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This article focuses on the issue of terrorism recidivism as it relates specifically to terrorist attacks. Based on the analysis of a dataset comprising information on the jihadi attacks and their perpetrators in Europe between 2014 and 2022, it introduces the following findings: terrorism recidivists are disproportionately more likely to carry out attacks in groups with other “experienced” terrorists; their attacks have a significantly higher impact in terms of casualties; the rate of mental health is remarkably low; and they seem to be able to evade authorities in a much higher percentage of cases than other perpetrators without a terrorism-related criminal record. Overall, these suggest that terrorism recidivist perpetrators operate more “professionally” than the rest of the terrorist perpetrators, making their attacks more lethal and harder to prevent.

The ideas underlying terrorism, which can be summarized as the use of violence for political purposes, have transformed over time. One of the theories that aims to explain this transformation, the “wave theory” put forward by David C. Rapoport, claims that modern terrorism has progressed in four waves until today. The fourth wave is the current “religious wave”. There are also those who refer to this wave as “new terrorism” since it has significant differences from its predecessors in terms of motivation, organization, target selection, area of action, tactics and effective use of technology. The September 11 attacks were undoubtedly the event where the differentiation in the above-mentioned qualities was most evident. In the 2023 Global Terrorism Index report, it is pointed out that religiously motivated terrorism has decreased by 95 percent since its peak in 2016, which raises the question “what’s next?”. An analysis of recent terrorist attacks reveals the emergence of a new wave of terrorism, characterized by ideological diversity, decentralization and individualization, disinformation and lethality.

This paper summarises terrorist attacks on the means and institutions of Yugoslav air transport. These attacks include a total of six aircraft hijackings occurring between 1948 and 1981, the explosion of a bomb onboard a Yugoslav Airlines aircraft above Czechoslovakia in 1972, and several attacks on Yugoslav Airlines offices abroad. In three more cases, aircraft that had been hijacked abroad landed on Yugoslav airports. Besides these, it discusses international and Yugoslav regulations regarding criminal activities against the safety of air navigation. It is based on unpublished archival records, press, and literature.

In the domain of PVE as well as reintegration, the most interesting studies are arguably based on material collected first-hand from the individuals involved in the phenomenon of political violence or terrorism. As more individuals from the 2013-2016 wave of foreign terrorist fighters are exiting the criminal justice system, young individuals with no memory of that period are sympathizing with ISIS and others again are joining right-wing groups with violent agendas. Understanding the motives behind such engagement will always lead a portion of the scholars to pursue interview-based studies. This paper describes the research protocol used for a study which dealt with politico-ideological mobilization and violence in relation to causes and conflicts in the Arab World. More than one hundred interviews were conducted in Lebanon, Switzerland and Canada with individuals involved in politico-ideological mobilization or violence of different ideological orientations. Besides interviews, complementary material in the form of ethnographic fieldnotes and voice recordings via instant messaging were collected. The data was compiled into a MAXQDA database and coded according to the principles of Grounded Theory, using open, selective, axial and theoretical coding. The paper further discusses epistemological and ethical considerations.

