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One of the aspects that caracterizes the period of the so-called Dominate (Dominatus) or Absolute Monarchy is the fact that the imperial power makes use of religion to legitimize itself. From another perspective, changes in the organization of the Imperial Chancery took place that reflect the reality of an absolute monarchy of divine right supported by a complex bureaucracy and a strong army, with important impact on the tax system. An exponential price increase characterizes the crisis of the 3rd century AD from Aurelian onwards and justifies Diocletian's despotism on economic issues. Characteristic of this epoch is an Imperial Government formed by several Emperors at the same time. A system of Imperial Tetrarchy was thus established. The radical change in the imperial policy concerning Christianity took place under Emperor Constantine. After the Milan Agreement (313 AD), Constantine assumed himself more and more as the protector of the Church, collaborating with the Bishops in their fight against heresy and legislating favourably towards Christianity. The definitive division of the Empire into two took place after the death of Emperor Theodosius I, Augustus in the East between 379 and 394 AD, only Emperor in 394/395 AD, with two Emperors, one in the Eastern Roman Empire, the other in the Western Roman Empire. The so-called Barbarian Invasions, that is, the assault of several Germanic tribes and tribal groups on Roman territory in the 5th century has caused the fall of the Western Roman Empire. Yet the Eastern Half of the Empire continued to exist. In the 5th century the Western Roman State underwent a gradual disintegration. The conclusion of foedera, that is, treaties with Non-Roman Barbarian Groups which contained a right to settle on the territory of the Roman Empire, were instruments of power, to which the weakened Roman Emperors resorted in order to be able to continue to assert their claim to sovereignty over the territory of the Roman Empire. For other reasons, too, the authority of the Roman emperors came under scrutiny. The spread of the so-called patronage in both the Eastern and Western Roman Empires means, for example, that prominent personalities such as imperial officials and large landowners maintain private armies (e.g.: buccellarii) that act in their own interest and are not in the service of the common good. Especially after the reign of Majorian (457-461 AD), the disintegration of the Western Roman State could no longer be stopped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Die Himmelfahrt ist ein Politikum – zumindest in der griechisch-römischen Umwelt der Apostelgeschichte, besonders, wenn man sie im Kontext der römischen Kaiserapotheose betrachtet. Der Beitrag richtet den Fokus auf die Funktion, die der Himmelfahrt im religionsgeschichtlichen Vergleich mit der Apotheose des Augustus – unter Berücksichtigung historiographischer, epigraphischer und numismatischer Zeugnisse – zukommt. Er verfolgt die These, dass Lukas eine medial verbreitete Apotheosevorstellung nutzt, um seinen griechisch-römischen Adressaten die universalisierte und fortdauernde Präsenz Jesu zu vermitteln. Ohne in eine direkte politische Opposition gegenüber der römischen Herrschaftsrepräsentation zu treten, entwirft er so ein theologisches Gegenbild. Indem Lukas nicht nur griechisch-römische, sondern auch jüdische Traditionen aufnimmt, bietet er unterschiedlichen Adressaten Verstehensmöglichkeiten und vermittelt zugleich die spezifische Neuheit und Eigenart der Präsenz Christi. The ascension is a political issue – at least in the Greco-Roman setting of Acts, especially when viewed in the context of the apotheosis of the Roman Emperors. Focusing on the function of the ascension in comparison with the apotheosis of Augustus – considering the historiographic, epigraphic, and numismatic evidence –, this article argues that Luke used the medially spread concept of apotheosis to communicate to his Greco-Roman addressees the notion of Jesus's continuing, universalized presence. Without intending to oppose Roman imperial ideology directly, he thus offered a theological counter-image. By taking up not only Greco-Roman, but also Jewish traditions, Luke made his account comprehensible for different addressees, while also transmitting the specific novelty and quality of Christ's presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Tod des Ptolemaios von Mauretanien im frühen 1. Jahrhundert n. Chr. erscheint auch heute noch rätselhaft. In dieser Untersuchung soll daher neues Licht auf ein vieldiskutiertes Thema geworfen werden. Dabei wird insbesondere eine Passage in Suetons Schrift über den römischen Kaiser Caligula in den Blick genommen, der für den Tod des Ptolomaios verantwortlich gewesen sein soll. Dort wird berichtet, dass Caligula den mauretanischen König habe ermorden lassen, da dieser in einer purpurnen abolla in Rom erschienen sein und somit den Kaiser öffentlich brüskiert haben soll. In der Analyse der schriftlichen Quellen wird deutlich, dass es sich bei der abolla um eine typische Tracht hellenistisch geprägter Herrscher handelte, die von der römischen Gesellschaft als fremd konnotiert wurde. Die prestigeträchtige Farbe des Purpurs stellte eine zusätzliche Komponente einer traditionellen monarchischen