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Tolerance occupying an important place in our cultural and civilized life is often described as overlooking the faults, respecting different ideas and cultures, and forgiving everything that is forgivable. However, nobody should have the right to act tolerantly on behalf of tolerance under the conditions where the law of others are in the foreground. As individuals, we may behave in an altruistic manner on the matters concerning us; nevertheless, within the concept of tolerance, it is not only wrong to assess the conceding of public rights to the individuals unilaterally, but it is also assessed as an offence commited against the society. Relying on the Court Records of Kayseri this paper will examine nonMuslim Armenian citizens living in the Ottoman society and struggling for seeking their rights and their search for justice. It will also analyze how their desires for the issues causing complaints within the society are handled in the case study of Kayseri. Our objective is to bring out the concept of seeking and conceding justice concerning the problems that the people living in the Ottoman social life encounter; therefore, we aim to make a modest contribution to the settled and incorrect opinions on the matter whether at home or abroad by depending on the limits of the matter and making use of the methodology that science and scholars require within the historical framework of the concept of intercommunal tolerance and living together.

In 1931, when writing about those who had inspired him, Wittgenstein singled out Boltzmann; nobody seems to know why, however. Most commentators have ignored this remark, while a few have tried to guess what the inspiration might have been by searching the popular and philosophical writings of Boltzmann. In this article, I hypothesize that Wittgenstein may have been inspired by Boltzmann’s scientific research program from his famous 1877 article. This hypothesis is not confirmed—or rejected—by any surviving documents. But to some extent (considering the role of Fleck’s creative misunderstandings) there are two explanations for the origins of the two strange theorems underlying the Tractatus’s ontology: (1) each situation can be the case or not the case while everything else remains the same; (2) the facts are not subject to the laws of nature. My hypothesis also makes it understandable why Wittgenstein developed his logical theory of probability. So, let’s keep it in mind.

The paper examines closer the notion expressed by the word amēkhaniē in DK 6. 5. In his analysis of problematic of knowledge Parmenides alerts about amekhaniē of mortals, a word generally translated with `lack of resources` or ‘perplexity’, a kind of problem that drives the thinking astray. Scholars point out in many passages of the poem the opposition between imperfect mortals and the eidota phōta of DK 1. 3, the wise man. However, as much as I know, nobody noticed that, if mortals have a lack of resources, the goddess is teaching exactly how to fix it with a kind of method given through her precepts, which are an authentic mēchane. The paper shows that this is the genuine didactic aim of Parmenides, as he says in 1.28-30, i.e., to point out where is the error of mortals and how the wise man fixes it. Starting from a reinterpretation of 1.29 and following with the analysis of fr. 6, the paper shows that the method of fr. 2 is indeed the mēchane that can do that. Although the word is not present in the poem, it is one of its main topics. It seems (by the extant fragments) Parmenides had no clear word to call his mēchane, a psychological cognitive tool we call today principle of non-contradiction.

UNOWNED AREA AS A SOURCE OF MENTAL LIFE:NIETZSCHE, SCHELER, WITTGENSTEIN, GOFFMANSummaryTraditionally mental life of the person goes into “seclusion” called his/her interior.It is believed that because of its secret nature of the it and because it is not immediatelygiven to other subject who may – at best – guess of what “goes in”. Freeaccess one has got only to his/her own experiences (feelings, emotions, thoughtsetc.). In the twentieth century (and a bit earlier) this traditional view is criticizedand changed. As a fruit of this criticism emerged the opposite trend: the knowledgeof both my and his/her inner experience is explain by introducing an element thatallows this knowledge and is placed outside any of them. I call it the impersonalsphere of nobody – supra-individual matrix of the knowledge of my and his/hermental life. In this article I try to indicate the origin of the idea of this sphere givingits main characteristics. A description is based on the views of known philosophers:Nietzsche, Scheler and Wittgenstein and one sociologist – Goffman.

Summary Differentiated Structures of Early Prevention Measures for Families at Risk Using the Example of the Project „Nobody Slips Through the Net“ Against the background of practical experiences from the Early Prevention model project „Nobody slips through the net“ (in three counties of Germany) the necessity of differentiated structures of preventive measures for different groups of families will be discussed. Therefore a distribution in three types of families the visiting qualified person could be confronted with during their work in the families’ homes is proposed, especially with respect to the degree of risk and available resources. We conclude by illustrating the implications of this approach by means of a case vignette.

A modern ethnomusicologist should regard nothing he observes when recording, transcribing or exploring the folk tradition as insignificant. For it may happen that something he considers as only of little interest proves to be an important, characteristic feature. One of such phenomena is for instance the scansion of the texts of folk songs. Until now nobody has written widely on this subject. It is mentioned only by D. Holý in his book »Probleme der Entwicklung und des Stils der Volkmusik« (Brno 1969, p. 176) where he says – when dealing with dance songs – that the singers do not scan according to the rules of grammar but sing according to the dance rhythm. In Slovenia there are only a few genuine dance songs. However, the rhythm of melody is even in narrative songs of such importance that, if necessary, the singers sacrifice, the word stress to it. The first Slovene ethnologists considered the folk songs only as a literary art and took no notice of the melodies. Later recorders of the melodies paid attention primarily to the tune of the song. If the text was dictated to them they only seldom took heed of its harmony with the melody, let alone paying attention to the scansion. Only when transcribing from tape, writing the melody and text of each stanza directly one under the other, can we observe how the folk singers divide the syllables. This phenomenon is interesting, but it is not yet sufficiently explored. Until now it was found that the folk singers do not always scan according to the principles of singing, nor according to the rules of grammer, and that one and the same word is not necessarily scanned the same way twice. They often end a syllable with a consonant, divide a consonant group, which we usually write together or combine neighbouring syllables in a diphtong or leave together syllables which are difficult to pronounce etc. An exact marking of scansion is not an end to itself, but rather a good means to find out the rhythm of the verse and its relation to the rhythm of the melody. In this way our attention is also drawn to he rhythmic form of prose speech which is still a blank chapter of Slovene dialectology. This short article acts as a kind of warning that we still have a great number of problems to explore, before we succeed in finding out the principles which govern our folk song and our everyday speech.