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The article aims to revisit the history of « black radio » in the United States. After World War II, African Americans gradually emerged as meaningful consumers in the eyes of white entrepreneurs looking for new market opportunities. The entire subfield of black-oriented radios was then created to attract black customers with what was identified as their music (blues, rhythm’n’blues, gospel, etc.). However, these economic strategies fueled an opportunity for African American disc-jockeys who used their position as a gateway to the market to redirect the purpose of black-appeal radios from money-making to community-organizing.

The exhibition catalogue La menzogna della razza. Documenti e immagini del razzismo e dell’antisemitismo fascista (1994) is an important reference point for theoretical production on race and racism in Italy. The exhibition and its catalogue marked the beginning of studies focusing no longer just on anti-Semitism, but also on colonial racism before and especially during the Fascist period. However, already in the early 1980s some reflections and studies investigated the racist visual practices used for a “construction” of colonised men and women as inferior people and designed as “evidence”, by contrast, of the Italian racial superiority. In particular, we will examine some issues of Phototeca magazine from the early 1980s, partly to highlight its interest in the processes of image production, distribution, circulation, and consumption, as well as in the cultural significance of images and vision, which is in line with the approach that visual culture studies would develop a few years later. However, the materials of the early 1980s will mainly concern pre-fascist and fascist cultural racism, whereas the exhibition catalogue La menzogna della razza (1994) will also examine political racism, highlighting the fundamental shift from cultural to political discrimination.

The essay discusses the 2022 midterm elections and tries to define which groups were over-represented among Republican voters. Relying on the available exit-polls and comparing the vote with those of 2020 and 2018, the article advances three interrelated arguments. The first is that we need to cross different variables – related to race, income, education, and age – to get a clear sense of which groups now vote predominantly for the Republican party. The second is that contrary to highly popular media narratives, it’s not the white working class that is overrepresented among Republican voters, but the middle and upper-middle class. The quintessential profile of who voted GOP in is that of an over-45 white male, with no college degree and an household income above the average. Third and last: to understand these data we need to look at the long-term consequences of the 2008 crisis and its impact on the traditional white middle-class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I analyze the insertion of Latin American Non-Hispanic Whites and African Americans and immigrant men and women in managerial occupations in the United States and establish the extent to which the intersectionality of gender, race, and ethnicity can explain the unequal participation of workers in these occupations. In the analysis I make use of data from the American Community Survey (ACS 2019), from which I conduct descriptive analyses and fit econometric models. The results confirm that the lower participation of African Americans and immigrants from Latin America and the Caribbean in managerial occupations is in many cases due to their lower human capital, but also to the effect generated by the intersection of the social constructs of gender, race and ethnicity.

The atypical flow of Haitian migrants stranded on the northern border of Mexico trying to legally cross into the United States between 2016 and 2017 generated photographic representations where blackness and ethnicity (Hall, Fanon) reconfigured the hegemonic visual regimes of migration, until then mostly Central American. This article analyses the dispute over visibility, between victimization, agency and dissent, both in the media and in an unpublished photographic corpus where Hatians chose how to be represented.

In the public debate, on the one hand, the so-called cancel culture (CC) is stigmatised as an attack against the Western tradition and the rationality of dialogue, on the other, it is associated with the oblivion of material issues, substituted by identity claims. These two readings can be opposed by a third that frames the events subsumed under CC in a positive way as 'intersectionality', and a fourth that, while appreciating its purpose, challenges its liberal grammar of rights. CC, identity politics and intersectionality - although they identify both broader and more specific sets of problems - can thus be read as the names that different scholars give to the same dynamics. After briefly reviewing some of the literature on the topic, the paper will focus on the conflict between economic instances and identity, first by recalling some reflections from the Marxist tradition on the subject of 'race' and gender, and then by looking at two contemporary Marxist texts, by Asad Haider and Ashley Bohrer. With a different stance on intersectionality, but criticising economicist determinism, the two authors reason about ways of composing social heterogeneity in a political project. This allows for an original reading of some of the issues involved in the discussion about CC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Depuis sa parution en 1933, l’œuvre Casa-Grande & Senzala (Maître et Esclaves) de Gilberto Freyre, a été interprétée comme une apologie du métissage et de la contribution africaine dans la formation d’une « identité brésilienne ». Cet article porte sur une critique décisive à l’ouvrage, qui souligne la difficulté de l’auteur à distinguer clairement les concepts de race et de culture. Nous soutenons que la démarche freyréenne, plus que contradictoire ou équivoque, tire précisément sa force des antinomies et métaphores utilisées par l’auteur pour définir le métissage. Dans ce but, nous nous focaliserons sur une de ses thèses centrales, concernant la « noblesse » des esclaves africains amenés au Brésil.

