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Reseña del libro: Fernández Soldevilla, Gaizka y DE PABLO, Santiago, Las raíces de un cáncer. Historia y memoria de la primera ETA (1959-1973). Madrid, Tecnos, 2024, 412pp. ISBN: 978-84-30990-02-3.

Este artículo es una propuesta analítica y didáctica sobre cómo afrontar el estudio de la memoria y la historia del terrorismo en las aulas de Historia. Para ello, se parte de una propuesta didáctica basada en los estudios culturales con una finalidad: que el alumnado disponga de instrumentos de aprendizaje próximos a la cultura juvenil. El objetivo de este acercamiento es conocer la memoria del terrorismo de ETA y grupos afines a través de las letras de los grupos de la escena rock alternativa y/o contestataria, próxima a las tesis de la extrema izquierda y/o del nacionalismo vasco radical, y, por consiguiente, enseñar al alumnado a utilizar las herramientas del historiador para combatir mitos y complejizar su conocimiento sobre la materia.

Fundamentalism is mainly of religious kind. In this essay, the religious feeling is considered an analytical subject-matter as a compromise between conscious and unconscious desires. It is treated as a transitional mental content curbing freedom of personal thought and agency. Through a brief historical survey, it is shown how fundamentalism does not equate with Islam, rather it is a 'overall psychological reaction' related to both authoritarian and dependent personality traits. The upholded thesis is that fundamentalism generates when a belief is radicalized and substitutes for a narcissistically wounded identity. This latter is especially unstable in people migrated in different religious and cultural environment due to the cultural, symbolic and identity eradication. The second and third generation seems to be those more affected. An individual Ego Ideal is superimposed to society; it becomes the justificatory for terroristic actions in which the freezing and Self-damaging experience is made resonate into others. Fundamentalism is a fusion desire with the supreme which the aim of healing the wounded identity; it is expressed through deathnarcissism which, in turns, leads to the complete stillness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabajo busca comprender cómo la operación que finalizó con la vida de Osama Bin Laden, creador de la red terrorista al-Qaeda, puede ser entendida a partir de las razones utilizadas por Hannah Arendt en su obra “Eichmann en Jerusalén” para abordar las problemáticas ligadas al secuestro de Adolf Eichmann en Argentina en 1960, efectuado por el servicio secreto israelí. Sosteniendo que esta operación era legítima debido a que el país sudamericano probablemente nunca habría accedido a su extraditación, la autora también señala que su ejecución fue un castigo justo debido a que Eichmann era un hostis humani generis, es decir, un enemigo de la humanidad. Las similitudes entre ambos casos aquí abordados permiten realizar este tipo de comparación teórica. El 2 de mayo de 2011 un grupo de fuerzas especiales estadounidenses ejecuta a Bin Laden en un complejo residencial en Pakistán. Esta operación encubierta tuvo lugar en el marco de una gran tensión y desconfianza entre ambas naciones, al igual que las que existieran entre Israel y Argentina en 1960. Los nexos entre ambas situaciones permiten en consecuencia indagar sobre cómo Hannah Arendt podría haber entendido lo acontecido en 2011 a la luz de su parecer sobre lo sucedido cincuenta años antes.

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L’articolo affronta il rapporto tra terrorismo e criminalità organizzata focalizzandosi sul caso del gruppo Hezbollah. Ricostruendone le attività illecite – traffico di droga e riciclaggio – sviluppate attraverso la rete dei militanti presenti in America Latina, l’articolo mette in rilievo il ruolo dalla Triple Frontera, o Triborder area, zona di confine e di libero scambio (dal 1970) tra Paraguay, Argentina e Brasile.

