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L’articolo tende ad individuare in alcuni Stati europei (Svizzera Estonia, Lettonia e Lituania) punti in comune in relazione alla democrazia diretta, i cui istituti potrebbero essere in grado di riportare l’elettorato al voto. Una circolazione di modelli in questo ambito che appare chiara è quella tra la Svizzera, in cui la democrazia diretta è così fortemente presente da essere quasi un tratto distintivo dell’identità nazionale, e gli Stati baltici, proprio nel periodo immediatamente successivo alla prima guerra mondiale, quando furono adottate le Costituzioni degli anni ‘20, su ispirazione di modelli già esistenti. In quel periodo, infatti, in cui le neonate Repubbliche baltiche dovevano darsi una Costituzione democratica senza averne avuto alcuna esperienza diretta, esse si ispirarono, da un lato, alla Costituzione di Weimar del 1919, e, dall’altro, alla democrazia diretta svizzera, abbastanza nota anche perché molti esuli dagli Imperi centrali avevano vissuto nella piccola Repubblica alpina o, comunque, ne conoscevano i particolari istituti. Alla base di tale democratizzazione c’erano probabilmente anche alcune delle idee della Rivoluzione francese che, al di là delle Costituzioni dell’epoca rivoluzionaria che avevano avuto vita assai breve, erano comunque transitate nel costituzionalismo europeo. Furono previsti quindi sia il referendum, spesso però promosso dall’alto, che l’iniziativa popolare, oltre alla revoca (di diretta derivazione dalle prime idee discusse in epoca rivoluzionaria) non del singolo parlamentare, bensì dell’intero Parlamento e, in alcuni casi, del Capo dello Stato. In altri casi, e cioè nell’ipotesi di contrasto tra i due massimi organi, il corpo elettorale era chiamato a decidere, non certo in imitazione del modello elvetico, ma piuttosto di quello weimariano. Durante il lungo periodo d’incorporazione nell’URSS (1940-1990), non fu usato nessun autentico strumento di democrazia diretta, salvo la revoca del singolo rappresentante del popolo, del tutto diretta però dall’onnipresente e onnipotente Partito comunista e quindi molto distante da un reale intervento del corpo elettorale. Tale periodo, però, non eliminò il sentimento nazionale né il desiderio d’indipendenza; anzi, per dimostrare l’illegittimità dell’occupazione sovietica, si volle proprio sostenere la continuità con il periodo precedente all’incorporazione anche dal punto di vista costituzionale e legislativo. Molti degli istituti delle Costituzioni degli anni ‘20 relativi alla democrazia diretta sono sopravvissuti quindi in quelle degli anni ‘90, facendo proseguire il legame ideale con la ben viva e funzionante democrazia diretta svizzera. A conclusione delle riflessioni di queste pagine, non si può che notare ancora una volta come il trapianto d’istituzioni giuridiche, specie se a livello costituzionale, spesso porti a risultati che differiscono fortemente dal modello originario, dal momento che si basa su storie, culture, situazioni politiche e sociali assai diverse. Come ultima, importante domanda rimane infine da chiedersi se la democrazia diretta, specie laddove non siano richieste alta affluenza alle urne o maggioranze particolari, sia sempre compatibile con i diritti delle minoranze.

Praised by many as a remedy for various democratic deficits and criticized by others for their capacity to promote populist agendas, referendums are key participatory devices of representative democracy. However, a rich corpus of literature describes numerous occasions in which they become merely strategic levers in the hands of politicians instead of substantive popular consultations on policy issues. The Romanian post-socialist political system is no exception to this trend. Among the referendums held between 1990 and 2020, this paper analyses a particular class, those initiated by the President of Romania according to the article 90 of the Constitution, with the aim to discern the general features and the specific context of their strategic use, emphasizing especially the 2019 referendum concerning the justice system, the most recent one of the entire series. My observations confirm and further reinforce prior generalizations regarding the instrumentalization of referendums in post-socialist Romania.

