and physical and verbal attacks against teachers and the police, and the language used were reminiscent of that employed in times of war. The daily national press of the time is a rich source of material, with considerable interpretative and explanatory potential; in reconstructing the events day by day, it enables us to conduct an in-depth investigation into the ideology and the imaginary at play in a given space and time. It explores corners of the history of education that escape official recording and reveals the focus of interest and the priorities of the media groups.

This paper analyzes Jesuit pedagogy in Spain after the Second Vatican Council, encompassing recent trends and shifts by first delving into the main elements involved in the postconciliar crisis and renewal of the Society of Jesus in Spain, including the various critiques that this change received (part II). Second, this paper sheds light on the current Jesuit Ledesma-Kolvenbach University Paradigm, including its practical application and evaluation at the University of Deusto in Bilbao (part III). Third, this paper takes a brief look at the current reconsideration of active Jesuit pedagogy in Spain (and in Catalonia in particular), bearing in mind the contextualized convergences of educational philosophy (part IV). The concluding remarks address basic results from the analysis of these three elements.

The perspectives on the medieval village and on the historical role of peasants have changed throughout the history of research. Traditional views on history saw rural life as unchangeable and therefore presumed that villages were rooted in the migration period. Modern research recognised the formation of the medieval village as a complex long-term process that, depending on the region, culminated in the 11th – 13th century. This paper takes a closer look at the situation in southwestern Germany, analysing research history on the one hand and selected episodes of medieval rural history on the other. The paper suggests that due to traditional views on the structure of history, peasants’ agency has been undervalued.

This paper outlines the joint story of education and feminism in the journey to equality and women’s emancipation in the contemporary world. Following a chronological order, it seeks to show in a panoramic manner –but with Spain as a case study– the achievements that have made possible to shorten some distances between men and women, and also the obstacles that have hampered its progress and consolidation. The paper concludes with the analysis of some relevant aspects of the complex framework in which feminism and education are today, as a consequence of the important changes of the 21st century and the patriarchal rearmament that they entail.

The Spanish Fleet during the War of the Independence of the United States against Great Britain, fulfilled essentially the paper of effective warlike counterweight in Europe opposite to the military actions of the French Navy in the former Thirteen English Colonies. Such a circumstance would be in addition one of the principal autochthonous bases for the possible consolidation of the «Spanish identity» contemporary towards the exterior from the power of the sea, much more than from our paper like citizens of the «peninsular interior» and his consolidation and fundamental lacks like individuals of a marginal «agrarian civilization». In these questions, the key of the intervention of the Sea-coast of Spain of the Former Regime was more joined to the annihilation of the power Englishman in the Atlantic Ocean that to the worry in yes of creating a new nation in the United States. Nevertheless, the exterior keys of our identification like nation from the dominant ocean would arise theoretically from the consequences of that transcendental conflict. The analysis of all this will be the center of our hypothesis of work methodologically.

This paper examines the secondary school religious education curriculum in the province of Ontario, Canada. Two questions are addressed: Why are Catholic schools failing to graduate well-informed, active Catholics and what changes are needed in the high school curriculum in order to reverse this trend? These questions are approached from an historical perspective. It is argued here that a new high school religious education curriculum is needed in order to counter the prevailing influence of secularism. It is contended that students are graduating without the knowledge and skills necessary to understand their own faith and to explain it in a logical, convincing manner. It is further argued that this new curriculum must be as academically rigorous as other courses offered in Ontario high schools. William Pinar’s theory on subjectivity and development of self provides the theoretical framework for this paper.

This article examines how during the Weimar Republic (1919- 1933), Lutheran thinking enabled the incorporation of education as an university discipline, intellectually organized around the notion of Bildung excluding practical aspects. In order to provide a background the article deals with the period between 1890 and 1925. First, the article examined how toward the end of the nineteenth century, Germany’s economic, territorial, and military growth, was not favoured by its intelligentsia which held a dualistic philosophy. Secondly, the paper discusses the cultural and institutional background of this philosophy in which the theory of Bildung arose and grew. Thirdly, the paper reconstructs how educational sciences, based on the ideology of Bildung became an academic discipline, during the Great War and explains how Persönlichkeit and Bildung became dominant battle cries against the West and the empirical sciences. Finally, the paper examines how advocates of Bildung tried to keep its viability.

The objective of this study is to map the international networks of research, circulation, and scientific communication in the history of education, at a global level. In order to do so, we analyse the activity of the International Standing Conference for the History of Education (ISCHE). The focus is placed on the following: the make-up and organisation of the community of education historians; the arenas set up to encourage collaboration, debate and consensus in research in the field; collaboration among researchers, and the influence of transnational perspectives; avenues of research and areas of focus; and the communication channels by which ideas and findings are published and exchanged. The documentary sources used are the minutes of ISCHE annual congresses and general assemblies, alongside other research and previous studies. The main variables are: the language in which papers are published; the countries from which the authors come; international collaboration among authors; the historical period analysed; and the country or region being studied. After examining over 3600 contributions, we conclude that, globally, the international network in history of education is in good health, and there is an appetite for research with an international focus. However, there is room for improvement by promoting more extensive international collaboration among researchers, expanding the scope of research to take a supranational or even global view, and extending the study of the history of education to pre-modern times.

