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In order to introduce German Volkskunde as a neighboring discipline tocultural anthropology, I try to shed light on the historical process of this disciplineat research institutes in German universities, especially after WorldWar II. German Volkskunde had established its position as an academic discipline,with a chair of its own at a university, under the National Socialistregime, and ideologically had played no small part in supporting Nazism. Itnaturally follows that since the end of the war German scholars have had tokeenly reflect on and firmly criticize the discipline’s past. They have begun todefine and redefine theoretically their conceptions of the discipline, as well asits boundaries with related disciplines. They have brought many old conceptsof Volkskunde to an end and sought to turn the discipline into an applied culturalscience, concerned with the analysis of both the past and present. In thisprocess German Volkskunde has come to call itself cultural anthropology. Thisarticle argues this process with special reference to the University of Tübingen,and considers the current methodological orientation of professional educationreferring to the Humboldt University of Berlin. I discuss in conclusionthe developing relationship between German Volkskunde and cultural anthropology.

移民は，ホスト国のローカリティや日常生活に組み込まれていると同時に，それとは別の場所と，さまざまなネットワークを介して結びついている。彼らは，自己の位置や帰属をどのように考えているのだろうか。本稿は，グローバル化する世界において，移民の帰属意識はどのように構成されていくのか明らかにしようとする。具体例としてとりあげるのは，ベルリンに30 年生活しているサラエボ出身の女性の経験である。まず問題の理論的な背景を述べたのち，トランスナショナリズム研究と近年のドイツ都市研究を概観して，移民の階級的な経験に注目することの重要性を指摘する。次に，壁撤去後のベルリンの経済構造と社会構造の変化のなかで，移民が都市の最下層に組み込まれていったことを記述する。ベルリンは，壁撤去と同時にグローバル経済に遭遇し，そこで起こった経済の構造転換は，失業と社会構造の二極化をもたらした。移民は，「外国人」というひとつのカテゴリーに一方的に投げ込まれる。これに対して移民は，ムルティクルティ（多文化主義）という立場を主張する。このことばは，ドイツ人／外国人の境界を疑わしいものとみなし，ドイツ文化をさまざまな移民の文化と横並びの，ひとつの文化として扱おうとする意味を含んでいる。, Migrants settle and become incorporated in the localities and patterns ofdaily life of the country in which they reside, while at the same time they areengaged elsewhere in the sense that they maintain connections and influencelocal and national events in the countries from which they emigrated. Thepurpose of this article is to articulate how migrants construct their sense ofbelonging in the globalizing world. On this theme the experience of a migrantwoman, who emigrated from Sarajevo to Berlin thirty years ago, is described.To begin with, perspectives of some studies on the subject of transnationalismand some recent urban studies in Germany are surveyed, and the importanceof paying attention to migrants’ experience regarding social class in thecity is pointed out. Berlin first encountered the global economy after the fallof the Wall. The conversion of economic structure from manufacturing to serviceindustry was put into motion, and resulted in a mass of unemployed peopleand polarization. In this situation migrants were integrated into one categoryof Ausländer (foreigners), connotative of social class, and incorporatedinto the lowest class of the city. Migrants themselves dissent from this category,and insist on a position of Multi-Kulti (multiculturalism). This expressionMulti-Kulti demonstrates their intention to make the boundary betweenGerman and Ausländer porous, and to treat German culture on even termswith any migrant culture.

RT-PCR法を用いて,葉状乳頭における味覚受容体の発現を検討した。すなわち葉状乳頭部から擦過法により取得した組織を使用し,味覚受容体候補であるTHTRファミリー(THTRs)およびT2Rファミリー(T2Rs)の発現をRT-PCR後,マイクロキャピラリー電気泳動により測定した。40歳以上の健常者ではTHTRs,T2Rsの受容体において,多数を発現していることが認められた。これに対し30歳以下の被験者ではいくつかのTHTRsおよびT2Rsで発現を認めたが,典型的な発現パターンはなかった。さらに薬服用者や高齢の味覚異常者においては,健常者に比べてTHTRs, T2Rsともに発現していない受容体が多かった。これらのことから,まず青年期では味覚受容体が成長段階にあり,20歳の成人になっても味覚の成長は十分ではないことが考えられた。壮年期になると味覚受容体が十分発達し,高齢者になってもその味覚受容体の発現数は減少しないことが示唆された。また薬剤の服用者や味覚異常者も,味覚受容体の欠落の可能性が示唆された。, Tongue tissue from foliate papillae of 22 subjects was scraped and used. The expression of THTR family (THTRs) and T2R family (T2Rs) that are the candidate taste receptors were measured by RT-PCR and micro-capillary electrophoresis. The expression of taste receptors in the foliate papillae was measured using this scraping RT-PCR method. Normal persons over 40 years old expressed many THTRs and T2Rs. In contrast, for people under 30 years old there were some THTRs and T2Rs expressions without typical patterns. The taste disordered persons expressed few kinds of THTRs and T2Rs, and there were no or almost no expressions. These results suggested that in young adults of about 20 years old the taste receptors are not yet developed. We suggest that expression of taste receptors don't decrease in a person of advanced years because taste receptors development peaks in late middle age. With further assay and analyzation of expression of THTRs and T2Rs, it maybe possible to clear up factors of disturbance in taste.