Closing free access to online platform APIs has changed social research in digital spaces. Access to data is now managed and regulated exclusively by proprietary platforms, which have shared various tools to data extraction with precise rules to data access. Several scholars and researchers have many doubts about these rules and the possibility that these tools can significantly support research in the field of social sciences. This work was born from the interest of testing one of the tools made available to researchers by the Facebook platform called CrowdTangle and proposes a thrust into the epistemological problems and the methodological implications of its use in the investigation of social phenomena in digital spaces. The object of the study is the Italian 2020 Constitutional Referendum. What emerges from the work is how much the tool used for data collection forces researchers to reflect methodologically in order to identify its potential and pitfalls. Starting from these reflections, a scalable analytical model based on Content Analysis is proposed from a double perspective: quantitative automated, and interpretative hermeneutic. The results obtained help to overcome the pitfalls of the collection tool through a combined perspective and merged into an exploratory application of analysis of multiple correspondences in the end. The analysis of multiple correspondences was an indispensable step to arrive at the definition of latent dimensions in anti-populist communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En octubre de 2020 la Comisión de Venecia aprobó una revisión de sus Directrices sobre la celebración de referendos, que databan de 2007. Sin entrar en la mayor o menor oportunidad de incorporar estos mecanismos de participación en los ordenamientos internos de los países miembros del Consejo de Europa, las Directrices establecen una serie de garantías normativas que habrán de estar presentes en los mismos para garantizar su pleno encaje con los derechos humanos, la democracia y el Estado de Derecho. Se analizarán, así, novedades en materias como la igualdad de oportunidades entre las distintas partes en las campañas previas a todo referéndum; la financiación y la transparencia de tales campañas; la claridad de la pregunta; o el ineludible respeto al marco constitucional de toda convocatoria de referéndum.

El "dret a decidir", que es concediria a part de la població d'un estat, no està recollit expressament en les constitucions. Quan s’hi acosten certs conceptes, com ara el dret a l’autodeterminació, la demanda del dret a decidir requereix cada vegada més un fonament separat per evitar els obstacles, tant internacionals com constitucionals, a la secessió unilateral. Tot i que els contorns d’aquest dret continuen sent ambigus, el seu estatus constitucional comença a concretar-se a través de la jurisprudència del Tribunal Constitucional espanyol en particular que, per rebutjar aquest dret en la seva versió extrema (secessió unilateral), en consagra tanmateix la seva existència en una sentència del 2014. Tot i que és lògic que els estats contestin aquest dret des d’un punt de vista estrictament constitucional, no és menys cert que aquesta demanda expressa un desig polític. La dimensió política del conflicte entre l’Estat i l’entitat que reivindica el dret a decidir marca, sens dubte, els límits de la comprensió estrictament constitucional d’aquest dret. No obstant això, el dret constitucional manté un paper d’importància primordial a l’hora de definir les garanties democràtiques que podrien envoltar l’exercici d’aquest dret.

El concepte de consulta popular ha passat inadvertit tradicionalment en el nostre ordenament jurídic constitucional, sempre a l'ombra i en contraposició amb el concepte de referèndum. L'objecte d'aquest estudi abordarà, per una banda, el punt de partida constitucional del concepte de consulta popular: és l'article 149.1.32 de la Constitució espanyola la porta oberta a la consulta popular?; i, de l'altra, analitzarà l'evolució jurisprudencial del Tribunal Constitucional sobre el concepte de consulta popular i, d'aquesta manera, es coneixerà quin lloc ocupa la consulta popular dins del nostre ordenament. Així mateix, es posa de manifest la nova incorporació d'un instrument autonòmic de participació al que ens referim com a consulta ciutadana. Tot i no entrar en el fons de la qüestió, l'existència d'aquest mecanisme ens porta a qüestionar la distinció entre referèndum i consulta popular, duta a terme fins ara per part de l'intèrpret suprem de la Constitució.

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Since 2008, Europe is immersed in a situation of political and social upheaval marked by, among other processes – such as the Brexit, the Scottish referendum on independence or the growth of new populist parties – , the strengthening of nationalism in Catalonia. In this context, the role of the media is crucial, since they are the main transmitters of what occurs abroad and, depending on how they present the information, a spread of pro-independence trends in regions with a historically strong nationalist sentiment throughout the continent can be more or less likely. In order to know the differences regarding the coverage of nationalism, this study applies a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to the text present in the main article on the Catalan referendum of October 1st, 2017 published online by the most-read newspapers in Portugal, Switzerland, UK, Italy, Scotland and Northeast Italy. The analysis concludes that the media not only report differently depending on the characteristics of the territory where they operate, but also that some of them use the information as a tool to indoctrinate society.

