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This article examines Jardine Matheson & Co.'s (JM) response to the riots, strikes, and boycotts that the Chinese people, particularly the workers, engaged in from 1925 to 1926. The occurrence was widespread and lasted for a considerable amount of time. spreading from the south to other regions. The British were a prime target of protests, strikes, and boycotts. JM became one of the British companies that were immediately impacted by the disaster as a result. JM's business's shipping, port, and manufacturing sectors were severely disrupted and destroyed.JM suffered a large loss because of the riot's property damage. JM was also required to comply with the workers' requests for pay increases. To defend JM's position and business interests in China, JM reacted to the incident because of the circumstance. Therefore, qualitative research methods and library research were utilized to examine JM's response to episodes of riots, strikes, and boycotts that happened throughout the time covered by this paper. Primary sources for the study included letters, reports from the London Foreign Office (FO371), meeting materials and minutes from the JM Company, and British business organizations including the China Association. While secondary sources are the results of earlier research, including books and journals. Both sources were used in the creation of this article. The results of this study are expected to add to the corpus of additional knowledge in the study of modern Chinese history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Management of the South China Sea disputes must consider the "hedging" behavior of the claimant and non-claimant countries. This behavior is characterized by an insistence on not aligning with any of the competing powers, through intentionally contradictory actions to offset multiple risks, or through a continuous effort to maintain a fallback position. Indeed, in the face of China's increasingly assertive actions and U.S. Indo-Pacific strategy, nearly all the states in the region have avoided "balancing" (fully aligning with the U.S. to check China) and none of them have adopted "bandwagoning" (fully aligning with China for economic reasons but at the expense of autonomy and other national interests). Instead the Southeast Asian states have insisted on hedging. This paper argues that this proclivity to hedge is a result of both structural and domestic factors. Structurally, the high uncertainties surrounding China's intentions, U.S. commitment, and future U.S.-China ties have compelled the smaller states to avoid putting all their eggs in either power's basket. Domestically, for their political legitimation, the ruling elites in the states hedge to offset multiple risks and pursue mixed policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The competition between the United States and China is now more complex compared to the era of the Cold War. This is evident from the Trade War, the issue of 5G technology, megaproject initiatives, the South China Sea issue and most recently the Covid-19 issue. Malaysia has taken a pragmatic approach and has been careful not to get caught up in the competition between the two powers. During the Pakatan Harapan (PH) era, Malaysia decided to cancel the Kuala Lumpur-Singapore high-speed rail (HSR) mega project, renegotiate the construction cost of the East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) as well as the grey zone issue in the South China Sea. These decisions created tension in the Kuala Lumpur-Beijing bilateral relations. In response, China delayed any form of cooperation to re-evaluate Kuala Lumpur's foreign policy towards Beijing under the new Pakatan Harapan government. However, Mahathir successfully renegotiated with China to proceed with the projects. This event is expected to leave a significant impact on why Malaysia is increasing its confidence and cooperation with China despite facing national security threats. By utilizing library research and interviews this study analyzes the factors influencing the improvement of bilateral diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China from 1971 until 2018. The study applies the theory of neoclassical realism and the concept of threat balance to argue that Malaysia's response and stance towards China are based on threat, risk, and opportunity factors. First, it finds that the trend in Malaysia-China bilateral cooperation is influenced by the perception of trust. Second, the factor of leadership in identifying threats and opportunities also influences bilateral relations. Third, economic, political, and diplomatic harmony requires a relationship of mutual trust and interdependence in line with the international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China during the Abdul Razak era from animosity to the normalisation of relations. Three questions are highlighted in this research; first, what are the factors that influence the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China; second, how the three levels of analysis structure Malaysia's foreign policy towards China and third, to what extent the established relationship has an impact on the national interests of the two countries. The arguments of these three factors are analysed through three stages namely the international structure, domestic changes and the