The expression of fragility has always been a difficult and complex matter for African Americans, for the discourse of mainstream media is set up to sustain their fragility while at the same time misrecognizing it. Even though the black public sphere split off from the dominant public sphere after the Civil War to enable distinctive forms of expression, the “practiced habits” of which Coates speaks continued in the structures of the dominant discourse. My essay will analyze the structure of America’s indifference to fragility in three parts. In the first section, I will introduce a normative problematic that can track how the hegemonic public sphere uses the rhetoric of formal equality to subordinate and silence African Americans speech while it also opens a space for black speech to be heard rather than dismissed. I then will trace the silencing structures back to the Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court decision of 1954, for this “progressive” decision provided a template for what can be said and cannot be said. The next second section examines how Ralph Ellison thematizes and revises the encounter between the black and dominant public spheres. In the last section of the essay, I analyze the ways that Ta-Nehisi Coates exposes the contemporary forms of these discursive structures.

Oceania, shortly after being invented by European geographers as the «fifth» region of the world, in other words simply a ‘remnant’ after the four continents, was divided into watertight compartments as a result of the privilege given in the early 19th century to the theory of human ‘races’ in the world. It was not until 1993 that a declaration, now celebrated as historic, by an Oceanian teacher and writer, Epeli Hau‘ofa, proclaimed the unity of Oceania by the very fact of being an “oceanic” region. This development, the discussion of the terms “Pacific”/“Oceania”, and the historical legacy today will be recalled, as well as an evocation of the life and work of Epeli Hau'ofa. Finally, the comparison between two different visions of the continent (d'Urville and Hau'ofa) will allow us to reflect on the different interpretations and representations of the sea and the ocean as spaces that in one case divide and, in the other, unite.

The essay surveys the history of Adventures of Huckleberry Finn’s fraught relationship with the American literary establishment and reading public from the late nineteenth to the twenty-first century. It investigates how the dynamics of “political correctness” interact with issues such as race and class in the United States, and how literature can mirror the changes and contradictions in American society.

Copyright of Rivista di Politica is the property of Rubbettino Editore and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rivista di Politica is the property of Rubbettino Editore and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues two things: the Covid-19 pandemic is, like many epidemics before it, characterized by a racialization of disease; that racialization has the effect of obfuscating the larger etiology of viruses, an etiology that is extended ecologically and includes the circuits of capital accumulation. As I seek to show, these two points become apparent in the ways of publicly imagining and narrating the pandemic, which includes the modes of knowledge of virology and epidemiology. Knowledge of the smallest particles, of germs, is bound up in politically urgent ways with racialized conceptions of much larger geopolitical units.

