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The classical communities had the confidence that their difficult written languages placed an exclusive position as the literary language. Along with Latin, traditional written Chinese was also far from the colloquial language. In modern China, many intellectuals felt that it was necessary to overcome this situation and establish a new language education system. Hu Shih (1891-1962), picked up in this paper, is still one of the most famous philosophers, who reevaluated vernacular Chinese as the new “active” literary language. This paper aims to examine the formation of curriculum theory for language education through the case of Hu Shih’s contemplation and practice. For this purpose, the author analyzes his statements concerning curriculum and instruction for language education. Hu Shih went to the United States in September 1910 with the help of a government scholarship. During summer vacation in 1915, certain staff members at Chinese student office in Washington D. C. distributed documents on Chinese situation. Because of this incident, Hu Shih was regularly discussing about Chinese literature with his friends. At the same time, he formulated rules for the literary reform and published the improved version of them as the eight points. After studying in the U.S., he proposed the thesis “Guoyu de Wenxue, Wenxue de Guoyu(國語的文學・文學的國語)” in his paper. This new thesis means “Literature written in national language, National language of literary value” in English. When returning to China, he read Edith Sichel’s book and wrote the impression in his diary. Referring to the history of European Renaissance, he pointed out that the accumulation of creating practical works based on vernacular Chinese would become the basis of national language with literary value as Chinese Renaissance. To promote these steps, he started to argue for the necessity of new curriculum and instruction theory for language education. In this context, he concretely suggested that all school textbooks composed in colloquial language should be distributed from the lower grades, and classical literature should be arranged after junior high school and high school stages. This paper picks up Hu Shih’s statements on curriculum and instruction for language education. The analysis of this paper reveals that he proposed the thesis “Guoyu de Wenxue, Wenxue de Guoyu” with reference to European Renaissance. As Li Jinxi, a famous linguist in modern China, mentioned, Hu Shih’s argument played a key role in unifying the language unification and the literary reform. This background also set the stage for the development of his theory on language education and his contribution as the core policymaker for educational reform in the May Fourth Period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Modern Chinese star charts based on the Chinese constellation have been identified by Christian missionaries operating in China around the 17th century. However, by their identification, some of the ancient constellations have been disappeared, and subsequent verifications have confirmed that many of the identifications are unreliable. There is also no research on how they identified the Chinese constellation. This paper reveals how missionaries identified the Chinese constellation and why they failed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kyoto Protocol continues to provide a binding framework for global warming prevention. However, it will be supplanted by the Paris Agreement in 2020. Unlike the Kyoto Protocol, where only developed countries take responsibility for reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, the Paris Agreement involves all countries who have signed the accord. Following the Paris Agreement, it has been agreed that global warming will be kept within a 2°C increase from pre-industrial levels. In this paper, the implications of this policy reform on Japan, China and Australia are discussed. Utilizing the" Clean Development Mechanism" (CDM) in the Kyoto Protocol, many Japanese firms have used foreign direct investments (FDI) to conduct reforestation in areas outside Japan in order to offset emissions produced by Japan. Although this mechanism might be weakened by the Paris Agreement, the contribution to reforestation by Japanese firms using FDIs have not always been significant as they were oriented towards business interests rather than environmental goals. Most of these FDIs were carried out by electrical power companies, trading firms, paper manufacturing companies and companies using paper. In addition, the newly planted trees tended to be cut down every 7 years for chip pulp used in paper production which was then exported by Japanese firms. Trees can only effectively absorb CO2 when they are grown for longer terms. Therefore, these Japanese FDI projects can be viewed with suspicion in regards to reducing CO2 emissions. In addition, the expected shift from nuclear power to thermal power in Japan following the 2011 Fukushima Disaster will likely mean uranium imports from Australia will shrink in favor of coal. This will not only impact the Australian economy but may also have negative effects on Japan's attempts to decrease greenhouse gas emissions. Both Japan and Australia had failed to ratify the Paris agreement before its implementation although they signed it afterwards. This has substantially weakened their negotiation powers with regards to climate change. However, Chinese leadership on climate change has continued to strengthen, particularly after President Donald Trump announced the USA's withdrawal from the Paris Agreement and TPP and the EU's instability following Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze Wang Sihuai's Taijitusuo lun (On the Explanations of the Diagram of Supreme Ultimate) to understand Wang's thoughts against the background of the Ming-Qing intellectual history. The first part of the paper discusses the main purpose of Wang's composing this text, which is to distinguish "true" Confucianism from Daoism, Buddhism, and Song-Ming Confucianism. Wang Sihuai believed Taijitu and Taijitu shuo belong to Taoist works and betrayed the meaning of the Yijing (The Book of Changes). Wang's opinions followed those of Lu Jiushao and Lu Jiuyuan and corresponded with the new wave of criticizing the Diagram of Taiji in the Jiangnan area during the early Qing period. In the second part, the paper elaborates Wang Sihuai's thoughts from four aspects, which are (1) the fundamental difference between being and non-being, (2) the concepts of life, death, spirit, and ghost, (3) his ideas about human nature, the nature of myriad things, and the Mandate of Heaven, (4) the ethical teachings by Confucian sages. Finally, this paper also traces the friendship between Wang Sihuai and the Confucian Catholic Zhang Xingyao, and tries to explain why Zhang paid compliments to Wang Sihuai and his Taijitusuo lun by comparing their works. This also leads us to see more about the interactions between Confucianism and Christianity in 17th-century China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Japanese Sociological Review / Shakaigaku Hyoron is the property of Japan Sociological Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asian Economies is the property of Institute of Developing Economies, JETRO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The seeds of conflict, or even of a revolution, in a society can germinate from policies of a nation-state that are designed to strengthen its power of governance. This paper explores how such seemingly contradictory phenomena emerged within the Qing government and led to the Repiblican Revolution of 1911. The ideas included here have been borrowed from Theda Skocpol, a historical sociologist, who has made a major contribution to research on the revolution. Emphasizing that a state autonomously functions as a governing body, she focuses on the process of how old regimes in the past, pressured by military competition with foreign powers, provoked conflicts within and among different groups of people or along the lines of class while campaigning for the modernization of national institutions. This paper shares her view but differs in that it terms a government's attempt to strengthen its functions as "naturalization," instead of "centralization," in order to more clearly outline how state policies and society influence each other, thereby laying the seeds for a possible revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we study the quality of motor gasoline in China and analyze the factors affecting its quality. Firstly, we use cause-effect diagrams to discover the potential factors that may significantly impact the motor gasoline quality. The key factor octane, which has the most significant impact on the quality of motor gasoline, was found in the key factor confirmation table. Secondly, we examine all the parameters related to the quality of octane in motor gasoline, including benzene, aromatic, olefin and oxygen. Then, the stepwise regression method is used to avoid the multicollinearity among the