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Copyright of Italian Journal of Nursing (IJN) / Giornale Italiano di Infermieristica is the property of Collegio IPASVI MI-LO-MB - Ordine Professioni Infermieristiche MI-LO-MB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines DAESH's ideology, a key factor that has supported and facilitated the group’s actions for militant recruitment, territorial control, and global expansion. I will present the current state of knowledge and risk assessment, then, by using a theoretical framework rooted in constructivism and military realism, I will synthesize more recent and complex ideas related to this group through interpretations of current knowledge developments. I aim to examine the propaganda presented by DAESH and highlight in a proper, clear form the distinction between Islam and the fundamentalist ideology promoted by the terrorist group. The aim is to show that through a captivating discourse, extremist, radical entities have the ability to attract militants, and that the need remains to combat the ideas promoted by them so that recruitment through religiously based ideology by maximizing the ignorance of the target audience can no longer be feasible avenue to expand their based of supporters, or at least to be diminished so as not to be easily accomplished. The research aims to contribute to the literature by presenting the mechanisms used by DAESH, as well as presenting some strategies that can be applied by the authorities regarding the prevention of radicalization. Among the main elements identified by this study are: DAESH used a truncated message of the Qur'an to legitimize its actions, used emotionally impactful images to attract foreign Muslims to join the fighting in Syria and Iraq, and presented in a graphic and exaggerated manner their successes in the field to attract young combatants. The study has relevant implications and contributes to efforts to combat the actions of extremist-terrorist groups that claim their legitimacy from Islam.

Copyright of Archeomatica is the property of MediaGEO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Storia Urbana is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Storia Urbana is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Storia Urbana is the property of FrancoAngeli srl and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article follows the history of Iraqi Kurdistan from the achievement of regional autonomy in 1991 to the most recent protest movements, tracing the origin of a neo-patrimonial system tied to the dynastic power of the two ruling parties and outlining its current crisis. The authors analyze the popular protests that have inflamed the region since 2015 within the processes of institutional formation, social stratification, and economic transformation of the Iraqi-Kurdish region. By questioning the dominant scholarly approach, which tends to present the Kurds exclusively in ethno-national terms, the authors propose an original sociological reading with the aim of shedding light on the complexity of the social and political conflicts running through Kurdish society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution is a commented portfolio of images gathered during fieldwork in Baghdad (February 2020). It aims to provide an overview of the murals which have been concentrated on Tahrir Square since the revolution of October 2019. These murals share some iconographic topics in common with the thawra (revolution) in Syria, Tunisia, Egypt and Beirut. Nevertheless, some semantic and iconographic registers are specific to Iraq, and divided into two main categories. The first one recreates “a city within the city” (ville en abyme) through composite unrealistic images of real places known to all; the second relates to the martyrology of Shiism, with portraits of historical imams, but also of “martyrs” killed during the repression in Autumn 2019. Contrary to the well-known official iconography since the 1958 Iraqi revolution, this new figurative expression is that of a young population predominantly Shiite (due to demography in Iraq), and it stems from a cultural and political substrate prone to rebellion—that of Hussein, long repressed by power. The style is often naive, at the antipodes of the concomitant Beiruti thawra street art, although crossing with other globalized graphic codes. It constitutes a vibrant popular culture and also signals a “Shiitization” of public space. Beyond traditional divisions, it finally proves to federate, in reaction to the iconoclasm of Daesh but also to the corruption that strikes the daily life and the future of millions of citizens.

Although antibiotics are valuable drugs for treatment of certain infections, their presence in foodstuff derived from animals is a potential public health hazard. They pose a serious threat as they are implicated in direct toxicity; allergic reactions; disturbance of the normal gut microbiota, carcinogenesis, and emergence of antibioticresistant bacteria. This study investigated the occurrence of antibiotic residues in raw milk samples derived from cows and buffaloes. Samples were collected randomly from different retail outlets in Erbil city (Iraq) from January 1st to June 30th, 2019. The residues were detected by two diffusion assays against Bacillus subtilis bacteria on agar plates. The total occurrence of residues ranged from 11.9% to 13.4% of screened milk samples. No significant differences were found between milk type or location of animal rearing (urban or suburban). Regarding the seasonal variations, spring was found to be associated with gradual decrease in antibiotic residues levels in milk. Such occurrence rate of residues is alarming and require authorities to observe the quality of raw milk introduced to markets for consumption. Further evaluation of antibiotic stability period in raw milk is also necessary.