After noting the importance of linguistic turn in the field of historiography, the two leading currents in the field of conceptual history are identi- fied, the Cambridge school and Reinhart Koselleck’s Begriffsgeschichte. The paper focuses on the analysis of the latter trend in conceptual history, linked to the phi- losophical (Heidegger, Gadamer), political (Schmitt) and historical (Dilthey) tradi- tion within the German academic community. The paper then reviews the origin and nature of the History of Pedagogy, which arose as part of the classic History of Ideas and later gave rise, after the Second World War, to a Social History of Education. Finally, a conceptual History of Education is proposed that, in addi- tion to addressing the various conceptual strata included in the different terms, also takes into account the intellectual and cultural aspects through a return to discourses and pedadogic narratives.

School holiday camps, which started in Switzerland in 1886, would start to function in Spain under the institutionalist and director of the then called Museo de Instrucción Primaria de Madrid (Museum of Primary Instruction), Manuel B. Cossío, in 1887. The paper analyses briefly the social, hygienic and educational context in which international movement of summer camps made their appearance and with special reference to Spain. The paper focuses on the beginnings and the scope of these camps in Spain and on the influence of public policies on these processes. These policies shifted from initial government inhibition and the call to the forces of the country to charity and patriotism, to a progressive promotion and to State protection for the summer camps.

School holiday camps, which started in Switzerland in 1886, would start to function in Spain under the institutionalist and director of the then called Museo de Instrucción Primaria de Madrid (Museum of Primary Instruction), Manuel B. Cossío, in 1887. The paper analyses briefly the social, hygienic and educational context in which international movement of summer camps made their appearance and with special reference to Spain. The paper focuses on the beginnings and the scope of these camps in Spain and on the influence of public policies on these processes. These policies shifted from initial government inhibition and the call to the forces of the country to charity and patriotism, to a progressive promotion and to State protection for the summer camps.Las colonias escolares de vacaciones, surgidas en Suiza en 1876, serían introducidas en España por el institucionista y director del entonces denominado Museo de Instrucción Primaria de Madrid, Manuel B. Cossío, en 1887. En el texto se analiza sumariamente el contexto social, higiénico y educativo en el que se inscribió la aparición del movimiento internacional de las colonias escolares de vacaciones, con especial referencia al caso español. El artículo centra su atención en el estudio de los inicios, la difusión y el alcance de las colonias escolares de vacaciones en España, así como la influencia que sobre tales procesos desempeñaron las políticas públicas. Unas políticas que transitaron de la inhibición gubernamental inicial y el llamamiento dirigido a las fuerzas vivas del país a la caridad y el patriotismo a la progresiva promoción y protección del Estado de las colonias escolares de vacaciones.

In this paper we will make an approach to the most important elements that defined the development of a battle in Ancient Times, especially in the roman case. We will consider such factors as the length of such confrontations or the low number of casualties from the victorious army. This paper is based on the critical study of classical literary sources. Our goal is to provide a different approach to the Ancient Combat. The movies and the literature have shown us the battles as a chaotic and frantic thing, where the combatants are mixed and where the fight comes down to individual duel. The truth is that the classic texts describe the battles as an organized struggle, prolonged and collective.

This paper is primarily concerned with a number of projects and reports about specific requirements that came out during the fifties at the University of Salamanca. The long history of this institution is still, for its richness and complexity, an essential object of study. Framed in the research devoted to the History of Universities, the paper describes and analyses, through the historical-educational approach, a particular aspect of this institution, projects and academics’ reports at a particular stage during Franco’s regime. On the other hand, the main aim of this paper is to serve as a stimulus for reflection on the trinominal: reality of the University under Franco’s regime - considerations about scholastic reasoning - utopian or feasible proposals. The atmosphere of discontent at the University,the need to reduce the dearth of research or the scarcity of resources will be overt issues in the reviewed documents.

This paper is an attempt to analyze the tensions that existed among witnesses and historians in a specific chapter of the Recent History, trying to elucidate the representations of the past created by political exiles during the last military dictatorship and those created by historians. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, memory policies from the time of the exile to present time are analyzed in an attempt to recognize who were the authors of such stories, where was the emphasis, what was their content, and how the exiles’ memories articulate with social memories on the exile that have been around in Argentina until today. In the second part, a journey into the historiographic field itself is performed, determining the profile of the exile historians, the main topics, approaches and interpretation logics, the most widely used sources and the most common work methodologies.

By the end of the Middle Ages, a number of treatises were written which scholars have regarded as true proposals for an ideal city. This paper focuses on Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo’s Suma de la Política. After breaking down the main components of his ideal city into three major sections (the physical environment, the social body and the practice of sound government), the paper argues that, under pretext of founding a city and far from considering the latter from the architectural and formal point of view, the Segovia-born churchman saw it as an expresion of a given social and political order. This he did by resorting to a conservative and moral conception of politics while accepting such urban-planning, social and political foundations as were prevalent in the society in which he lived. In this way, Sánchez de Arévalo’s discourse goes beyond the purely urban setting and becomes a vindication of the monarchic form of government. The latter is thus presented as the custodian of the commonwealth as well as an ideal system which –it is concluded– each social and political actor redirects and uses in the service of his particular goals and interests.