independent variables, and the regression equation is obtained. This model could be applied to predict the quality of gasoline in China. Finally, we make suggestions on the measures to be taken to achieve the purpose of improving the motor gasoline quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the third month of the 30th year (1551) of the Jiajing era (1522-1556), the Ming government decided to offer a trade agreement to the Mongols led by Altan Khan, which would set up markets (mashi) where Mongolian horses would be traded for valuable Chinese commodities. This paper explores the political history of the late phase of the era through an analysis of the decisionmaking process leading up to the Ming government recognizing trade with Altan Khan, while continuing to refuse a long-standing demand to grant the Mongols tributary status. The research to date on the political situation at the time understands it as a period of political stagnation attributed to Emperor Shizong's withdrawal from governmental affairs and incompetence on the part of Yan Song, senior officer of the Grand Secretariat. Moreover, recent attempts to reexamine the situation have still not been able to produce a complete picture of what exactly was happening on the contemporary poltical scene in concrete terms. The opportunity to offer the trade agreement was furnished ironically by Shizong's increasing desire to conduct a military campaign against Altan Khan. During the eighth month of 1550, after Altan's army had surrounded Beijing (the so-called Gengxu zhibian) in protest of being refused tributary status, Shizong ordered that plans be drawn up for a punitive expedition against the Mongols. Although such a campaign was clearly unrealistic, Yan Song, other central bureaucrats, and the supreme commander and grand coordinator of the northern region went through the motions ouot of respect to Shizong's will, but in reality took every action possible to avoid such a campaign. While respect was shown for Shizong's refutation of tribute relations with the Mongols as an attitude consistent with the ideology supporting the traditional Chinese world order, attempts to satisfy Mongol's material demands by means other than "tributary trade" and thus pacify the unrest threatening China's borders gave birth to the idea of a "mashi" trade arrangement. The idea caused virulent opposition from government officials outraged by such a display of impudence toward the will of the emperor, but as the debate raged on, the proponents after several attempts finally persuaded Shizong, and a decision was reached to set up the "mashi" trade. However, due to such factors as Shizong's obstinate attitude and the fiscal situation on the ground, it became impossible to generate a scale of trade sufficient to satisfy Mongol demand, leading to an escalation of Mongol attacks. Consequently, after it became apparent that the hopes of Yan Song and his cohorts were unattainable, the "mashi" trade agreement was ended in the ninth month of 1522. From his investigation of this turn of events, the author concludes that the political history of the Jiajing Era should be placed in the context of a group of policy makers confronted with an emperor's stubborn espousal of ideals in no way reflecting reality and thus trying to bring the situation into a soft landing by navigating for areas of compromise linking political ideals with present reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-Economic History / Shakai-Keizai Shigaku is the property of Socio-Economic History Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Chinese society under economic reform, higher education has had an enormous impact on social mobility. As the demand for higher education continues to increase, in particular after China officially implemented the reform plan for the "expansion of the university enrollment" in 1999, the scale of higher education has grown rapidly. However, the reform plan has brought about two problems: educational inequality and low employment for some college graduates. Does the latter problem result from social stratum? More specifically, do students from lower income families suffer from a vicious cycle of inequity in both the educational and employment market? This paper looks at the effect of college undergraduates' social class, professional background and performance on their future development after graduation. Adopting the methodology of logistic regression, this study analyzes data 1, 040 samples from eight high schools in Shanghai, China collected by the author from May to June 2004. In brief, the study reaches the following conclusions: (1) The factor of social class significantly affects not only a student's college attainment but also his/her future development, such as advanced studies, overseas studies, or employment. In other words, a higher income family offers greater possibilities to an under graduate to access better education or jobs. (2) The factor of school ranking has less relevance while individual performance has a greater effect in determining future development. Inequity hinders social mobility. An undergraduate with a lower class background needs to make more efforts to receive a superior education at an elite school. As the new educational reform is implemented, it will lead to less social mobility for those from lower social strata. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Different scripts are often used for representing a particular person's name in China, Japan, etc., which leads to variations of an author's name in cataloging records used in libraries. Such variations cause serious problems in bibliographic control. This study compares descriptions among several authority files containing Chinese personal and corporate names in China, Japan, and Korea, to obtain deeper insights into this problem. Methods: First, the situation of authority control in China, Japan, and Korea was reviewed. Second. Chinese personal and corporate name authority data created by several organizations were care-fully examined in order to clarify four points: 1) Chinese character forms, 2) treatments and types of Romanization, 3) separation of surname and given name with a comma, and 4) descriptions in local languages outside China. For this purpose, manuals, actual authority data and case reports of the organizations were collected. Results: 1) Chinese character forms used by each organization differ, 2) all organizations use Hanyu pinyin for Romanized forms, but description methods vary, 3) almost no organization separates surnames and given names with a comma in the vernacular form except Japan, how-ever, they are separated in Romanization forms, and 4) yomi is mandatory in Japanese organiza-tions; Korean organizations adopt Hangeul transcribed from Chinese characters or Hangeul from Chinese pronunciations. In particular, the examination revealed problems in description methods of Hanyu pinyin and treatments of variant Chinese characters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To investigate the systems and actual practices of occupational safety and health risk management in China., Methods: First, we gathered basic information through a literature review using an academic search engine (Japan Medical Abstracts society, Pubmed, and Google Scholar), as well as a general search on the Internet. Next, we conducted field surveys at a graduate school for public health, providers of occupational health services (e.g. medical examinations, working environment measurements), and local workplaces of a Japanese construction machinery company in China. This information was analyzed in terms of legal framework, professional staff, working environment measurements, medical examinations, occupational diseases, and occupational health service providers., Results: Health and safety-related matters have become codified in Chinese workplaces as a result of safety laws and measures to prevent occupational diseases. While the country does have safety and hygiene officers, they lack official frameworks for occupational physicians and nursing professionals. The employers are not obligated to appoint medical professionals. While general medical examinations are not provided for under Chinese law, businesses are obligated to bring in external providers of occupational safety to perform special medical exams and working environment measurements. Occupational diseases are on the rise; pneumoconiosis comprises roughly 80% of cases. In addition, occupational health technical service providers have specialized staff and are not permitted to perform medical examinations or other services without government accreditation., Discussion/conclusion: There are great disparities in specialist knowledge about health and hygiene between company staff and external organizations, thus running the risk of corporate health and safety policies existing only on paper. This issue demands greater utilization of public health physicians in Chinese workplaces and support from Japanese professionals who understand how occupational safety and health risk management operate in China.