Cesare Lombroso and his scuola positiva of criminal anthropology were highly influential in the formation of the social sciences and ethnographic sensibility in Brazil. Rather than carefully read or analysed, Lombroso and his school were cited, interpreted and somewhat creolized according to modalities specific to the socio-racial context of Brazil, revealing significant historical entanglements between social scientists in Italy and Latin America (as shown by the sojourns of the Italian scholars Guglielmo Ferrero, Gina Lombroso and Enrico Ferri in 1907-1910). The complex and never passive process of reception and reinterpretation of Lombrosian ideas was characterized by a dynamic of attraction and rejection. This article examines the reception and influence of "Lombrosianism" in Brazil, showing how and why such influence gradually vanished in the 1930s, to disappear after the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I offer revisionist close readings of the first chapters of Summer on the Lakes, in 1843, where Margaret Fuller documents the beginning of a journey through the Great Lakes region during the era of ‘Indian removal’ and the US invasion and settling of lands further westward. I argue that while Fuller builds an understanding of the world that is directable and fluid, the ability to reform the world is in her writing, through a theory of fixed racial hierarchies, reserved only for the white settler. In close readings, I demonstrate how on the banks of the mighty flows of Niagara Falls, the Great Lakes, and the Rock River, the text documents and attempts to direct the fluid power flows of a continent—and, parallel to this, how it focuses on theorizing the divergent ‘settler’ and ‘Indian’ at the crossroads of what Fuller calls “inevitable, fatal” white progress. Along these lines, I contextualize the book’s aesthetics and politics as exemplary of what I call ‘Transcendental settlerism.’ Such colonial-critical readings, I suggest, are vital for more thoroughly understanding the legacy of Transcendentalism and the history of race, colony, and liberal imaginaries of progress in the United States.

On Memorial Day 1948, the Columbia River achieved what neither the Portland Housing Authority nor the city government had been able to do, i.e. to end the short history of Vanport, Oregon. Vanport had been created in 1942 as a huge public housing project to accommodate thousands of workers who had flocked to the region to work for the wartime industries, most importantly the Kaiser Shipbuilding Corporation. Erected between the city limits of Portland, Oregon, and the Columbia River on reclaimed bottom lands, Vanport was entirely inundated by a flood in 1948 and never rebuilt. At that time some 18,000 people, down from the wartime peak of 40,000, still lived in Vanport, many of them African Americans. This paper looks at the history of Vanport and the site where the city once stood from a socio-cultural and environmental perspective. Thus, it traces the fate of those flood victims who had to settle in Portland’s Black neighborhood Albina, it highlights cultural encounters with the legacy of displacement, and it elaborates on the recent surge in memory activism. A particular focus will be directed to the role that the river environment played for the history of Vanport. It will be shown why Vanport was located in a floodplain and how environmental conditions have influenced the construction work and the daily activities of Vanport citizens.

Copyright of Italica is the property of University of Illinois Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay addresses the penal system as a technology of the colonial-racial model of relations of power, which exerts a differential distribution of precariousness that dehumanizes entire sections of the population. The research is based on the decolonial studies, as well as on the studies about penal abolitionism, biopolitics and precariousness. In such manner, we will analyze the “INFOPEN mulheres” reports, which reveal a 455% rise in the incarceration of women between 2000 and 2016. This points out a mass incarceration politics that mostly affects the bodies of black women.

The National Basketball Association is first and foremost a company which tries to generate revenue. As such, the NBA is embedded into a system of mass media and thereby influenced by cultural, social, and political events. Simultaneously, the NBA can also (partly) cause such events. Lastly, the NBA (and professional basketball at large) has always featured a racial component. Thereby, the NBA features three key American concepts and/or conflicts (corporate interest, meritocracy, race) and, through critical as well as historically-oriented analysis, allows to grasp the interplay of these concepts, at least in a temporally and spatially defined context. This article discusses three individual cases in which the NBA had to react as a race-related image crisis doomed or, in other words: a representative of corporate America had to react to fractures appearing on its otherwise coherent and shiny outside caused by (implicitly or explicitly) racialized aspects. As such, the NBA can be read as a larger extension of American culture and life. In order to understand these three cases as well as the corporate responses in their specific context, the paper will start by providing an overview of professional basketball’s history with special consideration of racial aspects. This is followed by the illustration and critical discussion of the three cases and results in a short summary. The overarching focus of the paper is the question of what keeps the NBA – as a company plagued by racial fractures – together at heart. It is assumed that the NBA, as a proto-American sports league, is held together by the same unifying moments which keep America (at least partially) intact and running.

