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Scientific papers on the history of psychiatric diagnosis presented at the 16th International Taniguchi Symposium for Comparative History of Medicine-East and West which was held in 1991 in Japan were briefly reviewed and discussions and comments interchanged in this meeting were introuduced with some personal appreciation that the meeting was excellently organized and enormously successful. Particularly, the papers of medical historians and the expert in specific area like Indian medicine from North America and Europe were highly instructive. The informal gathering in the evening had offered a fascinating original report such as an old documentary film about Imu, a Japanese culture bound syndrome. One very important point was raised in this review that the comparisons between the Medicine-East and the West, particularly the translation of the Eastern medical descriptions of mental illness into the modern Western pschiatric terms should be very cautiously carried out, because by the crude identification of one medical system with the other system the uniqueness of the illness in a specific time and in a specific place might easily be overlooked. For both Japanese and Korean traditional medicine share with Chinese traditional medicine and yet they preserve their uniqueness, a small group study for comparative East Asian medicine was suggested for the more elaborated clarification of medical terms.

This paper explores the introduction process of Daehan Hospital from Japan as the modern medical facility in Korea, and the architectural planning characteristics as a medical facility through the detailed building process of Daehan Hospital main building. The most noticeable characteristic of Daehan Hospital is that it was designed and constructed not by Korean engineers but by Japanese engineers. Therefore, Daehan Hospital was influenced by Japanese early modern medical facility, and Japanese engineers modeled Daehan Hospital main building on Tokyo Medical School main building which was constructed in 1876 as the first national medical school and hospital. The architectural type of Tokyo Medical School main building was a typical school architecture in early Japanese modern period which had a middle corridor and a pseudo Western-style tower, but Tokyo Medical School main building became the model of a medical facility as the symbol of the medical department in Tokyo Imperial University. This was the introduction and transplantation process of Japanese modern 'model' like as other modern systems and technologies during the Korean modern transition period. However, unlike Tokyo Medical School main building, Daehan Hospital main building was constructed not as a wooden building but as a masonry building. Comparing with the function of Daehan Hospital main building, its architectural form and construction costs was excessive scale, which was because Japanese Resident-General of Korea had the intention of ostentation that Japanese modernity was superior to Korean Empire.

This paper reviews Kudoh Takeki's activity critically during the colonial Korea period, regarding his research on Medical Science and Japanized Confucianism. He managed 'The Seoul Gynecological Hospital'for approximately 35 years in the Chosŏn period as a Japanese resident with Chosŏn status. He published medical knowledge about obstetrics through more than 280 articles, and attempted to improve the hygiene and health of 'Korean Women'. He tried to complete his will toward 'One Unity of Chosŏn and Japan'by terminating the Chosŏn culture 'gene'as an intention. The purpose would enlighten Chosŏn by Japanese blessing. This paper aims to confirm his intention by two aspect of analysis by 'Medical Science'as an occupation and 'Confucianism'and the background of his thought. The content of Kudoh Takeki's research in Chosŏn regarding Medical Science-Confucianism is described as below. First, the purpose and mission of Kudoh Takeki regarding Chosŏn was analyzed. The papers revealed the Kudoh Takeki mentioned only the 'HusbandMurders of Corean Women', which was defined by Kudoh Takeki as 'A Special Crime of Corea'. This paper examined his intensions. Second, writings by Kudoh Takeki were listed to verify the 'medical'field and 'non-medical'field according to the subject. No list of contents was found for his more than 280 articles or essays in magazines/newspapers/ publications, and these papers only described the Kudoh paper "A Special Crime of Corea"and studied the separate book publication by Kudoh THE GYNAECOLOGICAL RESEARCH OF HUSBANDMURDERS OF COREAN WOMEN, A SPECIAL CRIME OF COREA. Third, the genealogy of Confucianism of Kudoh Takeki was analyzed as his background of mental·thought by his hometown and the school he graduated from. The people from Kumamoto and Seiseiko school who were influenced by 'Yi Toegye'of Chosŏn Confucianism were more active than general Japanese. Fourth, the practical activity of Kudoh Takeki in Chosŏn was described. The paper revealed that his brother Tadaske and Shigeo also stayed in Chosŏn to act as an important assistants for the Colonial Chosŏn Government-general. Kudoh was an important man in Japanese society in Chosŏn, acting as a member of 「Group of Same Origin」 and 'Chosŏn Association of great Asia'which was an important organization assisting Colonial Chosŏn Government-general and was a representative position in Seoul district of Bukmichang-jeong(now Bukchang-dong) Fifth, Kudoh Takeki's precise activity to terminate Chosŏn cultural 'gene'and lead to enlightenment was analyzed by an examination of his Medical Science as an occupation and Confucianism as a background of his thought. Even he attempted to enlighten the brutal Chosŏn people in cultural aspects but it was only a tool to assist the colonial policy of Japan by emphasizing 'Kyoikuchokugo(Imperial Rescript on Education)'to implant the Kodo-Seishin(Imperial Spirit). Analyzing the relationship of Kumamoto Practical Party with Yi Toegye, the intention of a deep connection toward 'One Unity of Japan and Chosŏn'by colonial policy was revealed. In conclusion, the paper revealed the Japanese modernization frame to complete 'One Unity of Japan and Chosŏn'and 'Make people to obey the Japan Emperor'by enlightening the dark Chosŏn and merging them with Japan as Kudoh intended.