In order to continuously study the contents, pollution condition and potential ecological risk of heavy metals in surface sediments in Gansu, Ningxia and Inner Mongolia sections of the Yellow River in wet seasons in different years, the speciation analysis of 9 kinds of heavy metals including Cd, Pb, Cr, Ni, Cu, V, Co, Zn and Mn, pollution condition and potential ecological risk of heavy metals in surface sediments from 10 sampling sites like Baotoufuqiao (S2), Shizuishantaolezhen (S6) and Wujinxia (S9) in Gansu, Ningxia and Inner Mongolia sections of the Yellow River in 2012 wet season were studied with BCR sequential extraction and high resolution inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (HR-ICP-MS) based on our previous works. The results implied that the order of heavy metals average contents in the 10 sediment samples were the same: Mn>V> Zn>Cr>Cu>Ni>Pb>Co>Cd. In the sediments, heavy metals mainly existed in the form of residual fraction, which indicated that the bioavailability or environmental impact was low. Results of geo-accumulation indices (Igeo) showed that Igeo(CD), was the largest among the heavy metals with the strongest pollution, while IGEO(Mn)was the smallest. Enrichment factor (EF) indicated that only Cd and Cu were enriched at some sampling sites. In S5, because EFcd reached 4. 69, Cd was affected by human activities obviously and the result was consistent with I. Potential ecological risk index (RI) implied that the RI values in S1, S2 and S5 were between 150 and 300, which belonged to moderate polluting degree, while others were less than 150, belonging to light pollution degree. The results of this paper could not only provide reliable experimental data and theoretical basis for the relevant departments, but also supply the technical support for constructing mathematics model of sediments-pollutants transport, systematically researching the migration and transformation rule of persistent toxic substances and environmental assessment in these reaches.