Gタンパク質共役受容体THTR5をCHO細胞に導入し,呈味物質への応答性を検討した。THTR5クローンにおいてはGlucose, Fructose, Sorbitol, Arginine, Denatonium benzoate, Guanosin 5monophosphate disodium salt, Inosin 5'monophosphate sodium saltでの刺激により培養液上清中のPGE_2濃度が上昇した。さらに,Glucose, Fructose, Sorbitolでの刺激では培養液上清中のPGE_2濃度は呈味物質の濃度に依存的に変動した。以上のようにTHTR5はGlucose, Fructose, Sorbitolに濃度依存的な応答を示したことから糖質系甘味受容体であると推察した。, We introduced the THTR5 of the G-protein-coupled receptor into the CHO cell and examined its response to some tastants. In the case of the THTR5 clone, when stimulated by Glucose, Fructose, Sorbitol, Arginine, Guanosin 5-monophosphate disodium salt, Inosin 5'- monophosphate sodium salt and Denatonium benzoate, the concentration of the prostaglandin E_2 (PGE_2) in the culture solution rose. Due to the stimulus of Glucose, Fructose and Sorbitol, the PGE_2 concentration in the culture solution rose in accordance with the concentration of various tastants init. Thus, since the clone showed the concentration dependence-response to the sweet taste of saccharide, we guessed that this clone was a sweet taste receptor in connection with saccharide.

（※訂正）・5ページ左段25行目レヴィ・ストロースをレヴィ＝ストロースに訂正・5ページ右段11行目ストロースをレヴィ＝ストロース訂正

Austrian households maintain their graves across generations. Thispaper tries to describe and analyze the continuity and transformation ofAustrian household-graves, emphasizing the social relationship ofhousehold members involved. It will be shown that woman's servicesare indispensable in the maintenance of the continuity of the"household-grave" (der Grab des Hauses). My fieldwork was carriedout in south-east Carinthia in Austria (identified as N parish) in 1986-7and 1988-9 for 15 months.Austrian households may own more than one grave. However,household members give a special recognition to one of their graves astheir "household-grave", to which they have a particular sense of belonging.The distinction between heirs and non-heirs used to be crucialin this context. In Austrian households, heirs were allowed traditionalmarriages and inherited household-graves from their parents. Thenon-heirs were excluded from marriages and could not form their ownhouseholds. They were buried in the graves of their natal householdover which they did not have any control.This distinction between heirs and non-heirs has blurred since the1960's, as a result of increased opportunities of wage labor outside of Nparish. The non-heirs began to found their own households andhousehold-graves through their incomes from wage labor. This processis reflected in the social relations underlying the scenery of thechurchyard. First, the number of household-graves among graves in thechurchyard increased rapidly since the 1960's. Second, the social relationsinscribed on epitaphs have transformed. Most names carved ongravestones used to be the name of the heir only, or the heir and his/herspouse. However, the epitapfs constructed after the 1960's carry thenames of an increased number of people, who are related throughparent-child rlationship.However, women's roles in maintaing graves remain crucial despitethese changes. It is a woman's daily practice that distinguish graves ofher household from those of other households. Graves can remainwithin a household only when a housewife takes care of themregularly. It is within her decision-making whether she keeps a certaingrave within her household or gives it away to other households, ifthe grave is not the household-grave. She keeps daily services to hergaves, because she has looked after dying household members to theirlast moment, and has given them a funeral. At the same time, sheremains the core of a diffusing solidarity of her family, since sheprovides occasional hospitality to her own children who have alreadymarried out, particulary on All Saints' Day and All Souls' Day.Thus, it is possible to say women's roles underlie the continuity ofthe household-grave across generations. While the distinction betweenheirs and non-heirs in the continuity of household-graves has blurredthrough the introduction of wage labor, women's role as a key figure inmaintaining household-graves remains intact.

科学研究費補助金(一般研究A)研究成果報告書, 平成元年度. 課題番号: 62410007