El número de obras dedicadas al terrorismo vasco es ya muy amplio. En este artículo repasaremos un grupo de trabajos que aborda un problema concreto: la relación entre esa forma de violencia política y los procesos de nacionalización de masas. La mayoría de ellos son microanálisis, que es donde aún cabe aportar más investigación original, ya sea desde la historia o desde otras disciplinas. Nos detendremos en un caso concreto aún por analizar: la evolución de aquellas localidades vascas y navarras donde el tradicionalismo, con su componente católico militante y nacionalista español, obtenía en la década de 1930 unos excelentes resultados electorales. Tras el franquismo, en muchas de ellas se había pasado a votar ampliamente a una opción abertzale e izquierdista como HB, el brazo político de ETA.

L’articolo considera il tema della radicalizzazione terroristica jihadista. Propone alcuni casi di donne italiane radicalizzate, dal momento che la letteratura sul tema si concentra soprattutto sugli uomini. La trattazione permette di far emergere elementi interessanti sulla rilevanza dei legami interpersonali per l’adesione terroristica. Il legame è, quindi, un elemento su cui concentrare l’attenzione, anche alla luce del codice penale italiano. In tal senso, i reati previsti dal codice possono essere inquadrati in relazione a strategie di reclutamento terroristico e ai contesti sociali preferiti dai reclutatori.

Questa nota ripercorre l'evoluzione del regime di carcerazione speciale regolato dall'art. 41 bis, il cosiddetto “carcere duro” (ossia il regime di isolamento), dalla sua introduzione nel 1986 a oggi. L'obiettivo è quello di spiegare al lettore come in discussione non sia tanto l'utilità del 41bis come strumento di contrasto al crimine organizzato quanto le sue specifiche modalità attuative, che possono configurare trattamenti lesivi della dignità dei detenuti.

Sergio Luzzatto's book on the life and death of Guido Rossa aims to give an identity back to the worker killed by the Red Brigades in 1979, and so free him from the diametrically opposed images of the 'spy' and the 'hero' which have so vitiated the interpretation of his case. What emerges is a rounded portrait, dense but accessible, of a rich and complex figure who speaks of his times. By interlacing the individual and collective dimensions, the life of Rossi leads the reader on a journey through the history of the country, in particular through the years of a contradictory and unbalanced period of modernisation, in which the phenomenon of armed subversion, of which Rossi was a victim, is placed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts, asymmetric risks, instability, crime and terrorism are phenomena that, along with disruptive events such as the COVID-19 pandemic, increasingly characterize international security scenarios in a globalized way. This new paradigm requires innovative methodologies and solutions aimed at improving detection, knowledge and understanding of phenomena in order to prevent or respond to potential threats at local, regional and international level. This paper addresses the problem and analyzes how artificial intelligence can be used to improve security skills through the development and use of a platform based on artificial intelligence and machine learning algorithms.

El objeto de esta voz es definir el concepto de radicalización violenta y persigue los siguientes objetivos: la determinación de las dimensiones que lo componen, su diferenciación de otros términos como el extremismo violento y el terrorismo y la definición de los principales enfoques que se deben emplear para poder abordar su estudio. La radicalización violenta es un proceso que implica la legitimación o asunción de la violencia como mecanismo para el logro de objetivos sean estos políticos, sociales, religiosos o de otra índole. Como tema de carácter sociopolítico adolece de una gran complejidad por su alcance, por los impactos que genera, así como por la arquitectura institucional que se debe desplegar para poder intervenir. Su inclusión en la agenda pública se presenta asociada al terrorismo, sin embargo, por sí misma, es una amenaza para las sociedades democráticas por el impacto que tiene en la convivencia y en asuntos relacionados como la polarización política. Su prevención es esencial para contener el riesgo de conflicto social y, en último término, para prevenir el terrorismo y la violencia política.