Japan and the United States signed in 1968 a new atomic energy agreement through which US light-water nuclear reactors, including those of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant of Tokyo Electric Power Company, were to be introduced into Japan. This paper studies the history of negotiations for the 1968 agreement using documents declassified in the 1990s in the US and Japan. After the success of the Chinese nuclear test in October 1964, the United States became seriously concerned about nuclear armament of other countries in Asia including Japan. Expecting that Japan would not have its own nuclear weapons, the US offered to help the country to demonstrate its superiority in some fields of science including peaceful nuclear energy to counter the psychological effect of the Chinese nuclear armament. Driven by his own political agenda, the newly appointed Prime Minister Eisaku Sato responded to the US expectation favorably. When he met in January 1965 with President Johnson, Sato made it clear that Japan would not pursue nuclear weapons. Although the US continued its support after this visit, it nevertheless gave priority to the control of nuclear technology in Japan through the bilateral peaceful nuclear agreement. This paper argues that the 1968 agreement implicitly meant a strategic measure to prevent Japan from going nuclear and also a tactic to persuade Japan to join the Nuclear Non -Proliferation Treaty.

The Seki Teisyo (see text for symbol), a manuscript compiled by Seki Takakazu (see text for symbol)) in 1686, is known to consist of 15 treatises which Seki extracted from an early Qing astronomical and astrological corpus, the Tianwen Dacheng Guankui Jiyao (see text for symbol). Containing a detailed account of the Shoushi Li (see text for symbol) as well as a comparative study of Chinese and Islamic calendrical systems, these treatises have drawn the attention not only of Seki but of modern historians. In this paper, I show that 14 of the 15 treatises Seki selected had been composed by a late Ming scholar, Zhou Shuxue (see text for symbol), who discussed issues with Tang Shunzhi (see text for symbol). Their time predates the era in which the mathematical basis of the Shoushi Li was scrutinized and a new Chinese calendrical system was invented incorporating Western astronomical knowledge. I also mention some earlier works that Tang and Zhou could have consulted. Although Seki never knew the author of the treatises nor their background, his concern centered on themes that seem to have derived from one of those earlier works: the Liyuan(see text for symbol).

The phrase the "Brain is the House of Yuanshen" is used in "Bencao Gangmu" in order to explain the reason why magnolia flower is good for sinus problems; however, the ideas on the relationship between the brain and the nose originate from "Huangdi Neijing" and those on the relationship between the brain and Yuanshen come from Taoism. It was "Bencao Beiyao" that combined the theory with the Western idea that "someone's memory is in the brain". The idea of the brain staying on as memory had great impact on "Leizheng Zhicai" and "Yilin Gaicuo", but again in "Yixue Zhongzhong Sanxilu" it claimed that "Yuanshen is in the brain" from Taoism's point of view, and it criticized the theory of the brain derived from the Western world. In this paper, the meaning of "Brain is the House of Yuanshen" in "Bencao Gangmu" is examined, along with the influence this idea had on the subsequent theories of medicine.