Selbstdarstellung dar, die von Ptolemaios als König von Mauretanien auch so zu erwarten gewesen sein muss. Doch zeigt es sich, dass das Auftreten des Ptolemaios von Caligula vor dem Hintergrund der Spannungen der Gaetulicus-Lepidus-Verschwörung und der selbst gewählten Herrschaftskonzeption des princeps – einer expressiven Repräsentation des eigenen Ranges – missverstanden wurde. Dies führte schließlich zur drastischen Reaktion des Kaisers. Summary: The death of Ptolemy of Mauretania in the early 1st century AD remains a mystery to this day. Therefore, this study aims to shed new light on a much-discussed topic. Intending to do so, a passage from Sueton's book on the Roman emperor Caligula will be taken into account, who is believed to be responsible for Ptolemy's death. In this book, it is reported that Caligula himself ordered his assassination, because of Ptolemy's appearance in Rome, allegedly wearing a purple abolla, which is said to have publicly affronted the emperor. The analysis of written sources illustrates that the abolla is a typical costume of Hellenistic-shaped rulers, which was connoted as alien by Roman society. The prestigious colour of purple displays another component of traditional monarchic self-staging, which Ptolemy, being the king of Mauretania, made use of, which must have been expected anyways. However, it shows that Ptolemy's appearance was misunderstood by Caligula, which may have occurred in the light of the conspiracy led by Gaetulicus and Lepidus and because of the princeps's chosen conception of rulership, manifesting as an expressive representation of his own rank. Eventually, this led to the emperor's drastic reaction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has two objectives. Firstly, based on Philostorgius' (HE XII,13) claims that the army of Theodosius II crossed Pannonia and Illyricum during the campaign in 424. against the usurper John. This unusually long route to Dalmatia will be examined and considered. In the scientific literature, information can sometimes be found that Galla Placidia had sojourned in the palace of the former Roman Emperor Diocletian in Split during the winter of 424/425. These data lead to the second goal of this paper, namely, to examine possible evidence for such an assertion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Hammerstein Castle, which is located on the lower reaches of the Middle Rhine, is one of the few castles anywhere on the Rhine whose existence was already documented in the early 11th century. By the time that it was besieged by the Holy Roman Emperor Henry II in 1120, it was clearly already a stronghold to be reckoned with, and one that even imperial forces were unable to take by storm and could bring under their control only by starving the garrison for months. Its owner at that time, Count Otto von Hammerstein, is mentioned in documents as early as 1002, which makes it seem likely that the castle was already in existence at the turn of the millennium. From 1020 to 1374, the castle remained in the hands of the Emperor, and for a time was used as a state prison, a repository for the imperial regalia and an administrative centre. In 1374, the Emperor transferred the fief to the Archbishop of Trier, who -- after it had been occupied by enemy forces during the Thirty Years War -- had it razed to the ground in 1654 to prevent any repetition. Since then, Hammerstein Castle has been a ruin, whose survival was further jeopardised by the removal of stone over subsequent centuries. Today, consequently, it is a fairly inconspicuous feature of the landscape, although some parts of the formerly very large complex (around 130 m long, parallel to the river) are still in existence, including extensive stretches of the curtain wall. For a long time now, the interior of the castle has consisted of nothing more than rubble covered with earth, with little to hint at its architectural structure. In order to gain at least some conception of the internal structure and architectural layout, extensive expert excavation would be required. In recent decades, particularly in the 1990s, the private owners have undertaken reconstruction and building projects in various parts of the castle (the gateway and the curtain wall on the east side, known as the Barbarossa Wall, for example). Not all of these projects have been executed with the benefit of expert advice or appropriately documented. This further complicates the already difficult task of interpreting the castle's development, particularly with regard to the more than 280 m long curtain wall. Particularly characteristic of Hammerstein Castle are the stretches of wall faced with basalt blocks around its northern half. It is not yet clear whether any of the remains date from the earliest phase, i.e. from the 11th century, and if so, which. Documents indicate that a major repair project began in 1071. The few above-ground remains of the almost square central part of the castle likewise include basalt blocks. As yet, there is no known basis for ascertaining the chronology of the complex, for example in the form of dendrodating. In the absence of a qualified archaeological survey, therefore, any precise statement about this must remain hypothetical at present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Especially in