The intersection of race, ethnicity and sexuality demarcate the boundaries of American identity. Historically homosexuality was tethered to unpopular racial, ethnic and ideological minorities. In recent years, popular film and television have contributed to redefining non-heterosexuals’ place in the American national imagination: from outcast to partial insider. While the history of the LGBT movement is replete with racial and ethnic diversity the US popular media have repeatedly emphasized one dimension – its white part. As homogenizing agents, the media have helped to generate a false image of an ethnically and racially homogeneous LGBT community, thus reinforcing whiteness as the apex of American authenticity.

This essay considers a speech delivered by Whitney M. Young Jr. in 1968 at the American Institute of Architects’ annual conference. The essay argues that Young’s call for greater diversity and for greater engagement with African American neighborhoods across cities in the U.S. crystalized concepts such as affirmative action and community participation that were not yet named as such, but would become emulated in the three decades that followed. Young’s speech provides new insight into how architecture might engage in conversations around race and the politics of injustice. By focusing on an important Civil Rights leader, the essay highlights the relationship between race and architecture – not only as it existed in 1968 – asking how the discipline can cultivate a contemporary concept of a critical theory of race and architecture.

UNESCO – the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization – is often associated with its prestigious world heritage list. For a good reason. The list is undeniable the most popular initiative in the organization’s entire history. But UNESCO is of course more than world heritage. It has over the years been preoccupied with a series of what appears to be extremely diverse topics, such as education for global citizenship, literary translation programs, copyright rules, nuclear power research and technical assistance to developing countries. But how exactly are the many different activities related to peace-making and mentality construction and what exact role does education play besides constituting the «e» in the organization’s name? In order to answer that, I will bring the reader back to three unpretentious but rather important seminars that took place simultaneously in Paris at the beginning of the organization’s existence, because I believe the subsequent projects they initiated embody what the employees at UNESCO initially defined as the organization’s core tasks.

The Trinidadian writer and intellectual C.L.R. James is now recognized as a major voice in a number of areas such as literary criticism, cultural studies, political theory, and history. As a critic but also as a political activist, his life and work spanned the Caribbean, Britain, and America to the extent that he may be seen as an emblematic figure of what Paul Gilroy has termed the «black Atlantic». This essay looks at some of his writings on cricket, and at the ways in which the categories of race and colour emerge in them as part of a complex stratification of meanings, many related to issues of power, empire, and class. James appears as a figure strongly tied to certain elements of British culture such as Puritanism, a link which he fully recognized himself. James is confirmed as a distinctive voice articulating Black and Caribbean culture within the watery space of the British and American Atlantic world, but one which refuses to attribute to race and colour any essential a priori status.

The structural process of accumulation of control of land on the coastal edge of the district of Cartagena de Indias has been characterized by continuous privatizations of communal spaces and public assets. The benefits of localization that offer the soil in the coastal area have carried to the privatization of beaches and the gentrification radiated from the historic center to the peri-urban areas. I pose that this development model urbanization has allowed investors to take advantage of marginalization and work in peri-urban areas absorbing them as cheap labor in a complex of servile relations that is reproduced incessantly. At the end, I will reflect on the role played by the local and central state in all this, insofar as it is capable of linking discourse about development with racial and ethnic classifications.

Race, Subjection and Culture in William Edward Burghardt Du Bois Despite the fact that it is widely established that the concept of race doesn’t have a biological foundation, it is still discussed whether it might have a political and social meaning. A key elaboration of a possible non-biological use of this concept is the one of W. E. Du Bois, which we try to analyze in this paper. Thanks to recent theoretical formulation and reinterpretation of this author, we try to articulate Du Bois use of “race” following three axes (social ontology, subjection and subjectivation process). In conclusion we discuss a potential major critical issue in Du Bois’s argument.

The Council of Trent’s reform of marriage attempted to give the Church greater oversight over marriage and rein in popular misconceptions about the sacrament. In colonial Mexico, this shift in the definition of marriage coincided with the arrival of the Holy Office of the Inquisition. This article examines how the conjuncture of these two events impacted laity in New Spain, especially non Spaniards of mixed ancestry such as mestizos and mulatos. The keen interest shown by the Inquisition in reforming the morals of the laity coupled with the changes in the definition of marriage resulted in the prosecution of many non-Spaniards for crimes against the sacrament of marriage. Through an analysis of various cases against non-Spaniards, this article argues that the late sixteenth century reform of marriage represented a unique spiritual conquest. Unlike the spiritual conquest of indigenous subjects for whom Christianity represented a completely new religious system, the spiritual conquest waged by the Holy Office sought to correct long-standing misconceptions and wide-spread ignorance held by members of Hispanic society.