Copyright of Studi Magrebini is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The issue of the Circular Economy is not a new issue to several countries, especially the developed ones. Here in Iraq it is considered newly introduced, despite the few attempts to establish projects that concern recycling most of them were doomed to fail, due to two main reasons: the first one is the financial and administrative corruption widespread in all departments of the country, the second one is the priorities of public spending. It is well known that Iraq was subjected to two major attacks, the ISIS entry attack in 2014 to Iraq. ISIS occupied about a third of Iraqi lands which resulted in a collapse in oil prices, as Iraq depends almost entirely on oil revenues in its budget which is the second attack. This made the Iraqi governments point public spending towards the priority of preserving national security and liberating Iraqi lands. Therefore, the circular economy project proposals were not considered a priority under these circumstances.

The situation of Christians in Iraq and Syria has been problematic for many years. The article first deals with the issues of social tensions caused by religious diversity. The repercussions of these conflicts are presented, with an emphasis on the problems of immigration from regions affected by the war. The article then describes the forms of aid provided in Iraq and Syria, with an emphasis on medical and humanitarian aid. The work also includes reports from these places and outlines the problems of Christian clergy in persecuted communities.

Copyright of Italian Journal of Nursing (IJN) / Giornale Italiano di Infermieristica is the property of Collegio IPASVI MI-LO-MB - Ordine Professioni Infermieristiche MI-LO-MB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The presence of antibiotic residues in beef is considered a serious threat to public health. This study aimed to detect antibiotic residues in raw beef and the impact of low and high temperature treatments on residues persistence. A total of 250 sampleswere collected from retail markets in Erbil city (Iraq) and analyzed microbiologically in plates pre-inoculated with Bacillus subtilis. The overall occurrence of antibiotics residues was (10.8%).The highest rate was detected in January (16.7%). Cooking for thirty minutes completely deactivate antibiotic residues against the challenged bacterium. In conclusion, the presence of antibiotic residues in beef samples in Erbil city was high and their persistence is markedly reduced by cooking.

El presente artículo narra el origen del Tribunal de Bruselas sobre Irak, constituido en Abril de 2004 con el objetivo de denunciar la política imperialista norteamericana, y en particular la decisión ilegal e ilegítima de emprender la guerra contra Irak, intelectualmente respaldada por el Project for the New American Century (Proyecto para el nuevo siglo americano), un grupo de pensamiento convencido de que los Estados Unidos tienen que asumir hasta sus últimas consecuencias el hecho de ser la única superpotencia mundial, a la que le corresponde prever las crisis y responder a las amenazas antes de que se produzcan. Houtart detalla las principales conclusiones del Tribunal de Bruselas, todas ellas derivadas de los citados planteamientos ideológicos. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- This essay tells the origin of the Brussells Tribunal (April 2004), constituted with the aim to criticize the Northamerican imperialist policy, particularly the decision to start the war against Irak. Houtart underlines the relevance of the Project for the New American Century, a group based on the idea that United States has to act as a leader answering the dangers befores it may produce. The author precises the main conclusions of the Brussells Tribunal, all of them in relation with the consequences of the new Pax americana.

In the 80s of the last century the Italian photography, like other art forms, reflected the political, economic and cultural changes of the Nation. It was the time of a new documentary photography that investigated the transformation of the urban areas. Within this process the landscape was the subject of a new interpretation. In 2013 this process of documentation was worked out again, but in a modern way, by Antonio Ottomanelli. In his project "Collateral Landscape", he took pictures in different cities of the world such as Kabul, Baghdad, Sadr City, Herat, Dokan, New York, Gaza City. Distant places and only apparently different from each other. In fact, all of them have been destroyed by war or, in the case of New York, have been target of a terrorist attack.

The volume concludes with the play The Sign by Atyaf Rasheed who lives and works in Baghdad. The Sign features three characters, all without name or gender. At the center of the plot is a mystery surrounding a little girl (again anonymous) and her fate after an explosion. The First Character claims to have seen her and describes the state of being while searching for the girl: "As if it were a nightmare in a long night that does not want to end, I ran in every direction where corpses fell like emaciated birds, and the eyes of those saved were like balls of timbers, red." Upon further probing by the Second Character if the First Character actually found the girl, the latter responds "No. Something strong and sharp hit my head – I do not know, I was screaming – I held my head and then…" After that the play blurs all lines between reality and fiction, the reader has no idea what actually happened. Rasheed's piece of poetic theater is a brilliant metaphor for the state of being of a traumatized individual. When it comes to analyzing trauma in creative expressions, the sign (on the surface) is non-referential – what you see is not what you get.

The recent revolutions in the Arab countries have once again attracted the attention to a geographic area generally seen by the «Western world» with suspicion and distrust. But before Tunisia, Egypt, Libya or Syria, in 2003, the war in Iraq was considered the most important media conflict of the history. This invasion had apparently a live coverage by thousands of media posted there. In Spain, five women covered the invasion for the public television, TVE. Did they pay especial attention to women in their articles? Did they present different patterns comparing with the job of their male counterparts? To sum up: how «gendered» was their coverage?