After a preliminary description of the employment relationship in the so-called gig economy and despite the difference between the organization models, in this study the author attempts to analyze the possible exercise of some trade union rights provided for in title III of Law n. 300/1970 by workers involved in these particular employment relationships. Specifically, it is necessary to understand if norms such as articles 20 (right of assembly), 21 (referendum) and 25 (right of posting), which prima facie seem to require the existence of a production unit for their exercise can also be applied to the gig economy, which is characterized by the dematerialization of the workplace. Therefore, following a brief examination of these rules, therefore, the Author attempts to show that the idea inspired the legislator of 1970 to recognize the rights provided in that rules allows us to consider them applicable to on-demand workers. However, in this matter, it is essential an intervention of the trade unions. A reconsideration of trade union policies able to "speak" the same language of the digital platforms could, indeed, offer to the workers a real opportunity to "meet" each other and discuss, in a section reserved for them in the App, matters of interest to them even in the absence of the production unit (traditionally understood).

Il contributo intende volgere uno sguardo multilivello alle potenzialità e ai rischi della democrazia diretta e partecipativa. Partendo dallo “stato di salute” dell’iniziativa dei cittadini europei, è opportuno osservare se – a quasi un decennio di distanza dalla sua entrata in vigore – lo strumento ha contribuito a colmare il deficit democratico delle istituzioni europee. Obiettivo del paper è altresì valutare l’impatto della proposta di revisione costituzionale finalizzata all’introduzione del referendum propositivo all’interno del sistema parlamentare italiano, nella volontà di rivitalizzare una partecipazione democratica sempre più in crisi. Lo scritto vuole infine analizzare l’istituto del referendum consultivo alla luce dei quesiti relativi a ulteriori forme e condizioni particolari di autonomia in Lombardia e in Veneto: opportunità per ascoltare la vox populi o esigenza plebiscitaria per decisioni già maturate da una maggioranza? / 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑖𝑏𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑠 𝑡𝑜 𝑡𝑢𝑟𝑛 𝑎 𝑚𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑖-𝑙𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑙 𝑙𝑜𝑜𝑘 𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑙𝑠 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑘𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑡 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑝𝑎𝑡𝑜𝑟𝑦 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑦. 𝑆𝑡𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑓𝑟𝑜𝑚 𝑡ℎ𝑒 “𝑠𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑜𝑓 ℎ𝑒𝑎𝑙𝑡ℎ” 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑎𝑛 𝑐𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑧𝑒𝑛𝑠' 𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑒, 𝑖𝑡 𝑖𝑠 𝑤𝑜𝑟𝑡ℎ 𝑜𝑏𝑠𝑒𝑟𝑣𝑖𝑛𝑔 – 𝑎𝑙𝑚𝑜𝑠𝑡 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑐𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑓𝑡𝑒𝑟 𝑖𝑡𝑠 𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑦 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑜 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑐𝑒 – 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡 ℎ𝑎𝑠 ℎ𝑒𝑙𝑝𝑒𝑑 𝑡𝑜 𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑑𝑔𝑒 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑐 𝑑𝑒𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑡 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐸𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑎𝑛 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠. 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑜𝑏𝑗𝑒𝑐𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑒 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑟 𝑖𝑠 𝑎𝑙𝑠𝑜 𝑡𝑜 𝑒𝑣𝑎𝑙𝑢𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑎𝑐𝑡 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑙 𝑎𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑑 𝑎𝑡 𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑜𝑑𝑢𝑐𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑒 𝑤𝑖𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐼𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑛 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑙𝑖𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑠𝑦𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚, 𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑖𝑟𝑒 𝑡𝑜 𝑟𝑒𝑣𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑧𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑐 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑝𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑡 𝑖𝑠 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑙𝑦 𝑖𝑛 𝑐𝑟𝑖𝑠𝑖𝑠. 𝐹𝑖𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑙𝑦, 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑤𝑜𝑟𝑘 𝑤𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑠 𝑡𝑜 𝑎𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑦𝑧𝑒 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑢𝑚 𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑙𝑖𝑔ℎ𝑡 𝑜𝑓 𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠 𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑢𝑡 𝑎𝑑𝑑𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑓𝑜𝑟𝑚𝑠 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑟 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑑𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑎𝑢𝑡𝑜𝑛𝑜𝑚𝑦 𝑖𝑛 𝐿𝑜𝑚𝑏𝑎𝑟𝑑𝑦 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑖𝑛 𝑉𝑒𝑛𝑒𝑡𝑜: 𝑜𝑝𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑢𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑒𝑠 𝑡𝑜 𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑣𝑜𝑥 𝑝𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑖 𝑜𝑟 𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑏𝑖𝑠𝑐𝑖𝑡𝑎𝑟𝑦 𝑛𝑒𝑒𝑑 𝑓𝑜𝑟 𝑑𝑒𝑐𝑖𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠 𝑎𝑙𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑑𝑦 𝑚𝑎𝑡𝑢𝑟𝑒𝑑 𝑏𝑦 𝑎 𝑚𝑎𝑗𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑡𝑦?

