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The article aims to provide an overview of the fundamental ideas in Indonesian national political settings, as well as their significance in solidifying the four pillars of Indonesian identity. Based on a library study of the works of two great Indonesian Ulama, Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani and Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari, which were later analyzed using the content analysis method, the results revealed that the theological principles of the masters' actions in both the Qur'an and the hadith remained the basis of obedience, unity, brotherhood, and solidarity. Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani generally supports components of national commitment, conservation, and natural resource management in the political Islamic framework, and he does not oppose the concept of truth. While Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari emphasized characteristics of government management such as leadership maturity, unity, and brotherhood, which resulted in the formation of the four national pillars as a consensus among the nation's citizens.

The disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) in 2017 marked a significant shift in the dynamics of Islamist movements within Indonesia’s political landscape. Although officially banned, the HTI continued to operate in the shadows, employing various camouflage methods. This article analyzes how political dynamics led HTI to its outlawed status and how it adapted in pursuit of its goals amidst the challenges faced. By adopting a political opportunity structure and Islamist ideology as the theoretical framework with the case study as the method, this study scrutinizes HTI’s post-disbandment endeavors at the national level and delves deeper into cases in West Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java. The primary findings of this study reveal that the disbandment of HTI reflected the peak of incongruence between the anti-system ideology they embraced and Indonesia’s political structure. HTI’s ideological drive to exploit electoral events in 2016-2017 eventually put them at a threshold that the ruling authority perceives as a severe threat. HTI struggled to maintain its movement, mixing overt and covert operations, and facing significant pressures and constraints. Its strength is rooted in an Islamist ideology that integrates political and religious beliefs, supported by a disciplined structure. This resilience, seen as adaptive resistance, leverages tactical ingenuity and militancy in response to external pressures and the socio-cultural context in which they operate. Nevertheless, the disbandment has rendered it nearly impossible for HTI to reestablish its expansion in Indonesia’s political arena.

This article examines how Islam and Indonesia's constitution interact. It shows Islam's complicated relationship with politics. It intends to analyze and investigate how religious beliefs and values influence political discourse and decision-making in various circumstances. It is hoped to shed new light on this critical and often controversial topic and help us comprehend the forces that influence our world by exploring Islam in modern political debates and conversations. Therefore, this article discusses the challenges between religious freedom and democracy in Indonesia. It also presents a detailed and analytical examination of the complicated and multi-faceted question of the future of Islam and constitutionalism in Indonesia, a country with a rich history and diverse culture. The finding of this study shows that political Islam and constitutional ideas affect Indonesia's political and social situation. Then this article seeks to illuminate Indonesia's future difficulties, possibilities, and outcomes through critical study.