Rus’ medieval authors drew information about the history and culture of the Arabs mainly from Byzantine sources, translated into Old-Church-Slavonic. The image was supplemented by observations made by residents of medieval Rus’ in the course of direct contacts with the Arabs (e.g. during their travels to the Holy Land) or ideas about other Islamic peoples, whose customs could be known to old Rus’ authors from personal experience (e.g. Turks or Mongols/Tatars). The aim of this paper is to analyze the image of Arab women emerging from old Rus’ works. We will be interested in people from Muhammad’s closest surroundings (e.g. his first wife Khadija or Fatima, the daughter of the prophet), as well as selected figures of Muslim Arab women from later centuries. The question will also be raised as to how the authors of the examined texts perceive and evaluate the position of women in Arab Medieval societies.

The complexities of identifying and understanding settlement hierarchy in early medieval England (c. 5th–11th centuries) is the focus of much debate. Within this field of enquiry, settlement arrangements, architecture, landholding patterns and material culture are commonly used in the identification of a range of settlement types. These include royal complexes, monastic institutions, towns and trading/production sites such as emporia. This same evidence is also used to interpret the status and role of these sites in early medieval England. This paper advances the current understanding of settlement hierarchy through an assessment of rural settlements and their material culture. These settlements have received comparatively less scholarly attention than higher profile early medieval sites such as elite, ecclesiastical and urban centres, yet represent a rich source of information. Through analysis of material culture as evidence for the consumption, economic and social functions which characterise rural settlements, a picture of what were inherently complex communities is presented. The findings further support the need to reassess settlement hierarchy in early medieval England and a new hierarchical model is proposed.

This paper examines the degree of economic and political autonomy of peasants in monastic estates in 10th century Lotharingia. While it is beyond doubt that local societies were deeply enmeshed in networks of aristocratic control, it is also possible to identify areas of autonomy. Monastic lordship was not all encompassing as it was structurally limited in its capacity to control every aspect of peasants’ lives and to prevent all forms of disobedience. Despite the violent and sometimes arbitrary nature of aristocratic power, negotiations between peasants and lords played an important role, especially as peasant households developed a form of subsistence economy that involved production for commercial exchange. In this context, some monasteries were willing to grant more productive means and autonomy to peasants. These initiatives were sometimes supported by a paternalistic «vocabulary of lordship» and a «moral economy» that patronized peasants, but could also be mobilized to support their interests.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se pretende mostrar una primera aproximación desde la perspectiva de la investigación histórico-educativa al debate en torno a la función social de las ciencias de la naturaleza en el currículum escolar en España. Se estudian las influencias europeas en la introducción y modernización del currículum científico que se dejan sentir en nuestro país gracias a los esfuerzos de institucionistas, regeneracionistas y educadores renovadores que coincidieron en expandir su mirada hacia la Europa más moderna como única vía para la renovación interior. Durante el primer tercio del siglo XX se introducen en España nuevos planteamientos y prácticas educativas europeas que contemplan siempre un papel más formativo que propedéutico para las ciencias escolares. Finalmente se constata la persistencia de este debate en la política educativa y legislación escolar española hasta el día de hoy y la ausencia en el mismo de referencias históricas propias. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to reveal an early historical and educational approach to the debate regarding the social role of the natural sciences in Spain’s academic curriculum. This paper examines the European influences in the introduction and modernization of the scientific curriculum that marked our country thanks to the efforts of institutionalists, regenerationists and educators with a spirit of renewal, who all coincided in looking to the more modern European States as the only channel for domestic regeneration. During the first three decades of the 20th century, Spain saw the introduction of new ideas and European educational practices that consistently embraced a more formative than preparatory role for the educational sciences. Finally, we see evidence of the continuation of this debate in Spanish educational policy and academic legislation to this day and age, as well as the debate’s dearth of its own historical references.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se pretende mostrar una primera aproximación desde la perspectiva de la investigación histórico-educativa al debate en torno a la función social de las ciencias de la naturaleza en el currículum escolar en España. Se estudian las influencias europeas en la introducción y modernización del currículum científico que se dejan sentir en nuestro país gracias a los esfuerzos de institucionistas, regeneracionistas y educadores renovadores que coincidieron en expandir su mirada hacia la Europa más moderna como única vía para la renovación interior. Durante el primer tercio del siglo XX se introducen en España nuevos planteamientos y prácticas educativas europeas que contemplan siempre un papel más formativo que propedéutico para las ciencias escolares. Finalmente se constata la persistencia de este debate en la política educativa y legislación escolar española hasta el día de hoy y la ausencia en el mismo de referencias históricas propias. ABSTRACT: The aim of this paper is to reveal an early historical and educational approach to the debate regarding the social role of the natural sciences in Spain’s academic curriculum. This paper examines the European influences in the introduction and modernization of the scientific curriculum that marked our country thanks to the efforts of institutionalists, regenerationists and educators with a spirit of renewal, who all coincided in looking to the more modern European States as the only channel for domestic regeneration. During the first three decades of the 20th century, Spain saw the introduction of new ideas and European educational practices that consistently embraced a more formative than preparatory role for the educational sciences. Finally, we see evidence of the continuation of this debate in Spanish educational policy and academic legislation to this day and age, as well as the debate’s dearth of its own historical references.