En octubre de 2018, Rumanía celebró un referéndum sobre la prohibición constitucional de los matrimonios del mismo sexo, que había sido previamente respaldada por amplia mayoría en la Cámara de Diputados y el Senado. La convocatoria de la consulta hizo aflorar las ya habituales críticas hacia la institución referendaria, haciéndose hincapié en la inconveniencia de su empleo para dirimir cuestiones relativas a los derechos e intereses de grupos sociales vulnerables. El presente trabajo analiza, a la luz de la experiencia rumana, estas críticas, exponiéndolas a las contradicciones e interrogantes que generan cuando son planteadas sin mayor precisión. Se intenta, así pues, comparar las virtudes del foro parlamentario y el referéndum como instrumentos de decisión, y se insiste en la necesidad de especificar el tipo concreto de consulta popular empleada en cada caso. Finalmente, se argumenta la conveniencia de preservar los referendos como cauce decisivo en el procedimiento de reforma constitucional, subrayando las complicaciones que sin embargo puede ofrecer de cara a su ulterior revisión jurisdiccional.

The essay analyses the issue of the exercise of trade union rights under Article 22 of the company's collective agreement and any derogation to the provisions of the Workers' Statute, which is also expressly referred to in paragraph 1 of the provision in dispute.

In 2020, the tenth democratic and free elections after the fall of the communist regime in Slovakia resulted in a broad coalition government, which obtained its mandate mainly to fight corruption. However, the global pandemic of COVID-19 has fundamentally changed priorities. Indeed, growing dissatisfaction with the governance of the state in early 2021 has led to the organization of a referendum on early parliamentary elections. The article draws attention to the constitutional problems associated with holding such a referendum in the conditions of the Slovak Republic, not only in general, but also, and especially, in times of crisis.

La Legge di Emendamento alla Costituzione della FdR n. 1 del 14 marzo 2020 si compone di una parte sostanziale e di una parte procedurale1. Nella prima parte, corrispondente all’art 1, sono contenute le proposte di modifica della Costituzione e nella seconda, il “blocco” procedurale (artt. 2 e 3) si stabilisce la procedura di votazione popolare, le modalità di accertamento dei risultati ed inoltre quali articoli entreranno immediatamente in vigore e quali in un momento successivo. Gli artt. 2 e 3 della Legge sono dedicati al meccanismo di adozione degli emendamenti. Questa procedura è molto irrituale e comprende la valutazione delle modifiche da parte della Corte costituzionale e la votazione popolare.

Objectives The subject of the study is to present legal frameworks of the institution of the nationwide referendum in Polish law. Material and methods The analysis covered legal regulations of various rank (constitution and laws) referring to the nationwide referendum as well as the practice of this form. Results There are many institutions meant to allow direct participation of the nation in taking decisions. Contemporary the most common form of direct democracy is a referendum which is based on taking decisions regarding important matters of state by voting of those entitled. In literature different types of referendums are distinguished. Referendums are divided into different types depending on the division criteria we have adopted: national and local referendums, obligatory and optional, constitutional, ratification, legislative, constitutive and consultative, prior and subsequent, repealing and approving referendums. Conclusions Authors critically analyzed the legal regulations related to the institution of the nationwide referendum in Poland.