Las recientes revoluciones en los países árabes han vuelto a poner de actualidad un área geográfica que en los últimos tiempos ha sido vista por el autodenominado «mundo occidental» con recelo y desconfianza. Pero antes de Túnez, Egipto, Libia o Siria, en el año 2003 asistimos al que es considerado el conflicto armado más mediático de la historia: la Guerra de Iraq. Su preludio, la invasión, fue seguido teóricamente «en directo» por miles de medios de comunicación allí desplazados. En España, frente a la aplastante mayoría de periodistas masculinos, cinco mujeres cubrieron la invasión para la televisión pública, TVE. Saber si lo hicieron de una manera diferenciada y si prestaron atención específica a las mujeres como actores de sus piezas (en suma, si ofrecieron una visión «generizada» del mes y medio de campaña) es el objetivo de este artículo.

New security threat appeared after the Cold War: expanding of instability became a real danger because of ruined countries which cannot control their own territory. Developing a country is a more demanding work than developing public institutions; that requires creating political, economic and military conditions for keeping permanent peace. Political analysts cannot agree on the issue related to internationally sponsored developing of countries; some call it neocolonialism, while the others say that process of developing the country is necessary not only because of security but also because of humanitarian reasons. Two typical examples of developing the country are Kosovo and Iraq – both went through the war and destroying authorities. UN took over the main role in Kosovo, while the USA took over the process of developing the country in Iraq. In this paper analysis of developing the country in Iraq and Kosovo served for showing differences in UN approach from one side and the USA approach from the other side.

Il lavoro esamina l'origine ed il funzionamento della Commissione di Compensazione delle Nazioni Unite, creata nel 1991 al fine di risarcire i danni causati dall'invasione del Kuwait da parte dell'Iraq, con particolare riferimento ai danni di natura ambientale. In particolare, vengono esaminati la base giuridica della creazione della Commissione e della responsabilità riconosciuta in capo all'Iraq, il nesso di causalità utilizzato nonché le tipologie di danno ambientale risarcito. / 𝑇ℎ𝑖𝑠 𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑙𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑎𝑙𝑠 𝑤𝑖𝑡ℎ 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑜𝑟𝑖𝑔𝑖𝑛 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑓𝑢𝑛𝑐𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑈𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑑 𝑁𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑠 𝐶𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝐶𝑜𝑚𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛, 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑡𝑒𝑑 𝑖𝑛 1991 𝑤𝑖𝑡ℎ 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑎𝑖𝑚 𝑡𝑜 𝑐𝑜𝑚𝑝𝑒𝑛𝑠𝑎𝑡𝑒 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑠 𝑐𝑎𝑢𝑠𝑒𝑑 𝑏𝑦 𝐾𝑢𝑤𝑎𝑖𝑡 𝑖𝑛𝑣𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑜𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡 𝑜𝑓 𝐼𝑟𝑎𝑞. 𝑀𝑜𝑟𝑒 𝑝𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑖𝑠𝑒𝑙𝑦, 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑎𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑦𝑠𝑖𝑠 𝑖𝑠 𝑓𝑜𝑐𝑢𝑠𝑒𝑑 𝑜𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑎𝑙 𝑏𝑎𝑠𝑖𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑐𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐶𝑜𝑚𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑝𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑏𝑖𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑦 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑔𝑛𝑖𝑧𝑒𝑑 𝑢𝑝𝑜𝑛 𝐼𝑟𝑎𝑞, 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑐𝑎𝑢𝑠𝑎𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑦 𝑛𝑒𝑥𝑢𝑠 𝑢𝑠𝑒𝑑 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑡𝑦𝑝𝑒 𝑜𝑓 𝑒𝑛𝑣𝑖𝑟𝑜𝑛𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑎𝑚𝑎𝑔𝑒 𝑖𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑚𝑛𝑖𝑓𝑖𝑒𝑑.

Ridley Scott’s Kingdom of Heaven (2005) certainly invites a reading along the lines of historicist cultural criticism. The final intertitle (and final shot of the film) refers to an “uneasy truce,” which implicitly extended to the film and its more critical reviewers. Despite statements to the contrary, Bush has been widely viewed as advancing U.S. imperialism in more naked form. A number of reviewers and Scott himself have connected the dots between Bush’s reference to a “crusade” against terrorism just after 9/11 and Scott’s film. But understanding the film and its paratexts as relayed between two uncannily double DVDs means that historicism and film and media theory in its cultural studies version cannot escape the trauma which the film and the historicist film critic want to make symbolic and narratable. The film’s uncanny epitexts and delayed delivery, potentially accelerating the speed of reviewing, and collapsing old and new, mechanical and human, oscillate without a telos between cinematic (re)inscriptions and their framing ex-scriptions.