Background: The risk of terrorist attacks in the Federal Republic of Germany is present and is currently increasing. Publicly funded acute care hospitals and their owners are involved in disaster control as part of their remit and are responsible for taking comprehensive precautions to ensure their operational capability in the event of disasters. This mandate must also be ensured in the event of terrorist attacks and amok incidents. For this purpose, an optimal cooperation between preclinical and clinical care is indispensable. Aim: Recommended actions for collaboration between nonclinical and clinical planning to manage a mass casualty incident in terrorist life-threatening response situations are presented. Material and methods: The Inter-Hospital Security Conference Baden-Württemberg (IHSC BW) is an association of representatives of acute hospitals in Baden-Württemberg, the Ministry of the Interior, Digitalization and Migration Baden-Württemberg, the Ministry of Social Affairs and Integration Baden-Württemberg, the State Police Headquarters Baden-Württemberg and the Baden-Württemberg Hospital Association. From 2018 to 2020, the IHSC BW developed recommendations for action on cooperation between police, hospitals and non-police emergency response. The recommendations for action were agreed by the group members in 6 working sessions and initialled in two subsequent video conferences. A recommendation was considered adopted when the IHSC BW plenary assembly finally gave its approval with an absolute majority. Results and discussion: Competence-based interface solutions for a smooth cooperation between prehospital and hospital management in the care of patients who have become victims of a terrorist attack are to be demanded. For preliminary planning, the establishment of a local safety conference at the county disaster control authority level with the following participants is recommended: disaster control authority, fire department, regional police headquarters, chief emergency physician, rescue services and disaster control officers of affected clinics. It is recommended to set up a joint command and situation center (CSC), where management personnel from the police, rescue service, fire department and disaster control can meet to organize the handling of the incident jointly, competently and without loss of time. From this CSC, a liaison officer should then provide the clinics with information at regular intervals. Exercises should take place regularly. Cross-organizational exercises are particularly important, and this is one of the tasks of the local safety conference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Die Unfallchirurgie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article "Ethno-religious security factors in Central Asia" by Kadyr Malikov deals with the terrorist attack on the Moscow film palace "Crocus City" in March 2024, in which the IS Vilayat Khorasan was involved. It discusses how interreligious and interethnic factors could influence the geopolitical situation in Central Asia and destabilize the region. The propaganda of IS Vilayat aims to recruit young people from Central Asia and fuel interreligious tensions. It also addresses the cooperation of Central Asian countries with various global actors and the threat from Afghanistan. [Extracted from the article]

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This exploratory study provides foundational knowledge on the post-exit process experienced by former members of violent extremist groups. While disengagement from violent extremism and the transition to mainstream society is known to involve change and adaptation, little is known about the post-exit life of former violent extremists. For this study, ten former violent extremists, and six practitioners who work on facilitating exit and reintegration, were interviewed. This led to a comprehensive identification of post-exit stressors and the subsequent creation of an exploratory framework of post-exit distress with four dimensions: 1) Daily Life & Social, 2) Psychological & Physical Well-being, 3) Safety & Consequences, and 4) Transition & Identity. Post-exit stressors may stem from radicalization, involvement in violent extremism, disengagement, or the transition back to non-extremist life. The findings show that internal and external stressors are plentiful, vary in frequency and magnitude, and are most dominant in the first 1-2 years after disengagement. The 97 stressors expressed by former violent extremists and practitioners indicate that post-exit distress is not only wide ranging, but highly disruptive, and sometimes unmanageable. Left unaddressed, such stressors can profoundly hinder efforts to rebuild a life outside of violent extremism. This has implications for evidence-based reintegration efforts and future studies.

The concepts of ideology and narrative have become popular in efforts to understand the role of ideas in radicalization to terrorism. This review finds that definitions of these concepts in terrorism research are inconsistent and seldom linked with measurement, and that references to these concepts can often be interpreted as one or more of the three dimensions of a collective action frame. These three dimensions--diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing--are relatively easy to define and measure; poll items tapping the three dimensions can track progress in the war of ideas against terrorism. Munson’s (2008) study of the anti-abortion movement in the U.S. identified four prognostic frames (politics, education, services, direct action) competing within the same anti-abortion diagnostic frame. The same four prognostic frames can be found competing within Islamist and Extreme Right movements. The distinction between diagnostic and prognostic frames leads to the suggestion that P/CVE programs should contest violent prognostic frames rather than contesting the diagnostic frames that support both violent and nonviolent prognostic frames. The review concludes with a residual puzzle: why have ideology and narrative been popular concepts in terrorism research despite their empirical weaknesses, while diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational action frames have been relatively neglected despite their empirical promise?