This study covers the relation between popular superhero culture and racial difference, specifically, narratives about black superheroes. With the analysis of the origin stories of two black superheroes, Luke Cage and Rage, the paper will point out how their stories consequently and predominantly form discourses of representing difference through the process of infantilization, and by perpetuating stereotypes saturated primarily in hypermasculinity. By theoretically framing the notions of representation of difference within the works of Stuart Hall and Homi Bhabha, this analysis argues that hypermasculinity, anger issues, and infantilization came as specific subversive popular culture texts to respond to social and cultural challenges and problems in American society. In so doing, these discourses formed new stereotypes and maintained their circularity in expressing differences between the dominant white area in America's society and various ethnic and racial minorities.

This paper analyzes one less important topic Weberian thought (especially in the Italian studies): the concepts of “ethnicity” and “race”. In particular, the essay focuses the problem of black Americans, around which Weber reflected starting from the information and experiences personally lived during his trip to the United States in 1904, invited by the Congress of Arts and Sciences of the Universal Exposition of St. Louis. The German scholar has the opportunity to know directly US society, to travel the South of the country, to discuss with members of the African American community. All this contributes to moving Weber away from the initial youthful positions - when the biological element of "race" is evident - to an analysis of the social and cultural implications of "ethnic community", in which, rather than the blood, "ethnic honor" is important. According to Weber, the only way to bring about a change in racial and ethnic relations is a charismatic authority, empowered to give orders that are typically obeyed (Weber, 1947). If, through the process of routinization, the charismatic authority is systematically transformed into rational authority, ethnicity can disappear; while if it is routinized in a traditional order, ethnicity can be further highlighted.

The concept and terminology associated with the Spanish raza developed as a culturally and linguistically situated metaphor during the medieval period and first decades of the early modern period. The early biologization of raza appears after a first conceptual transfer from the textile field reinforced through semantic overlapping transfers from gemology and metallurgy lexicons. A second push toward this biologization came from an administrative language that leveraged existing though unsystematized vocabulary of (marked) selective reproduction. These developments played a key role in the early racialization of difference.

This monographic issue is dedicated to the relationship between photography and the representation of identity and otherness in Italy. It contains contributions that, looking at different cultural and historical contexts, reflect upon the following: the agency of photographs in the construction and deconstruction of identity and difference; their function as a form of resistance and empowerment as well as in shaping collective narratives and memories; the role played in past and present times by museums that hold photographic materials pertaining to the representation of otherness in the perpetuation of racism and systemic inequalities or in the activation of a critical re-thinking of exhibition practices based on decolonisation and feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the Second World War, the majority of London’s modest Chinese population –consisting of approximately 900 people – resided in Limehouse, the East part of the city. The popular discourse saw Chinatown as synonymous with an exotic underworld filled with opium dens and exotic indulgences; a place where respectable Englishwomen were threatened by the lechery of Chinese men, and where less respectable Londoners could indulge in their vices. In this paper, I examine cultural texts that validated and reinforced the image of Limehouse as a place existing outside of Anglo-Saxon norms, where, to quote HV Morton, ‘queer things happen in a mist of smoke.’ Placing my focus on the ways in which Chinese community was represented in the popular media, I combine the analysis of Broken Blossoms (1919) and London (1926) with the critical opinions expressed by film editors and contemporary movie-goers. I also investigate the threat of miscegenation, usually inherent to the representation of Limehouse in the popular press. London Evening News, for example, encouraged their readers to pity ‘degraded’ white women who fell for ‘the Yellow Man.’ In line with the 1920s’ rhetoric of eugenics, other newspapers suggested that wives of immigrants living in London’s Chinatown were declining physically – gradually acquiring Chinese-like features – and mentally, as a result of their morally transgressive behaviour. Was Limehouse represented in universally pejorative terms, and, if so, what kind of social forces made such narratives reverberate?