Arab spring memberikan pengaruh signifikan terhadap keadaan sosial dan politik di Libya era Muammar Khadafi. Jumlah pengangguran meningkat dan kegiatan bisnis wiraswasta mengalami kesulitan sehingga berdampak terhadap gejolak politik di wilayah tersebut. Tujuan penelitian dalam artikel ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan masa kedatangan Islam hingga Kemerdekaan di negara Libya, menganalisis gejolak politik era Muammar Khadafi hingga era Arab Spring. Prosedur metode penelitian sejarah memiliki empat tahapan, yaitu heuristik; kritik sumber atau verifikasi; interpretasi atau eksplanasi dan terakhir penulisan sejarah atau historiografi. Hasil penelitian dalam artikel ini, yaitu: Pertama, Negara Libya adalah negara bagian Afrika Utara dengan sistem berbasis Islam, wilayah ini sebelum kedatangan Islam pernah dikuasai oleh Kerajaan Byzantium (Kristen). Secara historis, penduduk Libya menganut mayoritas Islam. Selanjutnya, pada dinamika Politik Libya Pra Arab Spring telah mengantarkan sejarah baru dalam perpolitikan Libya. Sejeak Muammar Khadafi membentuk sistem politiknya sendiri dengan Dewan Komando Revolusi (militer) berperan penting dalam penyusunan kebijakan dan konstitusi negara. Setelah rezim Khadafi berakhir, dinamika politik di Libya membawa perubahan yang signifikan. Terakhir, krisis Politik di Libya memang terjadi secara penuh ketika Arab Spring terjadi Jazirah Arab dan masuk ke wilayah Libya sehingga menjadi negara mengalami kekacauan secara politik sehingga mempengaruhi distablisasi negara dan berakibat kepada kemerosotan sosial di negara tersebut. Muammar Khadafi dianggap dikator dan otoriter dalam kebijakan negaranya yang berdampak negatif terhadap sosial masyarakat Libya. Akibatnya masyarakat melakukan gejolak terhadap negara tersebut dengan menuntut agar Muammar Khadafi turun dari jabatannya. The Arab Spring had a significant impact on the social and political situation in Muammar Khadafi's Libya. The number of unemployed people increased and self-employed business activities experienced difficulties, which had an impact on political turmoil in the region. The research objectives in this article are to describe the arrival of Islam to Independence in the country of Libya, analyzing the political turmoil of the Muammar Khadafi era to the Arab Spring era. The historical research method procedure has four stages, namely heuristics; source criticism or verification; interpretation or explanation and finally historical writing or historiography. The results of the research in this article, namely: First, the State of Libya is a North African state with an Islamic-based system, this region before the arrival of Islam was once controlled by the Byzantine (Christian) Empire. Historically, the Libyan population adheres to the majority of Islam. Furthermore, the political dynamics of Libya before the Arab Spring has ushered in a new history in Libyan politics. Historically, Muammar Khadafi formed his own political system with the Revolutionary Command Council (military) playing an important role in drafting state policies and constitutions. After Khadafi's regime ended, the political dynamics in Libya brought significant changes. Finally, the political crisis in Libya did occur in full when the Arab Spring occurred in the Arabian Peninsula and entered the Libyan region so that the country experienced political chaos that affected the destabilization of the country and resulted in social decline in the country. Muammar Khadafi was considered a dictator and authoritarian in his state policies that negatively affected the social of Libyan society. As a result, the people made turmoil against the country by demanding that Muammar Khadafi step down from his position.

After the 1998 reformation era, PKB becomes one of the parties that gained a good reputation. Interestingly, unlike NU in the 1940s to 1970s, when it actively took a part in electoral politics by carrying out the agenda of formalizing Islam, PKB sought to synthesize the value of Islam and Indonesia in the context of a pluralistic state and pay attention to secular issues such as political education. In Probolinggo, the issue of political education became one of the post-reform political issues. This paper aims to formulate political education as designed in PKB's political program, as well as the changing of the political Islam articulation after the reformation. To get accurate data and results, a political sociology approach was used to understand political education within the PKB platform, and to measure the extent to which the ideational formulation is capable of being implemented at the practical and local levels in Probolinggo. The data obtained were analyzed in three contexts; the context of social and political configuration in Probolinggo, the context of political transformation in NU, and the context of the articulation change of post-reform political Islam. The results concluded that PKB political education in Probolinggo faced several constraints, both structural and non-structural, while the relevance was to provide contextualization of the reformation at the national level, marking a shift in NU's political paradigm, as well as the transformation of post-New Order political Islam.

The study attempts to uncover the making of Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism responses in the modern history of Indonesia. It argues that Islamist-inspired terrorism and its counter-terrorism have been inextricably linked in complex ways within political and historical contexts. Instead of regarding Islamist-inspired terrorism and counter-terrorism as separated and unrelated entities, or perceiving the latter as just response to the former, it suggests that they have been intertwined and shaped each other throughout Indonesia’s modern history. By discussing Islamist-inspired terrorism in the three Indonesian historical periods, namely the resurgence of Darul Islam during 1940-60s, the re-emergence of Darul Islam networks and its series of terrorist attacks in 1980s, and the Jemaah Islamiyah-related terrorist activities in the 2000s as illustrative cases, the study has delineated the ways in which Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism have been bound up within particular political, historical, and sociological context. In addition to that, the study also reveals that both Islamist-inspired terrorism and its state-led counter-terrorism have been shaped by the dynamic interplay of local, national, and global contexts.