The purpose of the current study is to shed light on the representation of Arabs and Muslims in Hollywood on-screen discourse on terrorism. It seeks to answer, especially, three main questions: What is the difference, if any, between pre- and post- 9/11 representation of Arabs and Muslims? Does post- 9/11 on-screen discourse reflect true experiences of soldiers in battlefields? And how is Islam perceived by westerners? To analyse the on-screen discourse, we have adopted Van Dijk’s model of Ideological Discourse Analysis. The chosen data consider pre-and post- 9/11 attacks. As such, it comprises six films before and after this event. The analysis of on-screen discourse reveals that after 9/11 attacks, there has been a shift from a comical representation to a serious one. Also, post- 9/11 on-screen discourse on terrorism either depicts or simulates true experiences of American soldiers in battlefields. Besides, Islam is represented as a threatening radical ideology against a peaceful world.

Propaganda; İngiltere’nin eski başbakanlarından Thatcher’in anlatımı ile “terörizmin oksijenidir”. Devletin siyasal aygıtlarına, hukuk düzenine yönelik yıkıcı ideolojisini, siyasal amacını, fikirlerini; gerçekleştirdiği sembolik şiddet eylemlerinin arkasına yerleştiren terör örgütü; korkutarak uyuşturduğu kitlelerin zihinlerine bu yolla erişmeyi ve onları dönüştürmeyi hedefler. Ne var ki, terör örgütünün elinde muazzam bir silah olan propaganda, ifade hürriyetinin bir tezahürü/görünüm şekli olarak da değerlendirilir. İfade hürriyeti ise bütün hürriyetlerin özü ve ön koşulu olarak kabul edildiği için hukuksal müdahale ve kısıtlamadan olabildiğince korunmak istenir. Üstelik, salt bir düşünce açıklaması olarak, ifadenin herhangi bir suça vücut vermeyeceğine ilişkin kuvvetli bir eğilim de mevcuttur. Gerçekten, bu yaklaşıma göre en yıkıcı fikir ya da düşünce açıklaması dahi serbest tartışma ortamında panzehrini bulacak, böylece hukuksal bir müdahaleye ihtiyaç da kalmayacaktır. İfade hürriyetinin bir türevi olarak görülen propaganda fiilleri için de benzer değerlendirme sık sık yapılır. Oysa, haklar ve yükümlülüklerin karşılıklığı temelinde şekillenmiş olan modern hukuk düzenlerinde, hiçbir hak ve hürriyet sınırsız kabul edilmez. Dolayısıyla ifade hürriyetinin de sınırlarının olacağı tabiidir. Yaygın kabulün aksine basit bir düşünce açıklamasından daha fazla anlam içeren propaganda filleri için bu sınır evleviyetle mevcuttur. Ancak sağlıklı bir değerlendirme için ifade ile propaganda arasındaki sınırın belirginleştirilmesine ve propagandanın terörizmde oynadığı rolün anlaşılmasına ihtiyaç bulunmaktadır.

Although terrorist disengagement is a dynamic process, this study proposes the likelihood of a continuity in the prevailing factors influencing exit from terrorism and the prevailing dimensions which initially influenced violent radicalization. Through the analysis of two contrasting cases featuring third-generation Muslims formerly involved in jihadist activities in Spain, we assess a connection between the prevailing push and pull factors which sparked individuals to cease their terrorist engagement and the predominant dimensions that earlier prompted the radicalization which led them to terrorist involvement. Drawing from in-depth interviews with the two former jihadists, Hassan and Omar, conducted while they were serving prison sentences for terrorism offences, we suggest that the significance of ideology and network in, respectively, their journeys from Islamic fundamentalism towards jihadism is similarly reflected in their accounts of ending jihadist involvement, even in the presence of secondary factors that also play a role in such a complex process.