regard to the multitude of depictions on coins and medallions referring to the history of Rome in the early 140s, the omission of corresponding depictions in the year 147/148, when Rome's birthday was celebrated for the 900th time, is remarkable. Instead of referring to this important event, the coins and medallions of Antoninus Pius present themselves entirely under the sign of his decennalia. Apparently, the reference to the anniversary of the reign was considered more important than Rome's birthday. Reasons for this decision could have been problems of acceptance, which are only hinted at in the literary sources, which are consistently friendly to Antoninus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses the question why the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire did not fall in the seventh and eighth centuries, although it was exposed to similar threats and structural problems as the Western Roman Empire in the fifth century. To explain this phenomenon, the arguments that John Haldon put forward several years ago are taken up and supplemented by a further aspect that seems to have played a relevant role: apparently, a new definition of Roman identity (Romanness) had been developed in the East between the late fifth and the late sixth centuries. It caused the Eastern Roman population to remain loyal to the emperors during the crucial period of the seventh and eighth centuries and was able to face the challenges despite the heaviest burdens it was confronted with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyses and compares two italian librettos written in the 1st half of the 18th century: Agostino Piovene' libretto of the opera Porsena, performed in Venice during the carnival seasons of 1712 and 1713; and the libretto by Pietro Pariati written for the festa teatrale Costanza e Fortezza, performed in Prague in 1723 at the coronation of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles VI as King of Bohemia. Both librettos are inspired by historical events documented by the Roman historian Livy (59 BC - AD 17), recounting the overthrow of the last Tarquin king and the subsequent siege of Rome by Porsenna who tried to help restore the Tarquin dynasty and, according to Livy, failed to do so. Before arriving at the Vienna court in 1714, Pariati lived in Venice and thus was probably familiar with Piovene's libretto. The paper argues that the differences between the two librettos are caused also by the fact that Pariati in his Costanza e Fortezza from 1723 adapted the characters as well as the overall tone of certain episodes to serve the current dynastic and political interests of Charles VI. The paper is based on the close reading of selected character lines, the main points of comparison being the characters and their portrayal, as well as different adaptations of particular episodes in both librettos. The most apparent differences between the two adaptations are understandably caused by the different genres (Piovene's dramma per musica being an opera seria, while Pariati's festa teatrale was rather a form of courtly entertainment written in celebration of a ruler). The deeper and more fundamental difference, though, lies in Pariati's implicit defence of the Pragmatic Sanction expressed through allegorical nuances in the dialogue. One of the key differences, which upholds Charles VI's politics, is the Romans' adamant refusal of peace secured through marriage between the enemies of Rome and Roman girls in Costanza e Fortezza; while in Piovene's story, the Romans are willing to negotiate with their enemies about a marriage offer. The other key difference, perhaps surprising in the context of the Habsburg rule, is the Costanza e Fortezza's greater emphasis on the concept of republican freedom that the Romans gained in opposition to the tyranny of the Tarquin dynasty. The paper will explain the particular emphasis on these themes in Pariati's work, in light of the political situation in which it was written. The paper builds upon the authors previous study The Giovanni Bononcini's Opera Muzio Scevola (1710) and the Johann Joseph Fux' Festa teatrale Costanza e Fortezza (1723). From a Music Dramma to an Allegory published in 2018 in the Supplementum to the journal Musicologica Brunensia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The gigantic fortified palace compound of the Roman Emperor Diocletian in Spoleto/Split on the Adriatic coast in Dalmatia took only about 10 years to build. It had already been in existence for more than 930 years when Emperor Frederick II began to build the Castello dell' Imperatore in Prato, not far from Florence, in 1237. The Hohenstaufen emperor had never set eyes on the famous Roman palace in Split, but he is likely to have been aware of it through the intermediary of his praepositus aedificorum, Riccardo da Lentini. The design of the castle in Prato, which was never completed, gives the impression of having been influenced by the palace in Split. An analysis of the main gateway in Prato suggests a measure of imitation of the Protyron at Spoleto. This magnificent part of the palace there comprises four enormous porphyry columns with attic bases and composite capitals. These bear a triangular pediment with a console frieze, the middle of which forms a Syrian arch. In Prato there is too little space at the site of the castle for any influence of the Protyron in Split to be directly apparent in terms of its dimensions. Two different masons/sculptors clearly worked on the gateways in Prato, one of whom was still in thrall to Roman art. The other, who may possibly have been a young Niccolò Pisano, worked in a far more 'modern' style. He was clearly responsible for the four columns immediately adjoining the portal, with their splendid capitals. It is striking how little expense was spared in the architecture at Prato. For example, in each gateway two different types of stone, of contrasting colours, were used: green and white in Prato and red and white in Split. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Being rather a sketch than an extensive study, this contribution is dedicated to the question of authorship in papal letters from the decades before and after the year 1000. As is well known, Gerbertus of Aurillac did not refrain from stylising letters issued in his name even after he had become Pope Silvester II. Yet it is not self-evident whether this extraordinary presence in tradition is merely due to Gerbertus's personality, whose intellectual skills and passions doubtlessly outranged those of his immediate predecessors and successors, or in some degree, overexposed' by the existence of his relatively large letter collection. Hence, the extant letters of the Roman pontiffs John XV, Gregory V, Silvester II, John XVIII, Benedict VIII, and Benedict IX are analysed for possible evidence of stylistic authorship. Leaving solemn privileges and synodal decrees out of consideration, this sketch essentially confirms the outstanding role of Gerbertus-Silvester in the production of papal letters in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary portraits of Duke Henry of Saxony, who was elected king in 919, and is also known as, Henry the Fowler', have not been investigated as a whole so far, though the 1100th anniversary of his ascension to the throne was celebrated last year. Research in this period with only few surviving written documents and artificial objects has to consider original charters and their still existing seals, as well as art objects, mainly in carved stones, and even archaeological contexts, especially coins respectively jewels. The first seal of King Henry survives only in the form of two prints from the years 920 and 925. His profile bust appears slightly humble with a simple circlet and his military coat, the paludamentum, without a representative brooch. However, it clearly reflects the style of Roman emperors which is known from classical gemstones or their post-antique imitations. Such gems were constantly used by the Carolingian kings for sealing their documents until Louis IV. the Child around 910. The importance King Henry placed on demonstrating unity, especially in his early reign, is evident from the first mentioned charter from 920, a privilege for the venerable monastery of Fulda. There, at the burial place of his direct predecessor, Conrad I. and also of Saint Boniface, Henry explicitly proclaimed himself successor of Louis and Conrad. On this occasion, Henry had the opportunity to take a look at the military type of Conrad's seal which survives at his privilege for the monastery of Fulda from 912. - No later than 922 Henry started to use a new seal when celebrating Easter at his newly founded residence in Quedlinburg in Saxony. In this second seal Henry is presented as a distinguished ruler and powerful leader with a highly decorated crown, wearing a shield and raising his (Holy) Lance. This image may be interpreted as a sign of consolidated kingship and ensured dynasty. Traces on the surviving seal prints indicate that the matrices of both seals were made from semiprecious stones, probably rock crystal. The region in which carving of rock crystals was at this time highly developed was Lotharingia, especially the area between Aachen, Metz and Treves. - A third portrait further illustrates the exemplary function of Roman emperor portraits for the royal representation of Henry. The so-called Heginric-Medaillon came to light at the archaeological site of Klein-Roscharden II near Oldenburg (conserved at Berlin, Münzkabinett). The inscribed little silver relief was manufactured in the technique of coins and later garnished with filigree as a jewel. It clearly imitates Late Roman coinage, as can be seen on the imperial diadem which had been in use since Constantine I. Highly precious coins of gold, the so-called multipla, found their way as tributes to Central Europe and came into the possession of Frankish and even Saxon elites, as proven by a recent find at Fredenbeck/Lower Saxony. So there is clear evidence that the Late Antique and Carolingian portrait tradition remained essential for the representation of the king of a new dynasty. Henry himself could and probably did wear the matrices of his seals, made of transparent rock crystal with a metal setting, as a highly impressive jewel with his own ideal portrait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the changes brought about by the Reformation was a new interpretation of the role of the ruler as a person who bore responsibility for his subjects. In the administration of the state, this led to the establishment of councils responsible