Chii, the Japanese term for 'lichen', is widely used in contemporary East Asia. However, precisely when and by whom this term was first used to refer to lichen is not known. In addition, Japanese botanists from the 1880s to the 1950s had doubts regarding whether Chii was an accurate translation of lichen, given that Chii originally referred to moss that grows on the ground, whereas most species of lichens grow on barks of trees or on rocks. In this paper, the author shows that Li Shanlan and A. Williamson et al., in the late Qing dynasty of China, first used the term Chii to refer to lichen in Zhiwuxue, published in 1858. In Japan, Tanaka Yoshio, who was influenced by Zhiwuxue, first used the term Chii in 1872. However, further investigations led to the discovery that ITO Keisuke translated lichen as Risen in 1829. In 1836, UDAGAWA Yoan also translated lichen as Risen by using a different kanji (Chinese character) to represent sen. In 1888, in his article, MIYOSHI Manabu suggested a new equivalent term, Kisoukin, to refer to lichen (algae-parasitized fungi). In the article, he proposed the term Kyosei as the Japanese translation of symbiosis. Ever since the late 1880s, Kyosei has been used as the Japanese biological term for symbiosis.

The first edition of "Heji Jufang" was published during the Northern Song Period and then revised numerous times. The most commonly used edition of "Heji Jufang" is divided into six pharmacopoeias. This paper reports, the results of this author's examination of the methods and intentions of the revisions made to the "Heji Jufang". At the time that the Shaoxing pharmacopoeia was edited, the same prescription was shown to be given to plural illness divisions. The Xutian pharmacopoeia, which was expanded by Xuhong, includes over 80 prescriptions that are not included in the most commonly used edition today. The method of revising the Baoging pharmacopoeia was to transfer prescriptions of the Xutian pharmacopoeias to the Baoqing pharmacopoeia (the main body of pharmacopoeias). This means that these prescriptions were upgraded to formal pharmacopoeias from supplemental pharmacopoeias. The revision of the Chunyou pharmacopoeia was performed as follows. (1) The main body of "Heji Jufang" was divided into four pharmacopoeias: Daguan, Shaoxing, Baoqing, and Chunyou. (2) For divisions left with no or few prescriptions, prescriptions were incorporated from other divisions. (3) Generally, prescriptions were incorporated to the main body of the pharmacopoeias from supplemental pharmacopoeias. (4) Unnecessary prescriptions in the Xutian pharmacopoeia were deleted.

With the follow on availability of indices for studies on subjective health centered in Japan and China, this paper reviews previous studies from the following perspectives: 1) reliability; 2) validity; 3) practicality. The aims was to determine the status of research, and future subjects for exploration. The following four conclusions were needed subjective health: 1) With regard to measurement methods an "even number balanced scale" which does not include middle points of choices such as "average" or "cannot tell which is better" is more reliable than an "odd number balanced scale" which includes middle points. "even number balanced scale" may be unbalanced in distribution.; 2) Criteria for a validity of a although an subjective health are highly in convergent what health validity for illness and prediction of life expectancy; 3) For subjective health, psychological and mental health indices, for example for the subjective for the subjective sense of happiness and the degree of satisfaction with one's life, are convergent both in Japan and China, but what a closer linkage with social relationships in Japan and with family relationships assessment in China.; 4) Both Japan and China pride evidence of the practicality of subjective health in health evaluation.

This paper summarizes how Gambir entered China. While the author attempts to explain how Gambir was replaced by tea in the area, there still appear to be many missing links, to which the author would like to welcome constructive criticism. Lao-cai on the China-Vietnam border, where Acacia pads were produced up to the 16th century, can be read as Rakuju . A tribe that belongs to Hani in northern Laos also consumes these Acacia pads. It was Li Jichin who called tea Lau-nu. This was based on a historical fact that Oh Shuku pointed out to Emperor Kobun in the 5th century in Northern Wei that calling tea a slave of lactic products could not be considered appropriate.