Terör eylemleri gerçekleştirecek olanların caydırılabilmesi de bu eylemleri gerçekleştirenlerin cezalandırılabilmesi de terörizmle etkili mücadele için gereklidir. Ancak bunun için terörizmin fail ya da azmettirici niteliğini haiz çeşitli özneleri olabileceğini öngören bir terörizm tanımına ihtiyaç vardır. 3713 sayılı Terörle Mücadele Kanunu “örgüt” kavramını terör eylemlerinin mutlak bir şartı olarak kabul etmektedir. Oysa terörizm (terör eylemleri) örgütlerden başka kişiler, devlet dışı silahsız aktörler ve devletler tarafından da gerçekleştirilebilir. Bu aktörlerin her biri siyasî şiddetin bir türü olan terörizmi menfaatleri gereğince araçlaştırabilirler. Şiddetin ya faili ya da azmettiricisi olarak siyasî amaçlarına ulaşmaya çalışabilirler. Çalışma bu aktörlerin terörizmin özneleri olmalarının gerçekliğini inceleyerek 3713 sayılı Kanun için bir terörizm tanımı önermektedir. Böyle bir tanım Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti’nin terörizmle mücadelesine hem ön alıcı hukukî tedbirler çerçevesinde katkılar sunabilir hem de terör suçları işleyen tüm öznelere yaptırım uygulanabilmesini yasal olarak tartışmasız hale getirebilir.

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The Yugoslav hostile emigration after World War II created serious issues for the newly created country. The entire security sector was in great temptations, especially in the first five years after the war. The biggest danger lay in the defeated and runaway forces of different movements: Ustasha, Chetnik, Ljotić, Nedić, Balli and other movements. After finding shelter in the countries of Western Europe, North and South America, and Australia, the defeated hostile forces have begun their activities targeted against the constitutional order in the former country. Depending on the movement they belonged to, their political and ideological stances differed. Hostile individuals and groups abuse the legally organized exile groups in Australia to recruit new members from them and gather funds for their activities. The anti-communist atmosphere that was present within the majority of Australia’s population also benefited the gathering, organization, and activities of the Yugoslav hostile emigration. Because of these reasons, every action against the Social Federative Republic of Yugoslavia and its representatives in this country was considered as an act of fighting against communism. Moreover, the poor level of diplomatic relations had an additional effect on the situation and favored the hostile emigration. Regardless of the differences in political beliefs, the common goal of the extreme emigration in Australia was to take down the constitutional order in Yugoslavia. The targets of the attacks were diplomatic and consular offices and the persons working in them. In illegally organized camps, training for guerilla warfare took place, as well as terrorist activities against Yugoslavia. The terrorist group from the orders of the Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood was placed in the country in the second half of June 1972. Thanks to the intervention of the Yugoslav security services, their plan was foiled.

Since 2017, the conspiracy theory known as QAnon has boomed in popularity and spread across national borders. While QAnon is linked to various violent criminal acts, including the January 6th riots on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., there is abundant anecdotal data to suggest QAnon also has destructive relational effects on the loved ones of its adherents. While these Q-believers and their loved ones would benefit from psychosocial support, they either do not seek help or are unable to find the type of support they need. By conducting an original survey of 473 family members and friends of Q-believers, this study adds to a nascent but growing body of research documenting the negative collateral effects of conspiracies on loved ones and their need for professional and psychosocial support. Our findings indicate that younger, immediate family members who live with the Q-person experience the greatest negative impacts from their loved one’s belief in QAnon. While this group expressed the highest level of need and desire to access psychosocial support services, they also reported the most barriers to accessing these services. Among these barriers, many respondents identified a lack of QAnon-informed or -specialized support services. These findings suggest that programs aimed at preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) are uniquely positioned to help Q-believers and their loved-ones, as well as to build capacity among health and social service providers to increase the support available to this population.