role of leaders. The neoclassical realism theory is applied in analyzing the structuring of Malaysia's foreign policy towards China during the Abdul Razak era. This research applies a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants; an analytical method based on chronology; and supported with empirical evidence from the secondary data. Overall, this research concludes that harmony interest and pingpong diplomacy influenced the changes in Malaysia's foreign policy towards China. Although the two countries are suspicious of one another in diplomatic relations, there was an increase in comprehensive cooperation through trade and political aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China during the Post-Cold War era from 1989 to 1996. The Post-Cold War era had seen the anomalies in diplomatic relations between Malaysia and the United States and China. Furthermore, during the Cold War era, a closer relation between Malaysia and the United States could be seen in balancing China’s power. However, the post-Cold War era had seen an increase in diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China and was cold towards the United States. The anomalies of bilateral diplomatic relations are argued through international political changes, domestic interests and the perception of leaders. The research also employs neoclassical realisme theory in analyzing Malaysia's foreign policy anomalies towards China during the Mahathir Mohamad era. This research applies a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants from Malaysia and China; an analytical method based on chronology; and uses supportive empirical evidence from secondary data. Findings show that the anomalies of Malaysia's foreign policy change towards China is influenced by the U.S. pressure on Malaysia and from China's foreign policy change; economic slowdown and political elite crisis; and changes in Mahathir's perceptions and actions towards China. Analysis also found that there was an increase of Malaysia's trust towards China in the Post-Cold War despite the relations normalization have been established since 1974. Although Malaysia can enjoy China's booming economy in terms of trade and investment which did not occur in the previous era, Kuala Lumpur never compromises with Beijing on the issue in the South China Sea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship and effort made by Jardine Matheson & Co. (JM) to establish the relationship with Ch'ing Government. The discussion started establishment of JM in 1832 until the end of the Dynasty Ch'ing in 1912. During that period, the relationship between Jardine Matheson & Co. (JM) and Ch'ing Dynasty undergoes a phase of change. In the early stage, they do not have good relationship due to different policies and views related to diplomacy and trade. The Ch'ing government practices the 'closed door' policy whereas the West practices free trade. The Western traders like JM see China as a profitable economic source and trade. However, the unwillingness of Ch'ing Government in changing the policy and imposing law restrictions upon the British traders leads JM to influence the British Government to use force against China. Finally, the British Government agrees to declare war and China had to conform to British's strength. British's victory enables JM to expand in China. During the middle of 19th century, JM does not only depend on opium trade alone, but started to involve in manufacturing, services and others. To strengthen the company's position, the second generation of JM starts to restore the relationship with the Ch'ing government. Various efforts are made by JM such as appointing the Chinese as the comprador or middleman, giving financial loans and assisting in developmental plans by the Ch'ing Government. Therefore, this research conducted through history research methodology by examining the records, documents and correspondence of JM and the Ch'ing Government at the Janus Archives, University of Cambridge and The National Archives, London. The findings show that JM has successfully established relations with the Ch'ing Government economically due the Ch'ing Government itself needs the help and support of the West in its efforts to develop and modernize the Self- Strengthening Movement (GMD) in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Towards the 18th century, communities who settled on the China- Vietnam border along the paths of You Cun Ai in the Guangxi province, have begun to carry out trades along the border. However, the trading activities along the border were stopped by the Chinese authorities upon the outbreak of the Tay Son Rebellion (1771 - 1802). Hence, this article aims to investigate the motive for the ban on the China (Guangxi)-Vietnam border trades in the context of China-Vietnam's long-forged trade relationship. This is due to the fact that not only do the border trades supply daily necessities, but the ban on the trades have brought a huge impact on the socio-economy of the people who settled at the border. This research presents the view that the Tay Son Rebellion served only as an excuse for the Chinese to legally close the border trades of China-Vietnam when in actual fact it was for China's political survival. China fears that unrest in Vietnam will bring in elements of rebellion into its country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]