The Italicus massacre is regarded as one of the main events of the strategy of tension. Analysing the context in which it occurred, characterized by a series of bomb attacks by neofascist groups, this essay considers the 1973-1975 biennium as a bridge between the two halves of the Seventies in the study of right-wing terrorism in Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Il tema del muro, anche da un punto di vista simbolico, costituisce un vero e proprio filo rosso nei lavori dell’autore e regista tedesco Andres Veiel. Attraverso l’analisi di tre opere cinematografiche e teatrali realizzate fra il 2001 e il 2011 (Der Kick, Black Box BRD e Wer wenn nicht wir), il saggio mette in luce come uno degli obiettivi principali di Veiel sia quello di smascherare e contribuire ad abbattere muri di silenzio, omertà e paura nella memoria individuale e collettiva tedesca. L’articolo illustra inoltre come il lavoro di Veiel, sempre incentrato sull’analisi dei meccanismi nascosti che portano ad atti di terrorismo e violenza, scelga consapevolmente di utilizzare un’estetica controtendenza, minimalista e priva di spettacolarizzazione che affonda le sue radici nel teatro epico e documentario.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the strategy of the Italian Socialist party, led by Bettino Craxi against the terrorism of the Red Brigades, during the kidnapping of the Christian Democrat politician Aldo Moro, which took place in March 1978. The work draws on bibliographical sources (academic journals, contemporary newspapers and other printed publications, books), and also on audio-visual records, mainly from the audio files of Radio Radicale. The results provide evidence that Bettino Craxi, for humanitarian and political reasons, applied a different strategy from that of other political leaders: He wanted to save Aldo Moro's life and simultaneously to reinforce his weakened party.

La cantata para coro y orquesta Cántico de las siete estrellas, de Antón García Abril, surge como una obra comisionada por la Comunidad de Madrid en el año 2004. Inspirado por la constelación de estrellas que circunda el escudo de la Villa, por primera vez en toda su producción vocal el compositor decide escribir él mismo un texto que se apoya en la tradición literaria humanística del XVI, dentro del marco paradigmático del hombre como un pequeño mundo o microcosmos cuya observación del universo es regida por los principios astronómicos y musicales del macrocosmos, tal y como se explicaba en el Quadrivium del medioevo. El atentado terrorista del 11.03.2004, meses antes de su estreno, no solo motivó la dedicatoria de esta obra a sus víctimas, sino que transformó la construcción de un sentido personal y privado en un nuevo significado social y colectivo. Este trabajo propone un examen detallado del contexto de su creación y vida performativa, filiación literaria, vinculación con la expresión del dolor ante la barbarie terrorista y un análisis musical que revele los instrumentos compositivos puestos al servicio de la palabra transformada por la realidad.

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Copyright of Rivista di Criminologia, Vittimologia e Sicurezza is the property of Societa Italiana di Vittimologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Las maras son un fenómeno más que presente para las sociedades del Triángulo Norte Centroamericano – El Salvador, Honduras y Guatemala –. La complejidad que dicha situación ha adquirido como consecuencia de un proceso de securitización, contribuyó a que El Salvador declare a las maras como terroristas. El presente artículo se pregunta por las condiciones en las cuales se desarrolla tal decisión y por los efectos producidos por dicha denominación.

The site and the initiative Mappe di memoria aims at conveying the memory of the terroristic massacres and the murderers in Emilia during the Years of Lead to the new generations. In spite of a sharable and clear purpose, it needs, as digital public history project, much commitment by the experts in order to improve not only the graphics, but also the contents and the whole structure.

O terrorismo é um fenômeno que possui muita repercussão no século XXI, influenciando no modo como as nações atuam perante os seus jurisdicionados, mostrando-se central a sua positivação para evitar que condutas sejam cometidas nas suas fronteiras, bem como para julgar os responsáveis, de modo que estes não restem impunes. Desta forma, notou-se que o Brasil, com a realização de eventos esportivos em seu território foi “compelido” a possuir regras mais específicas sobre o tema, fazendo-o em regime de urgência.Disto advém o presente estudo, o qual tem como escopo verificar se a lei brasileira contempla empréstimos legislativos de leis antiterroristas estrangeiras, posto que o ato terrorista nunca fora antes plenamente tipificado em terrae brasilis. Conclui-se, por fim, que a lei brasileira sofreu pontualmente uma influencia direta de leis espanholas, britânicas e norte-americanas em diversos pontos.