for particular fields, whose members were now mostly drawn from university backgrounds, and it also led to the building of chancelleries to administer everyday affairs. In Weimar, through good fortune, the chancellery of a model Protestant state has survived in the form of the 'Bastille', and the highly instructive pictorial programme of the gatehouse bears witness to the humanist-inspired attitude towards government adopted by John Frederick I, Elector of Saxony (ruled 1532-1547), known as John the Magnanimous. Metaphorical images inspired by the Roman poet Virgil propagate his reign as a new 'Golden Age', modelled on that of the Roman Emperor Augustus. The iconographic programme devised by Nicolaus Gromann (c. 1500-1566) for the ornamental gatehouse, which is charged with political significance, was realised shortly before the fateful battle at Mühlberg in 1547, as a result of which Elector John Frederick forfeited both his freedom and his status as an elector, while the Reformation lost its political leader. In subsequent centuries, the gatehouse in Weimar stood as a memorial to the legitimate claim of the House of Saxony-Weimar to the electorship of Saxony and the leading role to which Protestant-ruled states within the Empire aspired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neither the concept of “imperial policy” nor of “religion” are easily applied to antiq­uity. Yet the activities of Roman emperors often did have consequences for religious activity, and their behaviour was not neces­sarily chaotic or random. Hadrian provides a good case for examining how religious activity was incorporated into ancient biog­raphy and historical writing, and how it was related to other fields of imperial conduct. A good deal is recorded about Hadrian’s conduct of religious offices, his building projects and his engagement with older tradition, Roman and foreign. The dossier of testimonia does reveals some consist­encies in his behaviour but these seem to derive less from policy than from habits of thought and action. Many of his actions can be interpreted as conventional, even if sometimes performed on an unconvention­al scale. Hadrian certainly exercised agency, and he had particular dispositions as a rul­er. But religious policy seems an anachro­nistic term to apply to his conduct.

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In the year 508, a Byzantine embassy reached Clovis as he was staying in Tours. They handed him a letter from the Emperor Anastasius, proclaiming him consul. Clovis thereon put on a purple tunic and placed a diadem on his head before riding through the city, showering gold and silver coins among those present. From that day on he was called consul aut mtgustus, as we are told by Gregory of Tours. His terse report has been a source of irritation and debates among historians for decades. While some of them believed that Clovis had become Roman Emperor, others did not want to acknowledge anything more than an honorary consulship, to name only the most extreme interpretations. Considering political reasons, manuscript tradition, and philological evidence, this paper argues that Anastasius acknowledged Clovis's dominant position in Gaul by making him ordinary consul and patricius. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his commentary, Erhard Crome criticizes Chancellor Scholz's speech at Charles University in Prague. Scholz attempts to establish historical references and refers to Prague as "Europe in miniature". However, Charles IV was not a precursor to the EU but rather the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. Scholz emphasizes that the EU enlargement is not driven by demographic, economic, or ethical reasons, but rather by geopolitical interests. He advocates for a stronger EU that can compete with the United States and China. Crome sees this as an expression of Germany's geo-economic power and criticizes Scholz's proposals for the future of the EU. Prime Minister Fiala expresses reservations about Scholz's suggestions. [Extracted from the article]

From Augustus' principate onward, the Roman emperor was heavily involved in religious matters – as priest and as monarch. He was on the one hand responsible for the pax deorum and on the other hand used religion for his self-representation. It is mainly within these fields that the emperor encountered the diverse forms of divination. The interpretation of prodigies had always been an essential part both of government action and of private decision making, and it is important to keep the two areas separate when considering the emperor's involvement with divination and its practitioners. This paper concentrates on how the policies of the Christian emperors concerning these matters developed during the 4th century. It further asks whether their legislation should be exclusively understood as part of an effort of depaganisation, or whether it was to some extent a continuation of the policies of their pagan predecessors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