Western medicine began to be introduced to Japan since late 16th century. Japanese encounter with Western medicine centered on Dejima in Nagasaki in the seventeenth and eighteenth century and the initial process of introduction was gradual and slow. In the mid-nineteenth century, facing threats from Western countries, Tokugawa bakufu asked Dutch naval surgeon, J. L. C. Pompe van Meerdervoort to teach western medicine at the Kaigun Denshujo naval academy in Nagasaki. The government also supported the western medical school in Edo. This paper deals with how modern western medical doctors were developed in Japan from late Edo to early Meiji. The publication of the New Text on Anatomy in 1774 translated by Sugita Genpaku and his colleagues stimulated Japanese doctors and scholars to study western medicine, called Rangaku. During the Edo period, western medicine spread into major cities and countryside in Japan through Rangaku doctors. In 1838, for example, Dr. Ogata Koan established the Rangaku school named Tekijuku and educated many people with western medicine. When smallpox vaccination was introduced in Japan in 1849, Rangaku doctors played an important role in practiving the vaccination in cities and in countryside. After the Edo bakufu and the feudal lords of han(han) actively pursued to introduce western medicine to their hans by sending their Samurai to Edo or Nagasaki or abroad and by establishing medical schools and hospitals until their abolition in 1871. In late Edo and early Meiii military doctors were the main focus of training to meet the urgent need of military doctors in the battle fields of civil wars. The new Meiji government initiated a series of top-down reformations concerning army recruitment, national school system, public health and medical system. In 1874, the government introduced a law on medicine to adopt western medicine only and to launch a national licence system for medical doctors. Issuing supplementary regulations in the following years, the Meiji government settled down a dual-track medical licensing system: one for the graduates from medical schools with certain quality and the other for the graduate from less qualified schools who should take the licensing examination.

Research on the history of medicine in Korea in the form of modern scholarship began with the publication in 1930 of Yi Neunghwa's "A History of the Development of Medicine in Korea." The purpose of the present study lies in surveying studies on the history of medicine in Korea in the past 80 years since the publication of Yi's paper. In terms of periodization, research on the history of medicine in Korea is bifurcated by the publication of two comprehensive histories-i. e., Miki Sakae's A History of Medicine and Disease in Korea (1963) and Kim Du-jong's The Complete History of Medicine in Korea (1966). Indeed, all earlier studies converged in these two books. Because Miki and Kim both had majored in Western medicine and conducted research based on similar perspectives, data, and methods, the two works overlap considerably, and Kim's book, as the later of the two, unfortunately lost the initiative to the former to a considerable extent. As a result of these two scholars' research, it became possible to trace the overall flow of the history of medicine in Korea. Following the publication of works by Miki and Kim and with the advent of the 1980's, research on the history of medicine in premodern Korea was renovated with the emergence of no fewer than some dozen new doctoral degree holders in the field. In fact, these young scholars went beyond surveying trends in each era to expand the scope of specific discussions and topics per era, to delve into the actual contents, and to elucidate the function of medicine in society. The fruits of studies conducted in the past 80 years on the history of medicine in premodern Korea can be summarized as follows. 1) before the 5th century AD: the existence of a comprehensive medical practice in regions inhabited by those considered to be the ancestors of the Korean people; and information on medication including ginseng. 2) 5th-10th centuries: the existence of professional medical posts; the management of medicine by the royal household; institutions for medical education; the import and use of Chinese medical texts; the compilation of independent medical texts; the transmission of medical knowledge to Japan; and the import and export of medicinal ingredients. 3) 10th-14th centuries: public medical organs; medicine focusing on domestic medication; the invitation of medical doctors and the transmission of new medicine from Song China; the inclusion of medicine in the civil service examinations; the compilation of diverse types of Korean medical texts including those on native medicinal ingredients; disaster relief organs; regional medical organs; regional medicinal ingredient tribute system; and the state's measures against infectious diseases. 4) 14th-17th centuries: the consolidation of traditional East Asian medicine; the consolidation of Korean medicine including native medicinal ingredients; the emergence of a medical tradition that stresses the Daoist preservation of health ; and the publication of dozens of types of Chinese and Korean medical texts led by the entral and regional governments. Also noteworthy is the emergence of simple medical texts on emergency relief, pregnancy and childbirth, smallpox, and epidemics ( as well as the dissemination of their vernacular editions. In addition, there were phenomena such as the increasing occupation of the posts of medical officials by the non-aristocratic middling jung'in class; the existence of Confucian scholar-physicians and women physicians; and the compilation of texts on independent external medicine. 5) 17th-19th centuries: the formation of medicinal ingredient markets; the spread of pharmacies throughout the provinces; a vogue for Ming Chinese medical texts; veneration for the Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine; the emergence of a positivistic stance toward medical research; a vogue for experiential remedies; interest in Western medicine; compilation of several medical texts on measles; criticism of Chinese traditional medicine and/or Korean traditional medicine; the spread of variolation; attempts to introduce smallpox vaccination ; Korean-Japanese medical exchange through the dispatch of Korean goodwill missions to Japan; a great vogue for the Treasured Mirror of Eastern Medicine in both China and Japan; the emergence of independent medical texts on acupuncture; the successful cultivation and massive export of ginseng; and the birth of the Sasang (4-type) constitutional typology, a native medical tradition.