Desde los acontecimientos del 11 de septiembre de 2001 y la crisis financiera de 2008, la categoría excepción ha adquirido un estatuto principal en la configuración del derecho y la política mundial, puesto que pareciera que las sociedades viven en permanente estado de necesidad y urgencia. En paralelo, esta condición ha sido esgrimida por gobiernos e instituciones internacionales para impulsar y dictar un conjunto de políticas que restringen de manera considerable el contenido de los derechos y libertades individuales y, al mismo tiempo, reducen al mínimo el aspecto democrático en los procesos de tomas de decisiones. El presente artículo explora la determinación del estado de excepción en el contexto geopolítico global y se concentra en una de sus manifestaciones, cual es el derecho penal. En este campo, el terrorismo ha constituido la figura política preponderante mediante la cual determinados ordenamientos jurídicos occidentales aplican disposiciones jurídicas propias de excepción que terminan irradiando a toda la ciudadanía.

The paper deals with the relationship of collaboration between the diocese of Padua and the local University during the long episcopate of Girolamo Bortignon (1949-1982). Bortignon integrated university elements into his pastoral action, promoting the involvement of academics in the formation of the clergy and in the birth of the journal «Studia Patavina» and supporting the foundation of CUAMM (Collegio universitario aspiranti medici missionari). During the council period, the bishop supported the historical studies and, with the participation of university professors, launched the Istituto per la storia ecclesiastica padovana. He was attentive to the needs of the students, founding accommodation facilities and, at the end of the Sixties, opening places of aggregation not controlled by the Azione cattolica where university students could confront each other. The article closes briefly dealing with the attitude held by the Church of Padua when the terrorist violence involved and hit the city and the university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to evaluate, in the ethical and sociological way, the event of signing the Document on human fraternity for World peace and living Together in the capital of the United Arab Emirates Abu Dhabi (Zabi) on February 4, 2019 by Pope Francis and the Grand Imam of the Islamic Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Sheikh Al-Azhar Ahmad Al-Tayyeb. This act took place at a conference devoted to human fraternity organized by the Muslim Council of Elders, founded in 2014, aimed at overcoming divisions and feuds within Islam, as well as defending this religion against extremists, and promoting the message of human values and tolerance. This document - signed in the context of the assumed goals of the association, as well as the problems of various current religious conflicts (not excluding acts of terrorism) - can be considered an epochal act. It is (in a sense) the culmination of the theological reflections and actions of the predecessor of Pope Francis - Benedict XVI, who, in his significant speech at the University of Ratysbon (March 6, 2006), very boldly described the ethical and theological misunderstanding of usurpation of the law (in the name of God) to spread one's religion also with violence, and, what Muslims call, jihad. He stated that violence is an irrational thing and that, as such, it cannot correspond to the rational (and holy) nature of the God we believe in. The protests, which appeared in the Muslim world then, today, with the act of signing this document, seem to be just an echo of unnecessary misunderstanding between the two great religions. Thus, the author of the article comes to the conclusion that one should hope that this document will bring peace in the world and establish positive relations between Christians and Muslims. Moreover, he believes that a great respect for the signatories of such an important reciprocal declaration should be expressed. However, he points out that the document (as important as it is) will not automatically improve the relations between the warring parties, nor will it change the thinking of the people we call fundamentalists (radicals). There is a need for further mutual work and contact for the benefit of even better understanding and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Immigrazione e terrorismo, due parole ricorrenti che sembrano dominare la scena mediatica, vengono molto spesso correlati dall’opinione pubblica per via della loro frequente associazione. Prendendo in considerazione il comune di Molenbeek-Saint-Jean, Bruxelles, conosciuto per aver ospitato e cresciuto diversi terroristi, si esamina quanto realmente i due fenomeni siano intrecciati. Attraverso ricerche e interviste condotte personalmente sul luogo, si cerca di dare uno sguardo generale sulla vita condotta dai migranti musulmani in Europa e spunti di riflessione sulle politiche d’integrazione vigenti.