The sitcom Mohawk Girls (2014-2017) calls for a change in racialized and gendered identity models. Mohawk Girls deftly approaches racial issues, often in a serious tone, all the while giving its audience what it expects from a sitcom: witty dialogue, many of which play on issues of gender. Through the analysis of two episodes of the sitcom’s first season, we look at how the show represents issues of race on a reservation and how racialism is part of the community’s unspoken norms. Choosing to produce a sitcom, a genre heavily rooted in white North American culture, comes out as an act of resilience that is manifested by the First Nations’ director and producers. In the analysis of the documentary work of director Tracey Deer, an argument has been made to the effect that this resilience has historical roots in the culture of Hodinöhsö:ni' nations (once referred to as the Iroquois). In order for these communities to adjust to, at times, abrupt changes in their population, adoption of individuals or groups of individuals has long been an important cultural institution. This can be illustrated by the fact that the integration of a neighboring group to the Hodinöhsö:ni' is referred to in the group’s own culture as an adoption where an outside eye might see it as the outcome of a political alliance. The show, through exaggeration and grotesque, takes on the issues of gender and its games of seduction, all the while considering the ambiguous interplay of seduction and domination. These borrowings are helpful in breaching a critical indent into the unwearied oppression that white society imposes on First Nations.

This paper analyzes one less important topic Weberian thought (especially in the Italian studies): the concepts of "ethnicity" and "race". In particular, the essay focuses the problem of black Americans, around which Weber reflected starting from the information and experiences personally lived during his trip to the United States in 1904, invited by the Congress of Arts and Sciences of the Universal Exposition of St. Louis. The German scholar has the opportunity to know directly US society, to travel the South of the country, to discuss with members of the African American community. All this contributes to moving Weber away from the initial youthful positions - when the biological element of "race" is evident - to an analysis of the social and cultural implications of "ethnic community", in which, rather than the blood, "ethnic honor" is important. According to Weber, the only way to bring about a change in racial and ethnic relations is a charismatic authority, empowered to give orders that are typically obeyed (Weber, 1947). If, through the process of routinization, the charismatic authority is systematically transformed into rational authority, ethnicity can disappear; while if it is routinized in a traditional order, ethnicity can be further highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being subject to interdisciplinary questioning in the nineteenth century, the human race appears in the text of the young scientist Georges Pouchet as an issue of the construction of a scientific method based onobjectivity. Confronted with the limits of nineteenth-century geographical and ethnographic knowledge,this object of study proves that the plurality of human races is difficult to apprehend using objective scientific methods and experimentation, and reflects the imaginary present in the construction of scientific discourse.

This article investigates queer vocality as it impacts on contemporary experiences and imaginings of race, gender and sexuality within the South African context. By examining the very applicability of queer (as term and methodology) within the South African context, and paying particular attention to its relationship to voice, this article explores how ideas surrounding race, gender and sexuality bears on South Africa as a sonic environment. The work of South African performing artist Umlilo is specifically drawn upon as the basis of this investigation. As a self-identified queer, black, non-binary artist, Umlilo offers a vocal challenge to patriarchal, racist, hetero- and/or cisnormative conventions, and this article explores how such challenges are brought into effect and into voice.

