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Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Berliner Debatte Initial is the property of Berliner Debatte Initial e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Berliner Debatte Initial is the property of Berliner Debatte Initial e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politische Theorie is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Der Beitrag möchte die Auseinandersetzung zweier Linien innerhalb der Industriesoziologie der 1970er und 80er Jahre nachzeichnen und die Ursachen eines Paradigmenwechsels vermessen. Während sie zuvor gesellschaftskritisch auf ein widerständiges Aufbegehren des Kollektivsubjekts Industriearbeiterschaft orientierte, verschob sich der Fokus auf konstruktive Anwendungsorientierung im betrieblichen Arbeitsprozess und auf das Denken von Individuen. In der Selbstreflexion der Fachgeschichte werden zwar neben fachinterner theoretischer Kritik auch gesellschaftliche Gründe für diesen Wandel angeführt, wenig Berücksichtigung finden hingegen das Reformprogramm Humanisierung des Arbeitslebens und seine Forschungsförderung. Dieser Aufsatz argumentiert auf Basis von Dokumentenanalysen und dem Studium zeitgenössischer Debattenbeiträge, dass mit HdA ein wichtiger praktischer Schritt in Richtung dieser Betriebs- und Mitbestimmungsorientierung als Forschungsperspektive gegangen war. Aktualität hat dieser soziologiegeschichtliche Erklärungsansatz gerade angesichts eines Revivals der damaligen Arbeiterbewusstseinsforschung. The article traces the confrontation of two lines within industrial sociology of the 1970s and 80s and assesses the causes of a paradigm shift. While it had previously been oriented socio-critically towards a rebellion of the collective of industrial workers, the focus then shifted towards an orientation of applying scientific knowledge constructively into the work process and towards the thinking of individuals rather than collectives. In the self-reflection of the discipline, social reasons for this change are cited hitherto in addition to internal theoretical criticism, but little consideration is given to the reform program Humanization of Working Life (HdA) and its research funding. This paper argues, on the basis of document analysis and the study of contemporary contributions, that HdA was an important practical step towards this orientation of codetermination and applied science as a research perspective. This sociological-historical approach has topicality especially in view of a revival of the previous research on workers' consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde is the property of Schwabe Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Like all federal systems, Nigeria has had its own fair share of insurgencies which ranged from conflict amongst ethnic nationalities to even religious terrorism. Of course, states have no option than to ensure and assure its citizens safety and security any way and anyhow they can guarantee it. Reprisal attacks on terrorists is a mere bandage method, basically because the wound has already been inflicted, but also since ensuring security is also target hardening, and has little effect on the success or failure of a terrorist attack. Security can only minimise casualties, not prevent attacks, especially those delivered by the terrorist suicide bombers. This paper uses secondary data as a source of information and presents the results of their content analysis to explain Nigeria efforts to protect the citizens. It argues that terrorism is a violent form of insurgency that must be retorted accordingly and any policy response that does not take this into consideration is not only naïve, but also utopian. The paper, then, recommends solutions adapted to particular circumstances. While it supports negotiation with Niger-Delta militants, it objects negotiation with Boko Haram, because these groups are pursuing totally different agendas.

Copyright of Feministische Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Osteuropa is the property of Berliner Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As is well known the Bohemian Revolt of 1618 to 1620 caused a broad media echo far beyond the Holy Roman Empire. Subsequently the three comets which appeared in large parts of Europe in fall and winter 1618/1619 triggered a similar long-running debate. This is reflected by a large series of treatises, pamphlets and letters as well as nomorous notes in contemporary chronicles and diaries used as the main sources for this article. In this light the paper discusses the controversy on the comets of 1618/19 with respect to the later escalation of the Bohemian Revolt to an European war. Both synchronous and retrospective views on these events will be examined indicating a significant shift of time horizons since 1621/22. Until then most pamphletists and writers didn't associate the celestical signs of 1618/1619 with the bohemian rebellion or an even wider war. Afterwards this historical connection was quick to establish itself in contemporary chronicles and diaries reflecting above all a change of communicative memory on both affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is focused on the impact of the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria on the child's right to education. The article concludes by assessing how the Nigerian government has lived up to its obligations under international law to ensure the realisation of the child's right to education in the face of the insurgency in the North-eastern part of the country. Concrete recommendations are made to the Nigerian government with regard to addressing the impact of the insurgency on the rights of the child.