Il saggio vuole dar conto delle consultazioni referendarie svoltesi in Europa negli ultimi mesi. Se è vero, da un lato, che il ricorso alla democrazia diretta è aumentato in modo esponenziale a partire dagli anni Settanta sino ai giorni nostri, dall’altro lato, deve ammettersi che questa spinta verso gli strumenti di democrazia diretta tende oggi ad avere oggetto tematiche sempre più complesse e decisive, quali le politiche migratorie. L’Unione europea si trova dinanzi a nuove sfide. Per un verso, nuove comunità nazionali, sempre più composte da non-cittadini; per altro verso, spinte disgregatrici e retoriche populiste antieuropee, che puntano a costruire barriere – tanto ideologiche quanto fisiche – tra gli Stati dell’Unione. / 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑝𝑒𝑟 𝑖𝑠 𝑎𝑖𝑚𝑒𝑑 𝑎𝑡 𝑠𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑦𝑖𝑛𝑔 ℎ𝑜𝑤 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑡 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑐𝑦 𝑚𝑒𝑎𝑠𝑢𝑟𝑒𝑠, 𝑠𝑝𝑒𝑐𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙𝑙𝑦 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑢𝑚𝑠, 𝑎𝑟𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑙𝑦 𝑏𝑒𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑢𝑠𝑒𝑑 – 𝑠𝑖𝑛𝑐𝑒 𝑆𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑒𝑠 – 𝑡𝑜 𝑎𝑑𝑑𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑠 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑏𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑐 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑥 𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑢𝑒𝑠, 𝑠𝑢𝑐ℎ 𝑎𝑠 𝑖𝑚𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛. 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑢𝑚𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑙𝑒𝑐𝑡 𝑤𝑖𝑑𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑑 𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑓𝑟𝑜𝑚 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑠 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑎𝑛𝑔𝑒𝑟 𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑔𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑛𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑐𝑙𝑎𝑠𝑠. 𝑆𝑢𝑝𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡 𝑓𝑜𝑟 𝑜𝑙𝑑 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑒𝑠 ℎ𝑎𝑠 𝑤𝑖𝑡ℎ𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑑, 𝑤ℎ𝑖𝑙𝑒 𝑝𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑡, 𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖-𝐸𝑈 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑒𝑠 𝑎𝑟𝑒 𝑔𝑎𝑖𝑛𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑔𝑟𝑜𝑢𝑛𝑑. 𝐶𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑙𝑦, 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑢𝑡 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑢𝑚 𝑠ℎ𝑜𝑢𝑙𝑑 𝑟𝑒𝑣𝑜𝑙𝑣𝑒 𝑎𝑟𝑜𝑢𝑛𝑑 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑡𝑜 𝑤ℎ𝑎𝑡 𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑜𝑢𝑟 𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑜𝑐𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑐 𝑠𝑦𝑠𝑡𝑒𝑚𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑟𝑒𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑠ℎ𝑜𝑢𝑙𝑑 𝑏𝑒 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑐𝑎𝑛 𝑏𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑑 𝑏𝑦 𝑚𝑜𝑟𝑒 𝑑𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑡 𝑚𝑒𝑎𝑛𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑐𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑧𝑒𝑛 𝑖𝑛𝑓𝑙𝑢𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑒. 𝐼𝑡 𝑖𝑠 𝑜𝑏𝑣𝑖𝑜𝑢𝑠𝑙𝑦 𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑥𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑢𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑠 𝑓𝑜𝑟 𝑜𝑟 𝑎𝑔𝑎𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑡 𝑟𝑒𝑓𝑒𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑎 ℎ𝑎𝑣𝑒 𝑡𝑜 𝑏𝑒 𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑒𝑣𝑎𝑙𝑢𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑑. 𝑆𝑢𝑐ℎ 𝑎 𝑑𝑒𝑏𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑏𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑒𝑠 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑢𝑙𝑎𝑟𝑙𝑦 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑥 𝑖𝑛 𝑟𝑒𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑡𝑜 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐸𝑈 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙 𝑡𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑠 𝑑𝑟𝑖𝑣𝑒𝑛 𝑏𝑦 𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑖𝑚𝑚𝑖𝑔𝑟𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑝𝑜𝑝𝑢𝑙𝑖𝑠𝑡 𝑚𝑜𝑣𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑠.