RESUMEN: En Liberalism, Fascism or Social Democracy, un amplio análisis del desarrollo político de Europa occidental desde finales del siglo XIX hasta la Segunda Guerra Mundial, Gregory M. Luebbert sostiene que la evolución que condujo a la mayoría de las naciones europeas occidentales a la democracia liberal, a la social democracia y al fascismo puede explicarse por el conjunto de alianzas de clases presente en cada una de esas sociedades. La primera parte del artículo presenta el argumento estructuralista de Luebbert y su búsqueda de las variables y conexiones causales que hagan comprensible las diferentes experiencias nacionales. En la segunda parte se intenta comprobar la validez de su argumento a la luz de otras investigaciones recientes. Se trata, en definitiva, de explicar las peculiaridades históricas y estructurales que distinguen los casos de ruptura con el liberalismo de aquéllos que permanecieron en la vía democrática.ABSTRACT:In Liberalism, Fascism or Social Democracy, a comprehensive analysis of the political development of Western Europe from the late nineteenth- century to the eve of World War II, Gregory M. Luebbert contends that the evolution of most Western European nations into liberal democracies, social democracies, or fascist regimes was attributable to a set of social class alliances within individual nations. The first part of this paper presents Luebbert' structuralist argument and his search for a handful of «master variables» and causal connexions that would explain the particular evolution of each nation. In the second part the paper attempts to evaluate the validity of this argument from other recent research. It seeks, therefore, to explain what structural and historical features distinguish the breakdown cases from those that remained democratic.

RESUMEN: Este artículo está dedicado al estudio de la transición española a la democracia entre noviembre de 1975 y diciembre de 1978. Desde el comienzo mismo de la transición hubo una interpretación crítica de aquel proceso que ponía el acento en lo que el mismo tenía de imperfecto. Aunque la consolidación de la democracia restó valor a ese análisis crítico, una nueva versión del mismo ha recuperado espacio editorial en los últimos años. Este artículo se ocupa de analizar esa interpretación crítica y sus principales argumentos, especialmente el que tacha la transición de amnésica. Frente a esta idea, aquí se sostiene que el éxito de la transición a la democracia se debió, precisamente, al peso de la historia, y especialmente a una conciencia histórica compartida respecto de la vida política española de la primera mitad del siglo XX. Para reforzar esta hipótesis hemos realizado un análisis comparado de la transición y del proceso constituyente republicano de 1931. Palabras clave: España, historia, política, Transición, 1978, democracia, liberalismo, memoria ABSTRACT: This paper talks about the Spanish transition from Franco dictatorship to democracy between November 1975 and December 1978. From the beginning of that transition there was a critical interpretation of that process which insisted that it was an imperfect transition. In spite of Spanish democracy consolidation undermined that critical analysis, a new version has spread last years. The objective of this paper is to focus on that critical interpretation and its main arguments, with special regard to that one which describes transition as a forgetful process. Contrary to this idea, this paper argues that transition to democracy success was because of the importance of the past, and especially because of a decisive common historical conscience about Spanish political history in the first half of the XXth century. In order to reinforce this hypothesis, we have compared transition in seventies with republican constituent process in 1931. Keywords: Spain, history, politics, Transition, 1978, democracy, liberalism, memory

RESUMEN: Este artículo aclara la ideología de la Dictadura del 21 de abril de 1967 en Grecia, al comparar y yuxtaponer su discurso oficial con la ideología del régimen del 4 de agosto, establecido por Ioannis Metaxas en 1936. A través de esta comparación, el artículo expone que el régimen de Metaxas no sólo fue el precedente histórico de la Dictadura de los Coroneles, sino que constituyó su principal fuente de inspiración ideológica, al proporcionar una serie de esquemas interpretativos generales así como simples prácticas discursivas con el fin de establecer su discurso antiparlamentarista y anticomunista y, de este modo, legitimarse. Además, el artículo sostiene que, a pesar de las semejanzas, habrá tres diferencias clave entre los discursos en cuestión. En primer lugar el régimen de Metaxas se consideraba a sí mismo como una ruptura histórica real, lo que significaba una nueva épica en la historia de la nación, los Coroneles presentaban su Dictadura como un mero paréntesis en la vida parlamentaria del país. En segundo lugar, mientras Metaxas, en su dis- curso político, atacaba al régimen parlamentario abiertamente y de forma agresiva, los Coroneles se limitaban simplemente a degradar las formas parlamentarias que presuntamente habían calado en Grecia en el período inmediatamente anterior a la Junta. En tercer lugar, el régimen de Metaxas quería provocar una transformación radical de toda la sociedad, mientras los Coroneles sólo querían intervenir en el terreno político. Para finalizar el artículo continúa con la explicación de estas diferencias de discurso, ligando sus manifestaciones ideológicas a los diversos contextos sociohistóricos: el período europeo de entreguerras y la crisis del capitalismo liberal, por una lado, y el anticomunismo general de la Guerra Fría, por otro. Palabras clave: Regímenes, Postguerra, Entreguerras, Grecia, Ideología, Discurso. ABSTRACT: This article illuminates the ideology of the April 21st 1967 Dictatorship in Greece through comparing and juxtaposing its official discourse with that of the “4th of August Regime”, the dictatorship established by Ioannis Metaxas in 1936. Through the comparison, the paper argues that the Metaxas regime not only was the historical predecessor of the Colonels’ dictatorship, but in many ways constituted the main source of ideological inspiration providing a variety of general interpretive schemes as well as simple discursive practices in order to found its antiparliamentary and anticommunist discourse and thus legitimize itself. The paper furthermore argues that, despite similarities, there were three key differences between the discourses in question. Firstly, while the Metaxas regime perceived of itself as a real historical break, signifying a new age in the history of the nation, the Colonels portrayed their dictatorship as a mere parenthesis in the country’s parliamentary life. Secondly, whereas Metaxas openly and aggressively attacked parliamentarism in his political discourse, the Colonels were limited in merely degrading the parliamentary form that had allegedly soaked Greece just before the junta. Thirdly, the Metaxas regime claimed to evoke a holistic radical transformation of society, whereas the Colonels just wanted to intervene in the sphere of politics. Finally, the article proceeds to account for these discursive differences by inducing their ideological manifestations to their different socio-historical contexts: The European Mid-War period and the crisis of liberal capitalism, on the one hand, to the general Cold War anticommunism, on the other. Keywords: Regimes, Post-war, Mid-war, Greece, Ideology, Discourse