Of the more than two hundred collections of pildamchanghwa scattered around the world that are being catalogued and translated, more than forty are medical in nature. This paper organizes and charts the medical written conversations by their dates of publication and examine the various aspects of their publication. Medical written conversations have been collected since the Fourth Envoy. There are no records of medical written conversations or poetry exchange in Tsushima even though that was the first port of arrival for the Tongsinsa. Instead, sources show that written conversations and poetry exchanges mostly took place in Kyoto, Tokyo, and Osaka; indeed, these three cities, in that order, also have yielded the highest volumes of publication. The first commercially published collection of medical written conversations was Sanghaneuidam, published in 1713 following the Eighth Envoy. Though Gyerimchanghwajip was published two years earlier in 1711, it is clear from the usage of the word changhwa in the title that this collection was not strictly limited to medical written conversations. Sanghaneuidam was an attempt by Japanese medicine to collect questions and answers in order to publish as medical textbooks. The Japanese medicine that was involved in the most written conversations was Kawamura Shunko, who was the editor of Sanghaneuimundap and Joseonpildam following the Tenth Envoy. Publications with titles containing 'eui' explicitly contemplates the targeted readership. Kitao Shunpo was one Japanese medicine who was less interested in meeting a literary scrivener, but instead sought to converse with a respected medicine. When the Eighth Envoy of 1711 arrived in Ogaki, Kitao followed around the Joseon medicines and attempted written conversations. He enlisted the aid of his second son Shunrin in organizing the written conversations, and published the collection, complete with preface, postscript, and appendices-an editorial decision that fully contemplated his audience. Prior to meeting Gi Du-mun, Kitao meticulously planned out the order of questions-that is, the table of contents for Sanghaneuidam. Kitao drafted his questions to serve the purpose of a medical textbook, edited the contents of the written conversations, and added illustrations before presenting the collection to the public. Seomulyuchan, one of the most famous leishu in Japan, contains a preface by Lee Hyeon, a scrivener of Joseon. Kitao, who had studied Dongeuibogam, had already possessed a vast and systematic knowledge of materia medica; however, he sought Lee's contributions, hoping that a preface written by a renowned Joseon scholar would lend his publication more credibility. As such, it can be inferred that the preface to Seomulyuchan was created as an extension of the medical written conversations.

This paper aims to examine the spread of paragonimiasis and the Japanese colonial government's response to it. To consolidate colonial rule, the Japanese colonial government needed medications to cure paragonimiasis. When Dr. Ikeda Masakata invented acid emetine to cure paragonimiasis in Manchuria in 1915, emetine treatment carried the risk of emetine poisoning such as fatigue, inappetence, heart failure, and death. Nonetheless, Japanese authorities forced clinical trials on human patients in colonial Korea during the 1910s and 1920s. The emetine poisoning accident in Yeongheung and Haenam counties in 1927 occurred in this context. The Japanese government concentrated on terminating an intermediary host instead of injecting emetine to repress endemic disease in Japan. However, the Japanese colonial government pushed ahead with emetine injections for healthy men through the Preliminary Bureau of Land Research in colonial Korea in 1917. This clinical trial simultaneously presented the effects and the side effects of emetine injection. Because of the danger emetine injections posed, the colonial government investigated only the actual condition of paragonimiasis, delaying the use of emetine injection. Kobayashi Harujiro(1884-1969), a leading zoologist and researcher of endemic disease for three decades in the Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University in colonial Korea, had used emetine while researching paragonimiasis, but he did not play a leading role in clinical trials with emetine injections, perhaps because he mainly researched the intermediary host. Government General Hospital and Keijo Imperial University therefore faced limitations that kept them from leading the research on endemic disease. As the health administration shifted the central colonial government to local colonial government, the local colonial government pressed ahead with emetine injections for Korean patients. Emetine poisoning had something to do with medical power's localization. Nevertheless, the central colonial government still supported emetine injections with funds from the national treasury. The emetine poisoning accident that occurred simultaneously in two different regions resulted from the Japanese colonial government's support. This accident represented the Japanese colonial rule's atrocity, its suppression of hygiene policies, and its disdain for colonial inhabitants. The colonial government sought to accumulate medical knowledge not to cure endemic disease, but to expand the Japanese Empire.