Aquest article analitza l’activitat del Parlament relacionada amb el futur polític de Catalunya. L’anàlisi parteix de la resolució parlamentària de 2013 que declarava la sobirania i el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya i arriba fins a les darreres resolucions sobre el procés d’independència adoptades durant la legislatura actual per la majoria parlamentària sortida de les eleccions del dia 27 de setembre de 2015. Totes aquestes decisions parlamentàries han obert un important debat jurídic sobre principis constitucionals bàsics, en particular el de democràcia i el de legalitat, debat que gira al voltant dels punts següents: com defensar i promoure un projecte polític que no s’ajusta a l’ordre constitucional establert? Pot el Tribunal Constitucional fiscalitzar actes no normatius de naturalesa estrictament parlamentària? Quins són els efectes de desobeir el deure de complir les resolucions del Tribunal Constitucional? L’article estudia totes aquestes qüestions des de la perspectiva jurídica, sense ometre, però, consideracions d’índole sociopolítica indispensables per contextualitzar-les adequadament.

This article analyses the debates on whether the Scottish Parliament could unilaterally legislate for an independence referendum leading up to the 2014 vote, setting out first the relevant legal framework, and then highlighting the different positions put forward in this sense. It then argues that these positions responded to different existing constitutional narratives as to the nature of the UK (unitary, federal or quasi-federal, and union) and how by leaving this question open, the specific endorsement of one of these narratives was avoided. Finally, it reflects on the impact of the specific aspects of the 2014 process on the current competence debate and on the available options for the Scottish Parliament to legislate for a second independence referendum. Overall, it argues that because of the existence of these competing constitutional narratives, as occurs also in other plurinational states, a strictly legal approach will not provide a satisfactory answer to the competence question. Despite being framed in legal terms, this is a fundamentally political question that requires a political answer.

Le Québec, en raison de ses deux référendums sur la souveraineté de 1980 et 1995, fait en quelque sorte figure de proue au sein des démocraties occidentales. Voilà un État moderne et développé qui tente d’obtenir son indépendance nationale, non pas en temps de guerre ou pour des raisons d’oppression politique grave, non plus pour mettre un terme à une emprise colonial sur son territoire ou pour s’affranchir d’un système politique antidémocratique, mais bien pour des raisons avant tout culturelles, identitaires, linguistiques et économiques. En ce sens, et malgré les insuccès de ses deux tentatives référendaires, il demeure juste d’accorder à la nation québécoise un rôle de pionnier en matière de reconnaissance du droit à la sécession des nations minoritaires. Pour en faire état, nous étudierons dans cet article le processus québécois d’accession à la souveraineté et ses enseignements en matière d’autodétermination, notamment pour les indépendantistes catalans.

El procés sobiranista endegat a Catalunya per les institucions catalanes, amb el suport d’una importantíssima part de la societat civil, s’ha convertit en l’aspecte central i més controvertit del debat polític sobre l’organització territorial del poder, en el marc del sistema de descentralització política que configura l’Estat de les autonomies. Aquest procés sobiranista, fonamentat en el dret a decidir del poble de Catalunya, ha estat, d’una banda, l’origen de nombroses iniciatives de les institucions catalanes, que han motivat la resposta automàtica de les institucions espanyoles; de l’altra, també la comunitat europea i internacional han prestat i continuen prestant atenció a l’esmentat procés. Són també molt nombroses les anàlisis dutes a terme per part de la doctrina constitucionalista i de la ciència política sobre diferents aspectes vinculats al procés sobiranista, que s’ha situat en el centre de la discussió doctrinal. La sistematització de tot aquest conjunt d’iniciatives, actuacions i estudis té la virtualitat de fer palès, amb dades objectives, aspectes rellevants de l’evolució del procés sobiranista des del seu naixement fins a juny de 2017, data de tancament del present Dossier.

Copyright of Il Giusto Processo Civile is the property of Edizioni Scientifiche Italiane E.S.I. SpA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 20th July 2016, the historian Paolo Pombeni faces the constitutional debate from the last reform of the italian parliament and, as well as through the analysis of the essential features of the italian political system, goes through the fundamental stages of the route of consolidation and revision of the republican institutions.

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 3rd August 2016, the historian Guido Crainz explores the most important aspects of the debate on the constitutional revisions after the Second World-War by analyzing the politic premises which lays on the base of the proposed corrections, the modification attemps, the outcome of the reform, from a point of view of historical comparation of the phases and features of the consolidation and development routes of the republican institutions.

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 23rd July 2016, the historian Valerio Romitelli presents their judgments about the debate about the constitutional reform after the Second World-War. Political parties, social and economic organizations are in the focus of his analysis, through which defines a specific vision of the evolution of the power structures in the history of our country.