This paper addresses an approach to the question of the orientation of the quibla among the Castilian Muslims of the Duero basin, in the Middle Ages. It is not intended to make a new disquisition about the peninsular qibla (studied only for al-Andalus), but to propose a new approach to the medieval Islam of the Duero Valley, in order to assess to what extent this issue affected the Castilian Muslims and to what extent this historical analysis can help us to know its degree of Islamization and its relationship with the rest of peninsular Islam.

This study analyses the conflicts between lay aristocrats and those agents who acted in their name, received their fees, and preserved and ran their properties. Scams, negligence, and damages caused by these seigneurial agents became a recurring problem that spread throughout several spaces and concerned several lay aristocrats, which points out a deep tension in this relationship. This paper suggests that these conflicts were the result of the fact that both seigneurial judicial and political power and control over aristocratic lands and properties were exercised in the local and supra-local spaces by persons related to those spaces. These individuals owned lands and their sustenance and income did not depend entirely on their activities as agents, and neither did their interests match completely with aristocratic ones.

RESUMEN: En este trabajo se intenta señalar con la mayor precisión posible los límites de la zona meridional del alfoz medieval del concejo de Ávila, siempre inestables hasta que se fijan los correspondientes a los concejos limítrofes. AI mismo tiempo, se analiza la evolución histórica de la colonización de esta amplia zona de frontera, que pasa de una relativa despoblación a tener un importante peso económico en el conjunto del concejo. Todo ello provocará que caiga en los juegos de intereses de las oligarquías abulenses que, en un largo proceso de señorialización del territorio, acabarán en su segregación del concejo de Avila.ABSTRACT: This paper aims at defining in the most accurate manner the Southern borders of the Avila municipality in the Middle Ages. Those borders were quite unstable until the neighbouring municipalities' limits were fixed. The paper also analyses the historical evolution of this wide borderland area which cAOlved from being a relatively depopulated zone to having an important economic weight in the municipalitv' as a whole. This evolution made the area economically attractive to Avila's oligarchies, a phenomenon which entailed a long process of increasing feudal influence on that territory and eventually its segregation from the municipal authority' of the cit}' of Avüa.

RESUMEN: El siglo XII todavía está considerado como un momento clave en el cambio de la sociedad y el pensamiento medieval, a pesar de los debates sobre el periodo. Para los historiadores de lo política, el siglo XII representa el origen de la aparición de estructuras políticas centradas en la figura del rey con poder sobre territorios específicos; lo que se ha dado en llamar "las monarquías feudales". Este artículo aborda la descripción, más que la explicación, de estos cambios en la Península Ibérica. El siglo XII se presenta como un momento en el que paradójicamente coexistieron poderosos reyes y casas nobiliarias. lísto se expresó en recurrentes rebeliones de magnates contra los reyes, pero también en intrincados tratados de paz firmados entre los monarcas y sus cortes contra la nobleza. En este escenario de competencia, la dinámica de guerra y pactos llevada a cabo precisamente por cortes enemigas mvo como consecuencia la definición de un nivel superior de decisión política sobre aquél de la nobleza. El artículo muestra que, a largo plazo, el poder regio, mediante una espiral creciente de tratados negociados entre "enemigos de igual status", desarrolló complejos procedimientos y compromisos que implicaban por igual a nobleza e iglesia y, así, se convirtió en centro obligado de toda malla de relaciones políticas.ABSTRACT: The twelfth century has been regarded as a milestone for changes at almost all levels of the medieval society. Some scholars consider it a starting point to trace back the origin of more centralised political structures with power over a specific territon?, what we call the feudal monarchies. This paper tries to describe how these changes occurred in the Iberian kingdoms. It presents the co-existence of powerful kings and strong nobilities during the twelfth century that resulted in recurrent baronial rebellions against the kings but also in peace treaties signed by the monarchs against them. A dynamic of war and pacts between enemy courts turned out to define an upper decision-making level above the nobility. The paper concludes that the long-term outcome was in favour of the royal power which, by an increasing spiral of treaties negotiated with their "hostile equals", succeeded in building up complex procedures and commitments that involved both the nobility and the Church, becoming unique centres of political networks.