Starting from the ethnographic analysis of some Aymara mobilizations in the south of Peru against a mining project on the territories of the local population, in this article I will show that more than the validity of the notion of «race» - of which scientific groundlessness has long been demonstrated - those that have been defined by Marisol de la Cadena as the «consequences of the notion itself» remain, within social and political relations and in Peru's national construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2018, the British Journal of Psychotherapy published an Open Letter on the topic of Jung and the "Africans". The Open Letter (not a petition) was signed by 35 Jungian clinicians and academics from diverse and international backgrounds. The signatories take responsibility for attending to the many difficulties arising from Jung's writings on "race". Rather than proceeding to castigate Jung, the signatories delineate actions which might be taken with regard to the "decolonisation" of Jungian psychology. The Open Letter is reprinted here in full. Notes explaining the context and providing examples of Jung's attitude are provided by the author, one of the signatories of the Open Letter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay we will analyse the use of the word 'razza' (race) in the Italian legal language, by investigating a sample consisting of ancient and contemporary legal documents contained in law databases available on the ITTIG-CNR Web site. The meaning of this term has changed over time, adapting to the evolutions of societies. From an initial meaning referring to animals of the same species or to communities linked by lineage, the term has been used to define supposed homogeneous groups into which humanity would be divided, with often discriminating connotations. This term is still present, for example in Article 3 of Italy's Constitution and, alongside supporters of its elimination, there are prestigious scholars who postulate its maintenance precisely to avoid new discriminating tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a study of the meaning and different aspects of the notion of “hybridity” in postcolonial writing, this paper concentrates on Kamala Markandaya’s novel – Possession. Within the theoretical frame of cultural and postcolonial studies dealing with issues of identity, race, sex, culture, class, language, and power relations, as affected by hybridity, I have particularly elaborated on the relation between hybridity and identity, hybridity and difference, hybridity and desire, and, finally, hybridity and language, as depicted in Markandaya’s novel.

THE “NEUROSCIENCE OF THE RACE”. REMARKS ON NATURE, CULTURE AND IDEOLOGY In this paper we intend to analyse the topic of the “Neuroscience of the race” and the relationship between “nature” and “culture” in this respect. After analyzing an important paper on the topic by Jennifer T. Kubota, Mahazarin R. Banaji and Elizabeth Phelps, the key issue is here identified as the mechanism that produces the relationship between nature and culture in late modernity. The path that will be followed is divided into three stages: first, we will analyze the relationship between the "Neuroscience" and the so‐called "human nature"; second, we will approach the relationship between "Neuroscience" and "medical device" by analyzing the theoretical, practical and political roles of the medical concept of "prevention"; finally, will touch upon the “centrifugal” aspect of human being that emerges from such studies.

This article aims to address the movement of racial and ethnic violence memories practiced by the military dictatorship, which started to be released from the phase of its distension. With the partial relaxation of institutions connected to the control and political repression, several memories of marginalized groups could gain public space. Our analysis will focus on three films: O Homem que virou suco (João Batista de Andrade, 1980), Mato eles? (Sérgio Bianchi, 1982) and O Dia em que Dorival encarou a guarda (Jorge Furtado and José Pedro Goulart, 1985). The issues that will guide this article are: how collective memory is triggered by the narrative of these films that expose episodes of pain?; in what ways institutions evaluated these films?

In Freud’s Drive (2008), Teresa de Lauretis tries to keep the Freudian concept of the drive together with the Foucauldian category of biopolitics, through the mediation of Fanon’s understanding of race. Indeed, according to Jean Laplanche, the drive does not coincide with the instinct, but it leans on the instinct and sticks onto the bodily surface. By doing so, it individuates an intermediate region between the physical and the psychic, like the one where race spreads out and biopolitics acts upon. From this region, the drive troubles the inscription of the subject into the social order, pushing it towards its dissolution. We should start from there if we wish not only to overcome vain dichotomies in queer theory between essentialism and constructivism, or between political and apolitical thinking, but also ‘to do justice’ to Freud and Foucault. And if we wish to stay queer while doing queer theory.

Meaning, as Greimas puts it, is nothing but the possibility of interpreting and transcoding. Applying intersectionality theory, it will be argued that there are two antagonistic images of black men in Hal Bennett’s representation of black masculinity, one as the provocative black stud and one as the submissive assimilationist black man, both as a product of myths. My contention in this essay is that the power of metaphors and the focus on the rhetoric of exaggeration can be seen as the invention of a new language to dismantle the uniform discourse of black masculinity, deconstruct the stereotypes of the black man as rapist, inscribe the visibility of the black masculine body, and outline new forms of masculinity in which African American manhood and womanhood are inextricably linked when capturing the idea that discussing one’s body helps define oneself.