This study explains the role and strategy of Malaysia during Mahathir Mohammad era and Indonesia in the Soeharto era in facing their Islamists group opposition. In their early period, these two regimes used an iron cage to defeat their political enemies. Mahathir fought with the power of PAS (Parti Al-Islam Se-Malaysia) which becomes more radical in the early of 1980s; meanwhile, Suharto faced the Islamic extremist groups in the early of 1970s. Mahathir consisted to give enough spaces for competition, Suharto did not want to compromise. In its progress, these two regimes chose softer strategy by playing 'Islamic cards’ due to the double purposes: coopting the opposite and building a better image as an Islamic regime. Hence, the political project of Islamization of Mahathir and Soeharto could not be separated from the problem of domestic political contestation and an effort to look for new legitimacy. Thereby, their Islamic political projects ended differently. Due to the monetary crisis and democratic reforms in 1998 affected the Soeharto regime to step down and make an end to all of the political projects he has designed. On the contrary, the Mahathir regime has successfully survived in facing the similar crisis, so that his pro-Islamic policy has passed off although not as aggressive as in the past.

Politic has been defined simply by Harold Laswell as who gets what, when, how? Many people say that politic is synonymous with power. The "power" is the ability of a group to influence other groups according to the subject wishes. Furthermore, the political experts see the power as a political core and also assume that politic is all a matter of fight and maintain activities power. It has a purpose related to the interests of the entire community. On the other hand mentioned that politic is the process of formation and distribution of a power in society such as decision-making process, particularly in countries. This understanding is the incorporation effort between many different definitions of the political nature which is known in political science. Politic is the art and science to gain power constitutionally and unconstitutionally. Principally political Islam is to actualize Islamic law as the supreme source of law in the national legal order. All laws and regulations applicable in a country should refer to the highest legal source Shari'a. If there is any conflict with the shari‟a, then it is automatically canceled regulations. Politics that do not have a mission like this can not be classified as political Islam.

This article discusses Masyumi’s response towards pluralism, particularly about the political diversity in the first fifteen years of Indonesia independent era. As the largest Islamic party in Indonesian history, Masyumi was well known by many as the champion of democracy and one of the essential elements in the nationalist movement. However, regarding pluralism, for some, Masyumi positive attitude on this matter has been doubtful, regarding this party as the guru of intolerance for some contemporary Islamic organisations. By exploring the ideals and practical aspects of this party, this article wants to show the nature of Masyumi’s view and attitude in answering political diversity that in the long run indicates the real position of this party in pluralism in politics. The discussion indicates that despite some weaknesses in undergoing the spirit of honouring diversity, in particular when dealing with the communists, Masyumi, in general, had proven its position as one of the essential elements in Indonesian political history that in many ways eager to develop and maintain the spirit of pluralism. [Tulisan ini mendiskusikan perihal respons Masyumi terhadap pluralisme, khususnya terkait dengan politik keragaman dalam rentang limabelas tahun setelah Indonesia merdeka. Sebagai partai Islam terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia, Masyumi dikenal luas sebagai terdepan dalam praktik demokrasi dan pemain penting dalam gerakan nasionalisme. Meskipun demikian, bagi sebagian orang, respons positif Masyumi terhadap isu pluralisme tetap diragukan mengingat partai ini dianggap sebagai model intoleransi bagi organisasi Islam dewasa ini. Tulisan ini ingin menunjukkan bahwa pandangan dan sikap Masyumi dalam menjawab keragaman politik mengindikasikan posisinya yang jelas dalam pluralisme politik. Walaupun ada dukungan lemah terhadap semangat keragaman, khususnya terkait dengan kelompok komunis, secara umum Masyumi membuktikan dirinya sebagai elemen penting dalam sejarah politik Indonesia dengan berbagai cara dalam membangun dan mempertahankan semangat pluralisme. ]

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This article discusses two faces of Islam, political and cultural, which have developed throughout the Muslim world, including in Indonesia. It argues that political Islam has two faces and both of which, although represented by two different groups, have the same agendas, i.e., the application by the state of shari’a, and also the establishment of Islamic state. Arguing that political Islam has brought about radicalism, the article proposes that the other face of Islam, that is cultural Islam, should be maintained and empowered.

Copyright of Studia Islamika is the property of Center for the Study of Islam & Society of UIN Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)