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The article "Belarus at War" describes the effects of Russian aggression against Ukraine on Belarus. Belarus is increasingly dependent on Russia due to the presence of Russian troops, the deployment of nuclear weapons, and increased oil and gas subsidies. President Lukashenko supports Russia in the war against Ukraine, which is very unpopular in Belarus and has incurred high costs. The West has imposed sanctions on Belarus. The deployment of nuclear weapons in Belarus increases Russia's control over the country and reduces the threshold for Belarus' involvement in the war. The Lukashenko regime is seen as toxic by Western politicians, and public sentiment in Belarus is largely negative. Belarus is economically, financially, and energy-wise heavily dependent on Russia. The Lukashenko regime suppresses opposition members and political prisoners, has enacted laws providing for the death penalty for attempted terrorist acts, and offers the possibility to revoke the citizenship of individuals deemed extremist. Opposition parties and civil society structures have been dissolved, and independent media and cultural institutions are suppressed. [Extracted from the article]

The UK has a comprehensive arsenal of counter-terror law. The Terrorism Act 2000, for example, outlaws the membership of a proscribed terror group, as per s.11; and support for a proscribed terror group, as per s.12. The legislation also criminalises the preparation of terror attacks, such as possession for terrorist purposes, as per s.57; and the collection of information, as per s.58. Following the 7/7 terror attacks in London in 2005 the UK passed the Terrorism Act 2006 outlawing, for example, the encouragement of terrorism, including the glorification of terrorism, as per s.1; and the dissemination of terrorist publications, as per s.2. But the UK’s existing counter-terror legislation does not seem to go far enough in deterring violent extremism that falls short of terrorism. In February 2021, therefore, the UK’s independent Commission on Countering Extremism suggested further legislative reform to this area. In the UK there is freedom of expression, guaranteed by Article 10(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). However, Article 10(2) of the ECHR permits a necessary interference with speech on the grounds of the prevention of disorder and crime. Indeed, historically, liberalism, which underpins much of human rights law, has also permitted limitations on the freedom of expression. Are the Commission’s proposals to curtail further the free speech of extremists compliant with the jurisprudence on free speech and the philosophy of liberalism upon which much of the law of human rights is grounded? Without being able to assess the Commission’s suggested reforms within every element of free speech, this piece examines many of its important facets, such as the responsibility of the rights-holder, the speaker, and the certainty upon which the law limiting the free speech is authorised. The findings of this piece are that the proposals of the Commission respect the UK’s law on free speech and its related theories of liberalism.

The article titled "The Turning Point of October 7, 2023" deals with the domestic political implications of the Hamas terrorist attack on Israel. The attack led to a changed political situation in the country and triggered international disgust and protest. The Israeli army and intelligence services suffered a heavy blow, and the security of the country was called into question. The majority of the Israeli population is in favor of a war against Hamas, while Jewish and Arab-Palestinian voices advocate for human rights, negotiations, and peace. The reactions of the international left to the conflict are also being scrutinized. The future of peace and Israeli democracy is uncertain, and Israel will no longer be the same after the war. [Extracted from the article]

The aim of the article was to attempt to analyze the possibility of the use by the Russian Federation of toxic warfare agents dumped in the Baltic Sea to carry out terrorist acts and sabotage activities. For this purpose, the following research methods were used: historical in order to show the reasons for dumping chemical weapons in the Baltic Sea. However, the main method was the polemological approach. Due to the difficulties with access to information (or its confidentiality), some of the considerations were hypotheses. However, procedures (or rather the lack thereof) provided for in the event of a mass release of poisonous warfare agents into the Baltic Sea were examined. The main conclusion of the article is that none of the countries with access to the Baltic Sea is prepared for the possible use by Russia of chemical weapons deposited there. Usually, this state of affairs is explained by the low probability of such events. However, after taking into account the activity of Russian units, technological progress, and miniaturisation of devices (including military ones that allow remote military operations), it can be concluded that such actions are possible.