The Aldo Moro kidnapping by the Red Brigades was the most dramatic moment of Italian Republic history. The conflict against institutions dragged the nation into a state of impending civil war, resulting in the population mood a daily sense of dread. In this specific episode comes up the criminal picture of Antonio Chichiarelli: Red Brigades fan, neo-fascist, informant, document forger for the Magliana gang and performer of the fake n. 7 announcement. The essay purpose wants to highlight the possible operating links that may have happened between the roman underworld, the Red Brigades and security agencies inside an event still pervaded by several and unsolved issues.

The terrorist violence in Colombia was preceded by political violence between Liberals and Conservatives, although we can not argue that the second is responsible for the appearance of the first, however, the accommodation of forces at the beginning of the Cold War took epicenter Latin America and thereby to Colombia. The regions of the country were suddenly pregnant by guerrilla groups praised by the USSR and blood filled the Colombian countryside. Colombian regions saw the birth of the new form of violence that would end up mutating into terrorism. Tolima Colombia-center platform would be the territorial conflict that began engulfing areas and finish an entire country. Only after 2002 it would begin to see the decline of modern terrorism.

Francesco Benigno pulls apart the stereotypical image of the terrorist, identified in public opinion as an Islamic fundamentalist inspired by religious motives. Instead, he reconstructs the historical development of political violence beginning with the events of 1793-94, when "revolutionary terrorism" was born, a strategy which sought to mobilise the community sympathetic to its ideas and use terrorism as a means of combatting a stronger enemy. After the various attacks in the 19th century, inspired by nationalist ideas or anarchist propaganda, the 20th century was characterised by widespread forms of terror which did not distinguish between political/military targets and civilians. Benigno's analysis, based on a rich variety of sources, tends to privilege events and provides an almost encyclopaedic account of them, and so occasionally runs the risk of lumping together different phenomena. It is a stimulating, and at the same time contradictory work, maybe as a result of its excessive ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Riflessioni su un progetto di alternanza scuola-lavoro, organizzato dall’Isrec Parma, e sulle problematiche relative all’insegnamento della storia più recente nelle scuole.

El artículo pretende ser una introducción y presentación de la entrevista concedida por el presidente del Gobierno español, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, a la Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político, que se transcribe a continuación. Da cuenta del proceso de desarrollo de la iniciativa de la Alianza de Civilizaciones, los discursos oficiales dando a conocer el significado y alcance de la misma, así como las críticas recibidas y la réplica a las mismas de los autores del artículo. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The aim of this paper is that of serving as both an introduction and presentation to the exclusive interview granted by José Luis Rodriguez Zapatero, President of the Spanish Government, to Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político. Describe the process of the iniciative development of the Alliance of Civilizations, the criticism received and the subsequent responses by the articles´authors.

La vida política española discurre pendiente de un proceso de negociación entre el Gobierno y ETA, en busca, dicen quienes lo promueven, de la paz y la normalización política del país Vasco. Sin embargo, hay sectores muy amplios de la población que consideran que no se trata de un proceso de pacificación, sino de un proceso de rendición del Estado frente al nacionalismo y a la banda terrorista. Por eso hemos querido traer aquí una serie de entrevistas a líderes políticos del País Vasco con opiniones a favor y en contra de este proceso. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Spanish political life is keeping an attentive eye on the on-going negotiation process between the Spanish Government and ETA. According to its promoters, its goals are to achieve peace and the political normalization of the country. For many, however, the peace-process masks an act of surrender by the Spanish State before nationalism and this terrorist group. This is the rationale behind this series of interviews with Basque political leaders: give them the floor for them express their divergent opinions on this on-going political process.