RESUMEN: El presente trabajo es una breve síntesis que gira en torno a la importancia que los datos de prospección arqueológica tienen dentro de aquellos procesos de análisis cuyo objetivo es el de comprender el funcionamiento de los sistemas de poblamiento de un determinado espacio durante la Antigüedad. Qué es y cómo se definen las jerarquías de poblamiento desde la prospección, el carácter relativo de éstas o los criterios a partir de los cuales se establecen dichas clasificaciones, son algunas de las prioridades de este trabajo. Para ello, hemos propuesto algunos de los ejemplos más significativos a nivel europeo que, junto a las consideraciones obtenidas a partir del proceso de investigación que actualmente estamos llevando a cabo en la Rioja burgalesa o las propias experiencias personales recogidas a pie de campo, nos han servido de base para la elaboración de la síntesis que sigue a continuación.ABSTRACT: The present paper is a brief synthesis that revisited the importance that the archaeological prospection have inside those analysis processes, with the main goal of understanding the functioning of the populate systems in one determinated space during the Antiquity. What is and who we can defined the populate hierarchies from the point of view of the prospection, the relative character of them or the main approaches of those which this classifications settle down, this are some of the priorities of this paper. For it, we have proposed some of the most significant examples at the European level, these samples together whit the considerations of obtained in the research process that we are developed at the moment in the zone of the Rioja Burgalesa, are the main base for the elaboration of the paper that we introduced next.

RESUMEN: Este artículo trata de aportar nuevos elementos al estudio de la reforma católica en Castilla durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos a partir de un ejemplo: el sínodo diocesano celebrado en Ávila en 1481 a cargo del obispo Alfonso de Fonseca. En él se contribuye a poner en cuestión la concepción historiogràfica tradicional que centraba todo el protagonismo reformador en el concilio de Trento (1545-1563) y, de acuerdo a los nuevos estudios, adelanta más de setenta años, antes incluso de las tesis de Martín Lutero, el inicio de la reforma en la Iglesia Católica. La petición que hace el canon sexto del cuarto concilio de Letrán (1215) provoca la celebración de numerosos sínodos en distintas diócesis cuya contribución a la reforma se quiere poner de manifiesto en este artículo.ABSTRACT: This paper presents new elements for the study of Catholic reform in Castile during the reign of the Catholic Monaschs through one example: the diocesan synod which took place in Ávila in 1481 under the leadership of bishop Alfonso de Fonseca. It intends to put into question the traditional historiographie idea which considers the Council of Trent (1545-63) as the only force of reform, by dating the begining of the Catholic Church reform over 70 years ealier, that is, even before Martin Luther's theses. The request made by the sixth canon of the 4th Lateran council (1215) led to a number of synods held in different dioceses, whose contribution to the reform is highlighted in this paper.

RESUMEN: Este artículo aborda la enseñanza de la historia en la educación secundaria en España, desde la reforma de 1970. Partiendo de la justificación del uso de la idea de identificación sobre el concepto de identidad nacional, se discute el papel cambiante de la historia escolar en la nacionalización de la población española, en los siguientes apartados: identificación nacional y enseñanza de la historia antes de 1970; crisis de las historiografías nacionalistas y Ley General de Educación de 1970; la fortaleza de los estereotipos nacionalistas en el BUP; renovación pedagógica durante la transición democrática; la LOGSE (1990) y sus inconsecuencias reformistas; los estereotipos nacionalistas: del centro a la periferia y de la periferia al centro; la ofensiva neoconservadora de los 90; la recuperación de la historia general: desde Atapuerca al euro; para concluir con una reflexión sobre la necesidad de replantearse la enseñanza y aprendizaje de la historia en el siglo XXI.ABSTRACT: This paper examines the teaching of history in secondary education in Spain since the 1970 reform. Beginning with the justification of the use of the notion of identification over the concept of national identity, we discuss the changing role of school history in promoting this identification in Spanish population after the 70’s with these sections: national identification and History teaching before 1970; the crisis of the nationalist historiographies and the 1970 Ley General de Educación; the strength of nationalist stereotyping in the BUP; the pedagogic innovation during the democratic transition; the LOGSE (1990) and its reformist inconsequence; nationalist stereotyping: from centre to periphery and from periphery to centre; the neoconservative offensive in the 90’s; the recovering of the general History: from Atapuerca to the euro. The paper concludes with a reflection of the need for a new perspective of History teaching and learning in the XXI century.