Copyright of Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali is the property of Edizioni Studium S.r.l and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El nuevo movimiento de mujeres en Iraq gravita entre la acomodación y la resistencia al proyecto nacional surgido tras el derrocamiento del régimen de Saddan Husayn y a las políticas de género del nuevo gobierno. Este artículo pretende exponer las dificultades que entraña el desarrollo de un movimiento de mujeres independiente dentro de la nueva sociedad civil que tan activamente ha sido fomentada durante el proceso de "reconstrucción" del Estado, haciendo una parada en la trayectoria de la Organización de la Libertad de las Mujeres en Iraq (OLMI), cuya aguda crítica al patriarcado y al nuevo orden político les han consagrado como unos de los elementos que más resistencia oponen al actual modelo de nación. The new women's movement in Iraq fluctuates between different degrees of accommodation and resistance to the national project and its gender construction after the overthrow the Saddam Husayn´s regime. This article shows the difficulties in developing an independent women's movement within the new civil society that has been so actively promoted during the "reconstruction" of the state by focusing on the Organization of Women's Freedom in Iraq (OWFI), whose sharp critique of patriarchy and the new political order are two of the mayor elements that oppose resistance to the current national model.

At the beginning of the 70's, as a result of the nationalization of the Iraq Petroleum Company, which until then had been owned by some of the largest oil companies in the world, Iraq fulfi lled the long standing dream of controlling its own oil resources and developing an independent national oil industry. The nationalization of the Iraqi oil supplies was part of a larger question, which involved the overall control of the basic decisions concerning the exploitation of the Middle East Countries' oil resources and which resulted – as is known - in the energy crises of 1973 and 1979, with sharp increases in oil prices and production cutbacks. In view of the growing role of the national oil companies in the producing States, Italian State-owned company ENI (Ente Nazionale Idrocarburi) called for a basic policy in which national oil companies would have assumed positions of increasing commitment and responsibility with regard to energy imports. ENI's strategy aimed at concluding agreements with producing Countries in order to provide goods and services in exchange of large quantities of crude oil, so as to bring about an adjustment of the balance of trade and to contribute to local economic development as well. The article, which is based on primary source, mainly on ENI's archival materials, argues that ENI's «oil-for-goods» policy was successfully followed up in Iraq, where the Italian company obtained major contracts covering a variety of important projects in construction, industry, agriculture, housing, public works and training program, so much so that Iraq played a crucial role in ENI's oil strategy during the 70's. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses one of the most radical examples in the contemporary terrorism - the campaign of Al-Qaeda in Iraq since the 2003 invasion by the US-led coalition. Once specified the role of Al-Qaeda in Iraq within the Iraqi insurgency, the text offers an explanation of its development and strengthening up to the first half of 2008 - by indentifying its political objective, its capacity of exploiting specific political and social opportunities after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, its strategy and tactics, with special reference to the heavy resort to terrorist attacks. On this basis, it is underlined the fact that Al-Qaeda in Iraq is part of the transnational network of Al-Qaeda because of at least three features: the struggle for the liberation of Muslim countries from the occupation of the US and its allies; a revolutionary campaign against the secular regimes which govern the Islamic world and, conjointly, a vigilant action in opposition to the growing power of the Shiites; e, finally, a systematic use of the most extreme methods of asymmetric warfare, in particular the indiscriminate suicide attacks on civilians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, new 'cases' have occurred that can be analysed for studying the theory of the just war. This theory is invoked increasingly to justify military interventions, thus becoming increasingly comprehensive. Michael Walzer is a thinker whose well-known work Just and Unjust Wars (1977) contributed decisively to rejuvenating the reasoning behind this ancient tradition, focusing on its most important elements, possibilities and weaknesses and building a framework that grants war the status of an issue of normative ethics. The American social critic has also written another book about war, Arguing About War (2004), in which he further develops its theory, applying it to all the different cases that have taken place since the Gulf War (1991), including the one still under way in Iraq. The crucial point is that, besides the jus ad bellum (which deals with the decision to go to war) and the jus in bello (which deals with the conduct of battles), which were both tackled in Just and Unjust War, he explains the concept of jus post bellum, i.e. justice after the war. In addition to these arguments advanced by Walzer, one more criterion is added in the book's critical review: a fundamental jus ante bellum, by which war may be understood in its key elements and 'immanently criticised', as it always happens in normative thought. This criterion considers the conduct of actors before the conflict, or the ways and means whereby politicians can(not) wage war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]