Search

This paper examines the usage and meanings of the Kyrgyz auxiliary verb tašta- 'to throw away', showing that tašta- can only be combined with verbs that have certain characteristics. Moreover, in the -I(p) tašta- and -A/-y tašta- forms, tašta- almost always follows a volitional verb whose meaning includes an action causing an irreversible change in the object, such as 'kill, cut, split, destroy, annihilate, blow'. Contrariwise, in the -A/-y tašta- form, tašta- rarely appears immediately after a lexical verb, instead mostly appearing in the double auxiliary verb construction, "V1 AUX1 AUX2." The auxiliary verbs appearing as AUX1 show certain tendencies. Only seven auxiliary verbs appear as AUX1: koy- 'to put', al- 'to take', ǰiber- 'to send', iy- 'to bend', sal- 'to put', kal- 'to remain', and ket- 'to leave'. However, whereas the lexical verbs that appear with double auxiliary verbs where AUX1 is koy- 'to put', al- 'to take', ǰiber- 'to send', iy- 'to bend', or sal- 'to put' are transitive, when AUX1 is kal- 'to remain' or ket- 'to leave', the preceding lexical verbs are intransitive.

Japanese has compound verb constructions with deru 'to come out' or dasu 'to get out' as the second verb, such as nagare-deru 'to flow out' and kangae-dasu 'to come up with'. Similarly, Kyrgyz uses čïk- 'to come out' and čïgar- 'to get out', as in agïp čïk- 'to flow out' and oylop čïgar- 'to come up with'. In many cases, however, Japanese compound verbs containing deru or dasu have no directly corresponding Kyrgyz forms in čïk- or čïgar-. Although some verbs exhibit a perfect match both formally and semantically, such as nagare-deru ~ agïp čïk- 'to flow out' and kangae-dasu ~ oylop čïgar- 'to come up with' above, in many instances Japanese and Kyrgyz compound verb expressions do not match; for instance, Kyrgyz does not use čïk- 'to come out' for the Japanese expression ame ga furi-dasu 'it begins to rain'. Thus, when Kyrgyz or Japanese native speakers try to learn the other language, they may readily misuse the verbal compound form "V1 + V2" through the wrong application of their L1 form in the target language. This paper systematically analyzes the correspondences of compound verb constructions in Japanese deru, dasu and Kyrgyz čïk-, čïgar- based on their use with transitive and intransitive verbs in Kyrgyz, which might be helpful for learners of both languages.

This paper compares the basic vocabulary of Kyrgyz and Altai, which belong to the northwestern and northeastern groups of Turkic languages, respectively. Many studies have pointed out the similarities between Kyrgyz and Altai (Baskakov 1958, 1966; Batmanov 1959, Tenišev 1997, Johanson 1998, 2021). However, we still do not know the specifics of how these two languages changed historically. Therefore, this paper presents the similarities and differences in the basic vocabulary of Kyrgyz and Altai. Our research was carried out using the Linguistic Questionnaire for Asia and Africa (2), which was developed by the Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies (1979). We focused on basic vocabulary (217 words) because it comprises fundamental words for which there are expressions in every language, such as those for "water," "hands," and "mountains." It is also assumed that basic vocabulary is not borrowed and is relatively unchangeable.

application/pdf, 本稿の目的は，1)中央アジアのキルギスにおける移牧民の乳加工体系を明らかにし，2)キルギス移牧民の乳加工体系の特徴を周辺地域と比較検討することにより分析し，更に，3)ユーフラテス大陸北方域に位置するキルギス移牧民の乳加工体系の発達史について推論することにある。現地調査は，キルギス移牧民13世帯を対象に，観察とインタビューを2000年11月，2014年 8 月におこなった。キルギス移牧民の乳加工体系は，発酵乳系列群とクリーム分離系列群の乳加工技術を採用していた。発酵乳系列群の乳加工技術では，酸乳，チーズ，乳酒を，クリーム分離系列群の乳加工技術では，クリーム，バター・バターオイル，酸乳，自然発酵乳，チーズを加工していた。周辺地域の乳加工技術と比較分析した結果，キルギス移牧民の乳加工体系の特徴として以下の 2 点を明らかにした。①クリーム分離系列群や乳酒の加工というユーラシア大陸北方域の冷涼な生態環境に適合した乳加工技術を発達させたこと，②凝固剤使用系列群の乳加工技術を採用せず，凝固剤を利用してまでチーズを加工するようには発達してこなかったことである。キルギス移牧民の乳加工体系の発達史は，西アジア型の発酵乳系列群の乳加工技術を土台とし，冷涼性ゆえにクリーム分離系列群と乳酒の乳加工技術が発達し，近年のクリームセパレーターの採用により乳脂肪分画はクリーム分離系列群に依存するように変遷していったと結論づけることができる。

This article uses the case of Shabdan Jantay uulu (1840-1912) to elucidate the authority of the Kyrgyz chieftain class under the Russian rule. Shabdan was a figure deeply linked to the establishment of the Russian rule in Kyrgyz society. He was counted as a high-ranking officer by the Russian Empire, and he played a special intermediary role in that rule. Based on these facts, this article considers the authority of Shabdan in terms of the overlap between Central Eurasian nomadic and Islamic worlds. The authority of Shabdan was rooted in the concept of batyr, meaning hero, that existed from ancient times in nomadic world of Central Eurasia. Prior to the Russian rule, the qualification most demanded of a Kyrgyz chieftain was courage and this was symbolized by the title batyr. As Kyrgyz nomadic society was incorpolated into the Russian Empire, the bellicosity of the clueftain grew etiolated, but the title batyr was nevertheless considered significant in Kyrgyz society. Within this context, it is notable that Shabdan held the title of batyr to the end of his life. His existence as a special intermediate linking Kyrgyz society and the Russian Empire was not simply due to his military rank in the Russian Empire, his authority was also buttressed by the title batyr, a hero of Central Eurasian nomads. Moreover, from the end of the 19th century to the start of the 20th century, it has become clear that Shabdan devised a way to increase his authority through Islam in addition to the use of the title batyr. The title batir haji that was newly employed by Shadan at the beginning of the 20th century can be said in fact to indicate this move. It can be surmised that as an intermediary linking the Islamic world and Kyrgyz nomadic society, Shabdan attempted to obtain a new significance as a chieftain in Kyrgyz society.