Objective: Keshan disease is an endemic cardiomyopathy found in Keshan, north-east China. The first patient was identified in 1935. This disease is characterized by a blood circulation disorder, endocardium abnormality and myocardium necrosis. Selenium (Se) deficiency is thought to be a major factor by Chinese scientists. However, the exact etiology has not been clarified up to now. The government decided to apply sodium selenite to growing crops, and the incidence of the disease decreased dramatically. However, a few cases still occur as chronic or latent types. This paper reviews Keshan disease from a historical aspect and also the present situation., Methods: We made a reference survey and summarised the etiology, pathological changes, clinical manifestation, and other views of Keshan disease., Result: So far, epidemiological surveys have shown that Keshan disease occurs in large areas in 14 provinces in China, mainly in the countryside. It has been confirmed by clinical and pathological studies that Keshan disease is an independent endemic myocardial disease caused by biological and geological factors. The largest prevalence age rates are boys under 15 years old and women of childbearing age. There are several hypotheses; acute carbon monoxide poisoning, virus infection, malnutrition, or selenium deficiency. The first is not currently believed to be the cause. The following was pointed out; studies on the relationship between diet and the endemic areas of Keshan disease in 1961, where the food custom of the local residents was relatively simple and a so-called "one-sided diet" (eating a limited variety of food) might be related to the incidence of Keshan disease. In 1973, large-scale investigations on the natural environments were performed in the endemic areas of Keshan disease in the whole country. As a result, it was reported that there was a relationship between the incidence of Keshan disease and the special natural environment in the endemic areas and the cause of Keshan disease was strongly supported by nutritional, biological, geological and chemical (selenium deficiency) factors. In 1981, on the other hand, it was found that the levels of antibodies against Coxsackie virus were higher in the serum of Keshan disease patients than of normal subjects. This fact supposed that the cause of Keshan disease was related to a virus infection. However, it is difficult to explain why the clinical and pathological manifestations of Keshan disease are similar to those of other diseases, e.g. idiopathic dilatational myocardial disease. Further research should be performed on Keshan disease to clarify the etiology.

The usage of Shu wei cao as a coloring matter was described for the first time in Er Ya as the name of Jing shu wei. But, in modern Chinese and Japanese literature, few papers reported the use of Shu wei cao as a dye. As a herbal medicine, it seems that it was first described in Ming Yi Bie Lu. In this study, we found that in Chinese and Japanese literature, there is much confusion about the origin of Shu wei cao. It is likely that the original plant of Shu wei cao is to be Salvia japonica Thunb. In Japan, it is feasible that Shu wei cao is to be recognized as Aki-no-tamura-so, while some suggested that misohagi (Lythrum anceps Makino) was identical to Shu wei cao.

"Trends and correlates of dramatic fertility declines in the NIES [newly industrialized economies of Asia] from the 1960s to the 1980s are examined in this paper. Specifically, we first look at changes in the fertility effects of such demographic factors as age structure of fertility, age pattern of marriage, and marital fertility. Next, as major proximate determinants of fertility, we examine changes in contraception and induced abortion. We then examine the fertility effects of changes in infant mortality and family planning programs. Finally, by examining changes in such socioeconomic factors as educational attainment and female labor force participation as well as attitudinal changes toward marriage and the family, we seek to infer their effects on fertility declines in the NIES." The data primarily concern Hong Kong, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan. (SUMMARY IN ENG), (excerpt)

The main aim of the Medical Humanics course, as well as that of this university, is to educate students so that they will continue philosophizing for themselves throughout their lives. Dr. Hisayoshi Omodaka, the founder of Japanese Medical Humanics (or Igaku Gairon), claimed that this discipline must be the philosophy of medicine. Medical Humanics should be the philosophy for physicians, researchers and all other health-related professionals. This philosophy is different from the philosophy which is taught independently to freshmen in the university. Thus the philosophy of medicine should embody those concrete materials which are harvested directly from the hot spots of medical practice. This paper is based on the author's series of lectures in medical humanics with the title: "Man and Medicine", given between October and December of 1982 to the 5th-year undergraduates. In this series the author attempted to express his own views, along with the philosophical thinking of many great physicians and thinkers, so far as they are reflected in the mirror of the history of medicine. The outline is as follows: (1) Usefulness of the history of medicine for medical students. (2) Origin of medicine and the occult sciences. (3) Western classic medicine: from Hippocrates to the Renaissance. (4) Chinese classic medicine. (5) Brief sketch of Japanese medicine: from ancient to Meiji period. There is a general tendency among both medical students and teachers to make little of the history of medicine. However, as William Hazlitt wrote in his poem, "By despising all that has preceded us, we teach others to despise ourselves".