Historically, terrorism -except in outstanding cases- has not opted for a single way to execute its plans. Often it has developed various types of action with the passage of time and changing of technologies. This has constituted a systematic execution of crime; however, not all countries that faced the phenomenon have been consistent in dosage and rating of it. This dosage is related to the intensity in the execution of terrorist actions, also it is related to the implementation of an alarm to avoid the materialization of the act as well as the construction of an action protocol by the state security forces so that this can be avoided. This protocol allows us to know and repel terrorist activity underway.

El 21 de novembre de l’any 2000, ETA va cometre un dels assassinats que més va commocionar la societat espanyola. Ernest Lluch moria al garatge de sa casa i tant la población com els mitjans de comunicació van reaccionar amb un gran rebuig davant d’este nou assassinat. Este article pretén analitzar el tractament que dos mitjans de l’esquerra nacionalista van donar a este succés: Per un costat, El Temps, setmanari d’informació general, catalanista i simpatitzant amb l’esquerra nacionalista i independentista; per l’altre, Gara, que podríem qualificar-ho com el seu homòleg a Euskal Herria, simpatitzant amb l’esquerra abertzale. L’article analitza com van reaccionar ambdós mitjans immediatament després de l’assassinat d’Ernest Lluch, exministre de sanitat amb Felipe González (1982–1986), economista, historiador i reconegut per la seua activitat intel·lectual i per la seua voluntat de diàleg amb ETA, que va acabar amb la seua vida quan tenia 63 anys. | On November 21st 2000, ETA committed one of the most shocking assassinations in the Spanish society. Ernest Lluch was killed in his home garage and both the population and the media reacted massively rejecting this new murder. This article is intended to analyse the treatment given to this event by two left nationalist ideology media: On the one hans El Temps, general weekly publication, Catalan nationalist and close to pro-independence left ideology; on the other hand, Gara, which could be define as the former’s counterpart in the Basque Country, close to Abertzale left ideology. The article analyses how both media reacted to the assassination of Ernest Lluch, –a former Health Minister under Felipe González (1982–1986)–, an economist, a historian fully acknowledged by his intellectual activity and his willingness to dialoguing with ETA, the organisation that extinguished his life when he was 63. | El 21 de noviembre del año 2000, ETA cometió uno de los asesinatos que más conmocionó a la sociedad española. Ernest Lluch moría en el garaje de su casa y tanto la población como los medios de comunicación reaccionaron con un gran rechazo ante este nuevo asesinato. Este artículo pretende analizar el tratamiento que dos medios de la izquierda nacionalista dieron a este suceso: Por un lado, El Temps, semanario de información general, catalanista y simpatizante con la izquierda nacionalista e independentista; por otro, Gara, que podríamos calificarlo como su homólogo en Euskal Herria, simpatizante con la izquierda abertzale. El artículo analiza como reaccionaron ambos medios de comunicación inmediatamente después del asesinato de Ernest Lluch, exministro de sanidad con Felipe González (1982–1986), economista, historiador y reconocido por su actividad intelectual y por su voluntad de diálogo con ETA, que acabó con su vida cuando tenía 63 años.

Las persecuciones de cualquier tipo son actos deplorables, especialmente aquellas que son de tipo religioso, porque limitan la libertad del ser humano en su relación con Dios. Lamentablemente la historia universal nos ha mostrado que las persecuciones religiosas tienen su origen desde la edad antigua. Ante esto poco o mucho se ha podido hacer para evitarlas. El presente ensayo emplea un enfoque histórico-sociológico perteneciente al campo de las ciencias políticas para poder explicar las causas de las persecuciones, privilegiando el estudio del entorno social. Como evidencia empírica se han escogido los casos del genocidio de los cristianos armenios a fines y comienzos de los siglos XIX y XX, junto al caso de la persecución religiosa efectuada en la población Izadi por parte del grupo terrorista Estado Islámico (Daesh). Finalmente, este trabajo invita a la reflexión, planteando la propuesta de retomar el diálogo intercultural propuesto por el austriaco Hans Köchler y del expresidente iraní Mohammad Jatamí durante el siglo XX, como una opción que permita desarrollar la tolerancia y favorezca el entendimiento entre diferentes culturas con el fin de trabajar conjuntamente y evitar nuevos casos de persecuciones.

