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Der Artikel erörtert Wechselwirkungen zwischen einer Inhaftierung und dem Tod eines/einer nahen Angehörigen während der Inhaftierung. Ein solcher Verlust gilt als Risikofaktor für die Wahrscheinlichkeit einer erneuten Straffälligkeit und stellt gleichzeitig die Inhaftierten vor besondere Herausforderung im Umgang mit ihrer Trauer. Erkenntnisbasis bildet eine qualitative Studie. Es zeigt sich, dass die Inhaftierung ein möglicher Störfaktor bei der Trauer der Inhaftierten darstellt. Ein weiteres, zunächst paradox erscheinendes Ergebnis ist, dass das Erleben eines Trauerfalles während der Inhaftierung den Ausstieg aus der Straffälligkeit durch eine Steigerung der Mitwirkungsbereitschaft bei den Behandlungsmaßnahmen sowie das Initiieren oder die Verstärkung eines Umdenkprozesses fördern kann. Schlussfolgerungen für die Arbeit der Sozialen Dienste in Justizvollzugsanstalten werden gezogen.

Pavin Chachavalpongpun is an associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at Kyoto University. He has published extensively on Thailand and Southeast Asian politics. He is also politically active and does not shy away from discussing and criticizing the monarchy, which for a long time was taboo – in academia as well as in political campaigns. In April 2020, Prof. Pavin Chachavalpongpun founded the Facebook group Royalists Marketplace (รอยัลลิสต์มาร์เก็ตเพลส). The name alludes to other Facebook groups, like the Chulalongkorn Marketplace or Thammasat Marketplace, which were set up by former students of those universities as platforms for selling and purchasing items, and socializing in times of the COVID-19 lockdown. Pavin’s group, however, is a persiflage of these initiatives. He developed a unique style of political communication, with a distinct mixture of memes, TikTok and Youtube videos, together with serious academic debates, which made his Facebook group the leading platform for criticism of the monarchy. This interview took place via Zoom between Kyoto and Cologne at the end of August 2020. Information on the dynamic developments that have unfolded since then has been added.

In April 2020, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, memes addressing the Thai monarchy in a critical way appeared on Twitter under the hashtag #MilkTeaAlliance, which for a couple of days trended worldwide. Initially, the Twitter account of a Thai TV star was attacked by Chinese nationalists. But, different from similar incidents in the past, a new pan-Asian solidarity of Twitter users emerged, fought back the attack, and defeated the Chinese nationalists through highly self-ironic, witty, and political memes. In our article, we will discuss the meme war in its historic, political, and social context. Firstly, we claim that it can count as the inception of a new transnational movement comparable to the globalization-critical movement of the early 2000s, in so far as it targets the present, Chinese-led version of globalization. Secondly, we will challenge the dominant interpretation that the meme war was a confrontation between young Thai, Hong Kong, and Taiwanese pro-democracy activists versus state-sponsored trolls from the People’s Republic of China. Despite all distortions caused by censorship measures from the side of the Chinese government and Twitter, the meme war seemed to have opened a transnational space for debate.

Since 2010, Facebook has become a battleground between competing political camps in Thailand. Facebook groups like the Social Sanction group, tellingly abbreviated as SS, and the Rubbish Collector Organization, which was founded in 2014 and has attracted more than 200,000 members, have played a crucial role in the process of political radicalization. The aim of these groups is to expose political opponents by accusing them of lèse-majesté, which can result in a prison sentence of 15 years or more. The groups also serve as fora for hate speech and are increasingly used as a tool of mobilization for state-sponsored mass events by the authoritarian regime that came to power with the coup d’état of May 2014. Contrary to its popular perception as a tool for democratization, Facebook has been successfully used by political groups reminiscent of fascist vigilante groups. This paper analyses the genesis of these groups and discusses the phenomenon in a broader political and historical context.

Experts and novices typically show different competencies in learning by abstraction. While novices typically consider the concrete example, experts often abstract from an example towards the underlying principles. This article presents a process and a computer-supported learning environment for learning through abstraction. An evaluation of the learning environment shows that pilot students were able to construct an abstract model from experience reports using the learning environment. The fewer common surface features the examples had, the easier was the abstraction. We also found that learners reflect on their learning process and adjusted the process to their specific learning preferences by following a modified process for learning through abstraction.

Als Basis für die Bewässerungsplanung wurde die Eignung von CO2-Messungen im Wurzelraum (WR-CO2) untersucht und evaluiert. Die grundlegende Annahme war, dass Pflanzen als Reaktion auf eine defizitäre Wasserversorgung die Wurzelatmung reduzieren. Die Untersuchungen an Apfelbäumen konnten zeigen, dass das WR-CO2 zu großen Teilen (56–72 %) seinen Ursprung in der pflanzenspezifischen CO2-Produktion (v. a. Wurzelatmung) hat. Darüber hinaus reagierte das WR-CO2 deutlich auf Bewässerung und korrelierte bei der Austrocknung mit dem Bodenwassergehalt. Da Veränderungen beim WR-CO2 sich auch in Veränderungen beim Pflanzenwasserstatus widerspiegelten, besitzt das WR-CO2 Potenzial zur Ermittlung des Bewässerungsbedarfs der untersuchten Apfelbäume. Die Übertragbarkeit auf weitere Nutzpflanzen wird untersucht.