German Die Popmusik ist als Gegenstand der altertumswissenschaftlichen Rezeptionsforschung bisher weitestgehend unbeachtet geblieben. Die Gründe hierfür sind zum einen die grundsätzliche wissenschaftliche Vernachlässigung popkultureller Kunstformen und zum anderen der Modus der historischen Erinnerung der Popkultur selbst, der nicht auf ‚authentischem Wissen‘ basiert und damit traditionelle altertumswissenschaftliche Rezeptionsforschung erschwert. Diese speist sich vielmehr aus einem transkulturellen, globalen und selbstreferentiellen Zeichenvorrat, in dem antike Traditionen unter vielen anderen in ikonenhafte und wiedererkennbare Codes überführt werden. Am Beispiel der in der Popkultur produktivsten antiken Gestalt, Julius Caesar, wird gezeigt, wie dessen Codes in die Genres und Songs der zeitgenössischen Popmusik inkorporiert und in diesen Kontexten funktionalisiert werden. Nach der knappen Vorstellung einiger exempla der popmusikalischen Caesar-Rezeption, z.B. von AC/DC, Wolf, Reverend Bizarre und Finn, werden zwei Songs näher untersucht: Iggy Pops Punk-Song Caesar, in dem Caesar/Iggy Pop als römisch-amerikanischer Punk-Kaiser auftritt, und Lamyas R&B-Song Judas Kiss (Brutus Diss), in dem die Caesar-Codes in die Personenkonstellation eines sentimentalen Songs über Untreue überführt und damit romantisiert werden. English Pop music has remained largely unnoticed by classical reception studies. The reasons for this are (1) the general disregard of popcultural art forms in classical scholarship and (2) the workings of historical memory in the pop culture itself, which is not based on ‘authentic knowledge’ and thus is not suitable for traditional reception studies. This memory rather feeds from a transcultural, global and highly self-referential repertoire, in which ancient traditions, among many others, are formed into iconic and recognizable codes. Using Julius Caesar, still the most productive ancient figure in the pop culture, as example, this article shows how his codes are incorporated into the genres and songs of contemporary pop music and are functionalized in these contexts. After a brief presentation of some exempla of Caesar’s pop musical reception, e.g. by AC/DC, Wolf, Reverend Bizarre and Finn, two songs are investigated in more detail: Iggy Pop’s punk song Caesar, in which Caesar/Iggy Pop fashions himself as a Roman-American punk-emperor, and Lamya’s R&B song Judas Kiss (Brutus Diss), which transfers the codes of Caesar into a sentimental song about infidelity, thereby romanticizing them.

The article presents a report on a conference about Roman Emperor Antoninus Pius, held in Aachen, Germany, from September 15-16, 2014. Topics of discussion included political self-representation and propaganda, Antoninus' efforts to distance himself from his predecessor, Roman Emperor Hadrian, and Greco-Roman coins minted with Antoninus' portrait.

The article reports on a conference on the ritual of the triumph in Imperial Rome, held in Berlin, Germany, from October 4-6, 2012. Topics of discussion included symbolic aspects of the representation of the Roman emperor and of successful military leadership, the depiction of the triumphs of the Roman emperors of the Flavian dynasty in the book "Bellum Iudaicum" by ancient Roman historian Flavius Josephus, and urban planning in ancient Constantinople (Istanbul, Turkey).

I discuss in this paper some issues and situations that appeared or seem to have appeared in the internal architecture of the Dacian castra at the time of the "military anarchy". I followed mostly the significance of these situations for estimating the number of soldiers who were stationed there. Comparisons with more or less similar situations from the forts of the Germano- Raetic frontier have been made, especially with those from Germania Superior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the religious characteristics of the imperial cult of the ancient Roman empire. It describes the worship and devotion to the Roman emperor, the influence of the imperial cult on other pagan cults and practices, and the effect of imperial cult practices on the development of Christianity in Europe in the early Middle Ages. Other subjects under discussion include the notion of the emperor as Son of God, the historiography of religious studies concerning Roman cult practices, and the diffusion of Roman religion through emigration. The work of historian Jörg Rüpke is discussed, along with the theories of historian Roland Robertson.

The article discusses joint efforts begun in 2005 by the German Archaeological Institute and Turkey's Archaeological Museum Alanya to examine the ruins of Şekerhane Köşkü in the ancient coastal town of Selinus, Turkey. A major object of the research is to determine if the building can be identified as a cenotaph for the Roman Emperor Trajan, who died in Selinus in August 117.

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Copyright of Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts is the property of Reichert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a discussion on the political and communicative aspects of Holy Roman Emperors' public displays of piety and humility. Reflections are given on the differences in church and state relations in England, France, and Germany during the Middle Ages. Special attention is paid to the rule of 14th century Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV, with a focus on his religious activities during travels to Italy. Further comments are included regarding the Emperor's expression of piety through his choice of clothing.