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 30th July 2016, the historian of political thought Carlo Galli analyzes the outcome of the last revision of the constitutional text, recalls the phases and the essential characteristics of the debate about the institutional reform after the Second World-War. The analysis of the ideologies and evolution of the political thoughts are used to deepen about the power structure in Italy in the last decades.

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 18th August 2016, the historian Giuseppe Carlo Marino recalls the basic aspects of the italian political contemporary history by focusing on the institutional dynamics that have to do with the changes of the power structure from the liberal up to the republican period, by contextualizing the latest changes of the italian constitution within the most general global, social, economic and political dynamics.

In the interview sent to Diacronie. Studi di Storia contemporanea on 26th August 2016, the constitutionalist Salvatore Bonfiglio analyzes the operating principles of the Italian institutional system from a comparative point of view between the adopted solutions in the constituent Assembly and their counterpart in other countries, examining the attempts of modification of the Italian constitutional system that have been followed through the years up to the last constitutional reform.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2016 1(2), 377-381 | Editorial | (Abstract) On 23 June 2016 the voters, by a slim majority, decided that the United Kingdom (UK) should leave the European Union. This has been a major earthquake with political and economic aftershocks going beyond the white cliffs of Dover. They are destined to continue for months, if not years. For the first time in history of the European Communities/the European Union a Member State has decided to ask for a divorce. It may well be a major turning point, a wake-up call for the EU, its political elites and millions of EU citizens. It may lead to stagnation and slow demise of the EU, it may well lead to consolidation or even deeper integration. While predicting the future should be left to fortune-tellers, the academic community will use a lot of ink to analyze, among other things, the political, legal and economic implications of the Brexit vote. This short Editorial is by no means an attempt to analyze the Brexit referendum in great depth. It merely aims to give some food for thought.

On December 12th, 2013, the President of the Generalitat de Catalunya, Artur Mas, together with the representatives of some Catalan political and civil organizations, announced at a press conference its decision to conduct a referendum with the aim of stating the citizen’s support for the independence of Catalonia from Spain. This referendum was to be held in November 9, 2014. This "independence challenge" posed by the Catalan government puts the Spanish government in a very difficult situation. In a climate of absolute confrontation, in which supporters and opponents of the consultation have put aside the possibility of a de facto agreement, political and social gaps opened in the wake of this conflict is far from being solved.