RESUMEN: Este artículo aborda la enseñanza de la historia en la educación secundaria en España, desde la reforma de 1970. Partiendo de la justificación del uso de la idea de identificación sobre el concepto de identidad nacional, se discute el papel cambiante de la historia escolar en la nacionalización de la población española, en los siguientes apartados: identificación nacional y enseñanza de la historia antes de 1970; crisis de las historiografías nacionalistas y Ley General de Educación de 1970; la fortaleza de los estereotipos nacionalistas en el BUP; renovación pedagógica durante la transición democrática; la LOGSE (1990) y sus inconsecuencias reformistas; los estereotipos nacionalistas: del centro a la periferia y de la periferia al centro; la ofensiva neoconservadora de los 90; la recuperación de la historia general: desde Atapuerca al euro; para concluir con una reflexión sobre la necesidad de replantearse la enseñanza y aprendizaje de la historia en el siglo XXI.ABSTRACT: This paper examines the teaching of history in secondary education in Spain since the 1970 reform. Beginning with the justification of the use of the notion of identification over the concept of national identity, we discuss the changing role of school history in promoting this identification in Spanish population after the 70’s with these sections: national identification and History teaching before 1970; the crisis of the nationalist historiographies and the 1970 Ley General de Educación; the strength of nationalist stereotyping in the BUP; the pedagogic innovation during the democratic transition; the LOGSE (1990) and its reformist inconsequence; nationalist stereotyping: from centre to periphery and from periphery to centre; the neoconservative offensive in the 90’s; the recovering of the general History: from Atapuerca to the euro. The paper concludes with a reflection of the need for a new perspective of History teaching and learning in the XXI century.

RESUMEN: El trabajo que presentamos trata de analizar el debate generado en sede parlamentaria en relación con la cuestión universitaria en España durante el periodo de la Transición política a la democracia. El documento analiza el proceso mediante el cual se intentó configurar una norma que desarrollara el mandato constitucional sobre autonomía universitaria. El trabajo, por tanto, fija su atención en el Proyecto de Ley de Autonomía Universitaria, estudiando las distintas posiciones ideológicas existentes sobre la universidad española del momento así como las dificultades generadas en ese proceso de desarrollo educativo.ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to analyze the debate generated in the Spanish Cortes (House of Representatives) regarding the issue of Spanish universities during the historical process known as the Transition to Democracy. The article studies the process of the constitutional mandate on university autonomy. The paper therefore focuses on the Bill for University Autonomy, seeking the different ideological views held about the Spanish university at that time as well as the difficulties that arose in the process of educational development.

RESUMEN: El trabajo que presentamos trata de analizar el debate generado en sede parlamentaria en relación con la cuestión universitaria en España durante el periodo de la Transición política a la democracia. El documento analiza el proceso mediante el cual se intentó configurar una norma que desarrollara el mandato constitucional sobre autonomía universitaria. El trabajo, por tanto, fija su atención en el Proyecto de Ley de Autonomía Universitaria, estudiando las distintas posiciones ideológicas existentes sobre la universidad española del momento así como las dificultades generadas en ese proceso de desarrollo educativo.ABSTRACT: This paper attempts to analyze the debate generated in the Spanish Cortes (House of Representatives) regarding the issue of Spanish universities during the historical process known as the Transition to Democracy. The article studies the process of the constitutional mandate on university autonomy. The paper therefore focuses on the Bill for University Autonomy, seeking the different ideological views held about the Spanish university at that time as well as the difficulties that arose in the process of educational development.

In this paper we analyze the different curricula that coexisted in the Normal School of the Primary Magisterium of Cáceres during the Second Republic, from the Bergamín Plan of 1914, which continued those students who had already begun their studies in previous years. And who were given the opportunity to enter the like teachers through their participation in the Professional Selection Courses, following the Preparatory Plan. Who were surprised by the transition of curricula but did not have the title of higher bachelor required in the new, and ending with the star plan of the Second Republic, the so-called Professional Plan. We analyze the courses taught, the contents, the final revalidate of studies, the examination courts and the ways of evaluating in the Cacereña Normal School.

Although there are different theories of human rights, it is possible to point out a series of features present in each and every one of them and that serve to speak of a standard theory of rights. In this paper I describe two different types of challenges that arise to this standard theory of rights. One of them moves into the interior of the theory and questions some of its features. At this point I will refer to the issues of the guarantor, of the freedom-security tension and of universality. The other great challenge questions the validity of human rights as a guide for the treatment of certain problems. At this point I will refer to the movements of people and new technologies. Both challenges, which are a sign of the historical character of human rights, force the discourse of rights to react and try to resolve them, even modifying some of the references that have characterized it.

This paper revise the last bibliographic contributions linked with the figure of Joseph Stalin, with the objective of analize the importance that different historians give, from the access to new sources as a consecuence of the openness of the former URSS archives, to the personal factor in the conformation of the regime.

In this paper is intended to show the influence of te School of Salamanca in the constitution of the Human Rights. They received from the nominalists of Paris, where Vitoria and Soto studied, the idea of Subjective Rights, that some historians of Right consider the antecedents of the Human Rights, such as Blandine Barrett-Kriegel.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the political action in the council of Ávila on the basis on the study of the first draft of the municipal minutes (1497-1500). The most important municipal offices (the regidurías) are crossed by the contradiction between the public responsibilities and the particular interest of their occupants. The internal differentiation of the ruling elite is a key aspect that reveals this documentation in which the conflict claims to be expulsed.