La nostra tavola rotonda riflette a partire da una prospettiva intersezionale sulla costruzione di modelli di bellezza nel tempo lungo tra fascismo e contemporaneità. Essa si inaugura con una breve introduzione a cura di Gaia Giuliani. Ad essa segue il saggio di Monica Di Barbora sulla costruzione fascista ‘per contrasto’ (con la corporeità deprecabile e nera delle colonizzate africane) degli ideali di bellezza femminile in alcune riviste. Il secondo saggio, di Vincenza Perilli, si concentra sulla costruzione della bellezza femminile proposta dalla rivista Noi donne. Il terzo è di Tatiana Petrovich Njegosh ed indaga, mediante una disamina del concorso di Miss Italia, la tensione tra articolazioni egemoniche della bellezza femminile italiana ed ideali di bianchezza. Segue il contributo di Giuliani sulla cinematografia minore degli anni Settanta e sull’oggettivazione cannibalistica del corpo femminile e nero. Chiude il saggio di Goffredo Polizzi su mascolinità e meridionalità nella trasmissione televisiva Cinico Tv. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyzes the structure and function of the literary texts published by the main Jewish periodicals in Liberal Italy. It explores them as part of a polyphonic conversation, an experimental debate on identity, a redefinition of boundaries, an endless search for a balance between integration and preservation of Jewish peculiarities. This textual production, of low literary quality and mainly written by rabbis and teachers, had a clear normative and moral character: it depicted models of positive and negative behavior, intending to sketch the ideal modern Italian Jew/Jewess. Literature, or better domestic fiction, allowed for a consciously vague but insistent reference to the existence of a collective Jewish identity that should be preserved after emancipation, through - among other things - the condemnation of intermarriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turks, along with other people of the Middle East, retain a claim to being “Caucasian”. Technically white, Turks do not fit neatly into Western racial categories especially after 9/11, and with the increasing normalization of racist discourses in Western politics, their assumed religious and geographical identities categorise “secular” Turks along with their Muslim “others” and, crucially, suggest a “non-white” status. In this context, for Turks who explicitly refuse to be presented along with “Islamists”, “whiteness” becomes an act of belonging to “the West” (instead of the East, to “the civilised world” instead of the world of terrorism). The White Turks phenomenon does not only reveal the fluidity of racial categories, it also helps question the meaning of resistance and racial identification “from below”. In dealing with their insecurities with their place in the world, White Turks fall short of leading towards a radical democratic politics.

Le sport est depuis toujours un facteur de hiérarchisation des groupes sociaux. Dans une perspective de rapport de pouvoir, il sert tout autant à réaffirmer les diverses relations inégalitaires entre les groupes à l’intérieur d’une société qu’à poser ou illustrer les relations conflictuelles entre nations. Le présent texte explore la façon dont les journaux participent à l’interprétation et à la construction de ces rapports dans le cadre de la couverture des Jeux olympiques de 1936. L’analyse aborde d’abord la question de la race, particulièrement la « mise en valeur » des athlètes noirs. On découvre ainsi que, paradoxalement, le racisme ambiant permet la mise en place d’un débat de fond sur la question. La réflexion se poursuit ensuite avec les rapports de genre en montrant comment les journaux marginalisent les accomplissements des sportives afin d’éviter une remise en question des schémas traditionnels. Finalement, les Olympiades sont aussi l’occasion pour les journaux de construire un récit national fort à travers diverses stratégies discursives. À bien des égards, les JO permettent de construire une identité canadienne qui cherche à transcender les régionalismes. L’omniprésence de l’expression de ces rapports de pouvoir offre néanmoins aux journalistes l’occasion de réfléchir à ces questions.

The theme of inequalities in health conditions is taking on an increasingly important role in our society, because these inequalities are growing, and only if individuals are in good health can they be full citizens. In this paper we analyze and discuss new forms of inequality in health conditions, in relation to the presence of immigrants. In particular, we show how a society with racist tendencies contributes to increasing inequalities in health conditions, particularly as regards access to health services. We use quantitative and qualitative data.