The article focuses on campaign has been going on in the Soviet Union against the Austrian politics driven. It mentions Austrian officials the activities of the Hungarian "counter-revolutionaries" tolerated on Austrian soil and Austrian airfields would have served as bases for supplying arms to the Hungarian insurgents. It also mentions Austria a new kind of Marshall Plan thought, which also restricts the sovereignty of the Austrian state.

The article presents a report from a March 3-5, 2016 conference in Kiel, Germany on the centennial anniversary of the 1918 sailors' rebellion in that city hosted by the Kieler Stadt- und Schifffahrtsmuseum museum and the regional history department at the Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel university. Topics of presentations delivered include social impacts of World War I from 1916 to 1923, the relationship between Kiel and Bremen, Germany at the end of World War I, and exhibition of the rebellion planned at the Kieler Stadt- und Schifffahrtsmuseum museum for 2018.

This essay discusses the historical development of working class and resistance movements within the modern world-system. Departing from the French Revolution and the three modern ideologies - conservatism, liberalism, and radicalism - that emerged in its aftermath, the essay contextualizes social movements and political currents of the 19th and 20th century, and analyzes their relationships among each other, as well as their relationships to political power and to the state. Drawing from these lessons, the essay finally tackles the challenges that the divided Global Left is currendy facing in its political struggle over a new, democratic, and egalitarian world-order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses and evaluates methods for legitimation of democracy in order to solve problems of the representation of civil society in democracies, the regulation of democratic societies by international policy, and resistance and rebellion in democracies. The effects of social inequality and digital communications on democracy are examined.

Frontiers of Dispossession in the Niger Delta, Nigeria. Nigeria is a petro-state with a vast shadow economy and shadow political apparatuses, in which the lines between public and private, state and market, government and organized crime are blurred and porous. Since the oil industry in the Niger delta became commercially viable in 1958, virtually every inch of the region has been touched by international oil corporations. As a result, a multiplicity of overlapping conflicts have evolved: From the new states and local government areas bankrolled by the oil revenue process, to reconfigured spaces of chieftainship and ethnicity in which a panoply of political movements struggle for the control over territory, to the violent spaces of the creeks controlled by insurgents and federal military forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Monatsschrift fuer Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The confrontation with insurgencies is a conflict scenario that is becoming more important in the 21st century. The engagement in that kind of violent conflict is, as the case of Afghanistan demonstrates, very costly in terms of political and social repercussions, welfare and human lives. The international community's reaction should be different to the one pursued in Afghanistan. It should be based on a more thorough situation analysis, the definition of more modest objectives, and a more cautious approach to military intervention. If a complex intervention including military means is deemed necessary, it should follow the logic of sustainable peace-building, i.e. the long-term development of the target country has to take priority over military, geostrategic, ideological or alliance-specific considerations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neo-zapatista rebellion of 1994 has drawn the attention of a wider public to the Mexican state of Chiapas in the far south of the country. It has been interpreted by many observers as a conflict between the traditionalism of indigenous communities and modernity in its neoliberal guise. A similar juxtaposition of tradition and modernity can also be found in many explanations of the conflicts between people who have converted to evangelical sects and followers of syncretistic Catholicism in the communities which have resulted in the expulsion of thousands and the killing of many since the 1970s. The erroneous image of supposedly traditional indigenous communities has not only prevailed in current mass media discussions. It was also prevalent in the early phases of the anthropological study of Chiapas and, as the article shows, has influenced the development policies of the government to an important degree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]