The paper deals with the evolution of Italian regionalism from the reasons for its introduction in the Constitution to the problems of implementation and reform. Starting from the result of the constitutional referendum which rejected the constitutional reform, the work studies the constitutional jurisprudence that best illustrates the main critical aspects of Italian regionalism. To describe the gradual narrowing of regional competences, the paper analyses the decisions of the Constitutional Court on the economic crisis. The paper focuses on the principle of cooperation used by the Constitutional Court to resolve the competence overlaps between the State and the Regions. If there is no transformation of the Parliament, this is a key principle for warranting regional autonomy. In this perspective, the article analyses the most recent Constitutional Court judgements which invoke the principle of loyal cooperation. Finally, the role of the Parliamentary Committee on Regional Issues will be emphasized. This Commission, pursuant to Article 11 of the Constitutional Law of 18 October 2001, no. 3, is called upon to intervene in the process of adopting the laws of regional competence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reconstructs the few months (October 1945-June 1946) during which Manlio Lupinacci was lead editor of the Twentieth Century, the newspaper standing for the liberal right wing in Rome and aiming to aggregate the monarchists in view of the referendum taking place on 2 June 1946. The referendum actually ratified the defeat of monarchy and caused the newspaper closure immediately after the electoral result was formalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En el context actual de greu crisi econòmica, en l'àmbit immobiliari i urbanístic han vist la llum moltes arbitrarietats a causa de la realització de projectes il·legals o insostenibles que han inundat de desconfiança la societat. La participació ciutadana duta a terme a través del tràmit d'informació pública en el procediment d'aprovació dels plans urbanístics, és una formalitat procedimental que no ha satisfet les necessitats de democratització de l'urbanisme, però la consulta directa als ciutadans pot permetre conèixer l'opinió dels ciutadans, essencial per guiar la presa de decisions discrecionals al si de l'Administració. El referèndum és un instrument de difícil aplicació, però la consulta no referendària es presenta com una eina eficaç per satisfer els requeriments de major aprofundiment en matèria de democràcia participativa en l'urbanisme. En aquest escenari, s'analitza la consulta urbanística, amb especial atenció a l'àmbit material que pot incloure, tenint en compte la concurrència competencial entre el municipi i la Generalitat de Catalunya en la planificació urbanística, així com la presència d'interessos supramunicipals.In the current context of economic crisis, many illegal or unsustainable projects have been discovered in the sphere of urban planning. Citizen participation through public inquiry into the urban planning approval process is a procedural formality that has not satisfied the need for democratization of urban planning, but direct consultation may make the Administration aware of the opinions of the citizens, essential in guiding its discretionary decisions. Referendums are difficult to implement, but non- referendary consultations could be an effective tool to satisfy the requirements of participatory democracy in urban planning. This article analyses urban public consultation, with special attention to its aims, complicated by the overlap of competences between municipalities and the Generalitat of Catalonia in urban planning matters, as well as the presence of supra-interests.En el contexto actual de grave crisis económica, en el ámbito inmobiliario y urbanístico, han visto la luz muchas arbitrariedades por la realización de proyectos ilegales o insostenibles que han inundado de desconfianza a la sociedad. La participación ciudadana realizada a través del trámite de información pública en el procedimiento de aprobación de los planes urbanísticos, es una formalidad procedimental que no ha satisfecho las necesidades de democratización del urbanismo, pero la consulta directa a los ciudadanos puede permitir conocer la opinión de los ciudadanos, esencial para guiar la toma de decisiones discrecionales en el seno de la Administración. El referéndum es un instrumento de difícil aplicación, pero la consulta no refrendaria, se presenta como una herramienta eficaz para satisfacer los requerimientos de mayor profundización en materia de democracia participativa en el urbanismo. Con este escenario, se analiza la consulta urbanística, con especial atención al ámbito material que puede abarcar, teniendo en cuenta la concurrencia competencial entre el municipio y la Generalitat de Cataluña en la planificación urbanística, así como la presencia de intereses supramunicipales.

El objetivo del escrito es dar cuenta de la importancia que atribuyen las constituciones inspiradas en el denominado nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano a la participación popular en materia de cambios constitucionales. En esa medida el análisis se efectuará en clave comparada. Con este fin, en primer momento, se diferencia entre neoconstitucionalismo y nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano, posteriormente, se describe la influencia del nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano en los procesos de creación y reforma de las Constituciones de Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador y Bolivia. Posteriormente se dedica un capítulo a analizar el caso Ecuador, donde se da cuenta de la inconsistencia presente en términos de participación que existe entre el modelo contemplado en el texto constitucional y la práctica política y jurídica. Se termina con cinco conclusiones que muestran lo que nos falta por recorrer en el neoconstitucionalismo de la región en el tema de la verdadera participación. Especial hincapie se hace sobre cómo el inadecuado diseño constitucional ha dado como resultado una suerte de divorcio entre la parte orgánica y la parte dogmática de la Constitución del Ecuador.

La celebración en diciembre de 1976 del referéndum para aprobar la Ley para la Reforma Política, constituyó un momento fundamental en la transición hacia la democracia en España. De su éxito o fracaso dependía en gran medida el futuro de la democracia española, amenazada por la presión de sectores militares y nostálgicos del franquismo y el rechazo de una oposición todavía clandestina; y todo ello en un creciente clima de violencia y de acciones terroristas. Por ello, el gobierno de Suárez se volcó en una campaña propagandística dirigida a promover la participación y el apoyo a su iniciativa, utilizando incluso recursos próximos a la contrapropaganda.____________ABSTRACT:The celebration in December, 1976 of the referendum to approve the Ley para la Reforma Política, constituted a fundamental moment in the transition towards the democracy in Spain. On his success or failure there was depending to a great extent the future of the Spanish democracy, threatened by the pressure of military and nostalgic sectors of the Franco's regime and the rejection of a still clandestine opposition; and all this in an increasing climate of violence and of terrorist actions. For it, the government of Suárez overturned in a propaganda campaign directed to promoting the participation and the support to his initiative, using even resources near the counterpropaganda.