This article is based on conceptual and methodological understanding of hygienic modernity in the nineteenth-century Western countries: one is the concept of modern hygiene in the context of modern state and the other is methodological relation of modern hygiene to scientific theory of germ . While modern state calls for the institutionalization of medical police as an administrative tool for consolidating the governmentality what Michel Foucault calls, scientific 'invention' of germ may be considered as 'logical, philosophical and historiographical'. Furthermore, the Meiji medicine men preferred Koch's to Pasteur's laboratory framework, not because the former was scientific than the latter but because Koch's programs were more compatible with imperial needs. The objective of this paper is to investigate four ways in which hygienic modernity had been established in Meiji Japan; (i) how Meiji imperialists perceived and managed to control Japanese hygienic condition, (ii) how Meiji-leading doctors learned about the German modern system of hygiene to consolidate Meiji empire; (iii) how modern germ theory functioned as the formation of imperial bodies in Meiji period; and (iv) how modem military hygiene contributed to Japanese defeat of Russia. Although I try to contend that modern hygiene was adopted as one of the most significant strategies for intensifying and extending the Meiji empire, this paper has some limits in not identifying how Japanese perception of infectious diseases were culturally adaptive to science-based hygienic programs the Meiji administrators had installed.

The paper investigates medical missionaries that exerted a significant role in establishing Western medicine in the late nineteenth century Chosun, in relation to orientalism, an academically popularized concept introduced by Edward Said. Historical analysis is focused on several important medical missionaries such as Horace N. Allen, William B. Scranton, John W. Heron, C. C. Vinton, and Oliver R. Avison to explain how their activism as medical missionary contributed to the formation of medical orientalism in which Western medicine was 'taught, studied, administered, and judged' in that period. In addition, I explore into how medical orientalism was in service of Japanese imperialism by showing that medical missionaries had to be under imperial surveillance by Japanese colonizers. The article explores the medical system of the Koryo Dynasty period and its social characteristics. First, the structure of medical system and roles of medical institutions during the Koryo Dynasty period will be summarized. Then the characteristics of the medical system will be identified through exploring the principles of its formation in a view of social recognition of medical care and a view of social recognition of medical care and a view of public policy.

Modern hospital in Korea was the space of competition and comprise among different forces such as the state power and social forces, imperialism and nationalism, and the traditional and modern medicine. Hospital in the Japanese colonialism was the object of control for establishing the colonial medical system. Japanese colonialism controlled not only the public hospital but also the private hospital which had to possess more than 10 infectious beds in the isolation building by the Controlling Regulation of Private Hospital. In fact, the private hospital had to possess more than 20 beds for hospital management. As a result, its regulation prevented the independent development of the private hospital. But because the public hospital could not accommodate many graduates of medical school, most of them had to serve as practitioner. Although some practitioners had more than 20 beds in their clinics, they were not officially included in the imperial medicine. By concentrating on the trend of the number of beds in the hospital, this paper differs from most previous studies of the system of hospital, which have argued that the system of hospital was converted the public-centered hospital system under the colonial medical system into the private-centered hospital system under the U. S. medical system after the Liberation in 1945. After Liberation, medical reformers discussed arranging the public and the private hospital. Lee Yong-seol, who was a Health-Welfare minister, disagreed the introduction of the system of state medicine. Worrying about the flooding of practitioners, he did not want to intervene the construction of hospital by state power. Because the private hospital run short of the medical leadership and the fundamental basis, the state still controlled the main disease in the public health and the prevention of epidemics. This means the state also played important part in the general medical examination and treatment. The outbreak of Korean War in 1950 reinforced the role of state. The leadership of the public hospital verified the trend of the quantity of beds. The number of beds in the private hospital exceeded that of the public hospital in 1966 for the first time. Futhermore, the number of beds in the public hospital doubled that of private hospital in the new general hospital of 1950s. This means the system of hospital after the Liberation was not converted the public-centered hospital system into the private-centered hospital system, but maintained the public-centered hospital system until 1960s.