La dramaturgia femenina, recogida escasamente en la historia oficial de la literatura peruana, posee desde finales del siglo XIX voces de dramaturgas que se suceden con éxito y permanencia en cada una de las generaciones. En este artículo estudiaremos dos piezas de dos autoras contemporáneas: Mariana de Althaus y Celeste Viale Yerobi, escritoras que rompen el silencio con una escritura comprometida con su identidad femenina y con su momento histórico, convuslionado por los sucesos acaecidos en el conflicto armado que comienza e la década de los ochenta. LLevaremos a cabo un análisis en cotejo de una pieza teatral de cada una de estas escritoras desde un punto de vista no meramente estético sino antropológico, social y cultural, con el fin de alcanzar su realidad fragmentada, el duelo de las escritoras en las dictaduras, las censuras implícitasy su impactante desnudo en la escena.

O terrorismo tem causado sérios aborrecimentos à sociedade internacional. Desde o atentado ocorrido nos Estados Unidos da América em 11 de setembro de 2001, o mundo nunca mais seria mesmo. Diante de uma situação de instabilidade, as sanções passaram a ser bruscas e, muitas vezes, direitos vitais, como os Direitos Humanos, além da própria atividade econômica, passaram a sofrer, inadvertidamente, restrições. Como consequência, compreender o terrorismo e a forma eficaz de combatê-lo passa por compreender o que significa, realmente, a aplicação do sistema de tutela dos Direitos Humanos, a maneira de efetivação da legislação internacional, bem como a forma como devem se portar o Estado e a Comunidade Internacional perante tal quadro.

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El artículo pretende mostrar el alto respaldo internacional conseguido por la Alianza de Civilizaciones e indagar en sus causas. Procede asimismo a exponer lo que la iniciativa es actualmente en términos de organización y funcionamiento, intentando esclarecer sus principales puntos críticos y señalando los fundamentales desafíos que se le presentan.

El presente artículo trata de dilucidar cual pudo ser la influencia de las obras Rousseau y Montesquieu en la práctica política de la asamblea legislativa francesa, conectando dicha actividad con la génesis y el posterior desarrollo del Terror Revolucionario Francés. Posteriormente el estudio analiza algunos aspectos de la obra de Marat como posible padre de la teoría de la violencia insurreccional revolucionaria. Finalmente se examina el influjo de Robespierre en la traslación de las ideas ilustradas a la Teoría del Terror como fundamento de la ley, exponiendo como el incorruptible dejó asentadas de ese modo las bases doctrinales para las posteriores formas de Terror de Estado. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ This article tries to elucidate which could be the influence of Rousseau and Montesquieu works in the practice policy of French legislative assembly, trying to connect this activity with the genesis and further development of the French Revolutionary Terror. After it, the paper discusses some aspects of the Marat's writings as a possible father of the theory of the insurrectionary and revolutionary violence. Finally, it examines the influence of Robespierre in translating the illustrated ideas about the Theory of Terror as a foundation for Law, stating how the incorruptible left settled the doctrinal foundations for later forms of State Terror.

Since the end of the Sixties, the so-called Irish Troubles have inspired in Ireland many literary works and films that have been studied at length. Less well known and often analyzed together with the Irish production are those English novels and action movies that exploit a Northern Irish setting, with scarce or no interest for the political facts of the conflict or, according to some critics, with a focused and deliberate use of stereotypes. However, Irish Troubles have recently brought forth in England a series of film and novels showing at the core of the events a conspiracy by the British intelligence. Therefore a fictional genre that in the past has been basically escapist, and often with a reactionary bent, like the thriller and the spy story, may also be seen and used now to denounce the false statements and undermine the official truths of the establishment.