This paper focuses on the presence of children in medieval cathedrals, which was much more common than previously thought. It takes the late medieval Toledo as an example and it analyzes the five circumstances in which this presence became a reality: their studies at the cathedral school; their collaboration in the development of liturgical ceremonies; their close participation in the musical activity of the temple; the celebrations in which the children played a special role; and the assistance activity which offered protection to abandoned children.

In this paper we study the cultural universe in Andalusia during the Late Middle Ages. We focus our attention on the different moments of education and their schools (Universities, secondary schools, elementary schools); the access to books and libraries as a main source for culture; and the link between women and culture.

In this paper we address some aspects of the history of the Portuguese medieval university, namely its foundation, position in urban topography, buildings and economics. The Studium was created by the will of the royal and ecclesiastical power, which, as we shall see, will support it throughout the ages, the protection of the former being very pronounced. The Studium very peculiar itinerancy between Lisbon and Coimbra in the 14th century will be highlighted and some hypothesis to explain will be proposed. We will also discuss the specific characteristics of the location of its facilities in the urban geography of the two cities. The weight of the privileges of accommodation, supply and ecclesiastical forum in the tense relation between urban powers and the Study will also be evaluated. Finally, economic issues regarding its funding will be discussed in the framework of a structural lack of financial autonomy. Through these issues we aim to test the similarities and particularisms of the Portuguese General Study in the context of medieval university institutions.

This paper aims to determine the main features that defined the so-called grammar schools in the Crown of Castile in the context of the Late Medieval European school system. The analysis of the limited extant information that has been collected about the foundation, funding, appointment of masters and school syllabuses seeks to establish similarities and differences. Although both exist, the current study stresses the existence of a complex and diverse school system that the Late Medieval Castilian cities shared with the Crown of Aragon and other medieval European kingdoms. Some of the parameters used to rebuild the syllabus at the said schools reveal the influence of the Studia humanitatis curriculum and its contribution to the shaping of civic values in the urban culture of the Late Middle Ages

At the beginning of the twentieth century, unlike in other major European cities, Madrid was still plagued by serious health problems that caused systematic and constant increases in their mortality rates. Despite the fact that since the middle of the previous century there was a growing concern about the epidemics affecting the inhabitants of the city (especially by the hygienists), these continued to emerge in the midst of the poor performances of state and municipal authorities in terms of public health. This paper addresses this issue from a specific case study: the first epidemic of exanthematous typhus occurred in Madrid at the end of April 1903 and extended until 1905. Drawing on a varied documentation that comprises filiation books of the Provincial Hospital of Madrid, death yearbooks and demographic statistics of Madrid City Council, specialized publications of the period and periodical press; this work will analyse the characteristics of the official fight against this disease during its evolution, as well as its repercussions on the social and residential level.

Techniques improvement in the printing world allowed the publication of illustrations and caricatures more frequently in the nineteenth century. The satiric draftsman illustrated the main debates of the society into the journals. The personifications of nations was popularized among caricaturists, especially with feminine allegories. Their pictures created national imaginaries with specific features. This national representations grew up and spread ideals, opinions and intellectual currents about the critical points of social and political dispute. One of this moment was Ten Years’ War (1868-1878), the first independence conflict between Cuba and Spain. The aim of this paper is look into the construction of national imaginaries analyzing visual sources like Víctor Patricio de Landaluze’s caricatures in Juan Palomo journal. Analysis of «the otherness» concept in the building of this representations and its consolidation in other products –literature or diary objects– is an important area into this research. Finally, the main point is to know how the political and warlike confrontation reached other dimensions such as the cultural battle.

This paper analyzes the transformations undergone by the local clergy in the diocese of Leon between the mid-eleventh and the beginning of the 13th Century, with a view to shedding light on how this group adjusted to the new framework of ecclesiastical organization promoted by the Gregorian Reform. To this end, the study examines different aspects such as the changes in the ways clergymen were appointed, the subordination of local clergymen to the episcopal jurisdiction, their adjustment to certain standards of discipline and behavior, and their participation in the ecclesiastical income, within a context characterized by the strengthening of episcopal authority and the configuration of the parish system in northern Iberia.

The provost position or «prebostad» was one of the emblems of the political organizations of the southern Basque towns. This position was closely linked to both the tax and executive functions; therefore, the access to this post brought a fast promotion of local elites. The provost position had a series of prerogatives such as the supervision of the incomes, the influence on agreements and on elections, or the control over people and goods. That is why the post was quickly claimed by local oligarchies. In this way, the aim of this paper is to analyze the casuistry that caused the implantation and development of this post, something that has been little or unequally worked by the historiography.

This paper reflects about the political use of liveries in Ferdinand the Catholic’s Court. The aim of this study is to better understand dress-given in the royal court and its political implications in the court society. To do this, usual and extraordinary moments in the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic will be opposed. Specially it will be stressed the role of liveries on the royal weddings between prince Juan and princess Margarita of Austria in 1497. Facing these two situations, it will be noted how liveries could be understood as a demonstration of royal power in the court but as a courtier mechanism too.