In the light of the terrorist attack perpetrated by Hamas against innocent civilians in Israel on October 7th, some contend that “The imperative to protect human dignity only applies absolutely if it applies universally, and it only applies universally if it applies absolutely.” In the face of evil, there is no room for relativism. Hamas’s deliberate attack against innocent civilians is absolutely wrong. Therefore, it should be universally condemned. I agree with the above conclusion. However, I wonder how a universal recognition of an absolute duty of respect for human dignity can help solving the existential conflict confronting Israelis and Palestinians. Ideally, a two-state solution proposed by the international community can be seen as a reasonable and fair compromise. Nevertheless, the reality on the ground is different. This blog post explores the downstream consequences - and hurdles - of moral absolutism in times of war, terror, and existential crisis.

What is permissible for the Israeli government to do in response to the murderous attack by Hamas? The answer to this is difficult, not only because blood is boiling and hearts are broken, but also because there is a complex moral dilemma here. In this blog, we hope to offer some guidelines to clarify the issue. We do not claim to provide definitive answers. The required analysis is complex, and it is incumbent upon the Israeli government and the IDF to ensure that the various steps taken are morally justified.

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Extradition is a legal concept that has been grown throughout the history of international relations. However, it is not just a simple result of the everyday headaches of international actors. Extradition, specifically, extradition of common criminals, has also a substantial intellectual background that had been developed by prominent scholars such as Grotius and Beccaria. The current scope of extradition agreements, whether they are unilateral or bilateral, includes an obligation to surrender a person who has been convicted or suspected. This situation is related to its intellectual background as its history as well. Recent developments in international law, such as the denaturalization of dual citizens who have been involved in terrorist activities, initiated new legal disputes over whether a state has not any duty to open its borders to someone, who is not its citizen anymore, however, it should be examined that whether states are under an obligation to take and prosecute terrorists in terms of international law. Consequently, such an obligation is essential for the establishment of international security. Recognition of this obligation as a valid legal institution can only be achieved via a well-structured international treaty.

Terörizmin varlığı eskiye dayanmakla birlikte uluslararası toplumun ve Birleşmiş Milletler’in gündemine gerçekten taşınması 11 Eylül saldırıları ile olmuştur. Bu olaylardan sonra Birleşmiş Milletler, uluslararası terörizmin her türünü uluslararası barış ve güvenliğe tehdit olarak kabul etmiştir. Dolayısıyla, uluslararası barış ve güvenliğin sağlanmasında birincil yetkili organ olan Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi'nin yeri bu konuda ayrı bir önem taşır. Bu maksatla makalede, Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin uluslararası terörizm ile mücadeledeki rolü çalışma konusu olarak seçilmiştir. Ancak, Birleşmiş Milletler organları, terörizm kavramını tanımlamaktan imtina etmektedir. Bu tanımlamayı üye olan devletlere bırakmaktadır. Birleşmiş Milletler üyesi devletler ise terörizme karşı ortak bir yaklaşım sergileyememektedir. Dolayısıyla, terörizm ile mücadeleye ilişkin kararların etkinliğinin sağlanmasının önünde, terörizmin tanımlanması sorunu önemli bir engel teşkil etmektedir. Bu kapsamda makalede öncelikle, terörizmin tanımlanması sorunu ve Birleşmiş Milletler’in terörizme ilişkin genel yaklaşımı incelenmiştir. Daha sonrasında ise Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin terörizm ile mücadeledeki rolü, kararlar ve komiteler bağlamında tanım sorunu merkezinde incelenmiştir.

How does gender identity factor into preventing violent extremism, and rehabilitating individuals involved with terrorist networks? This question is becoming increasingly visible in the literature on preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) programs. However, it remains unclear how experts working on P/CVE initiatives understand the importance of gender in the context of violent extremism, and how they integrate gender-sensitive approaches in their work. By relying on the concept of gender mainstreaming, this paper aims to explore how much knowledge and understanding of gender perspectives in terrorism and violent extremism P/CVE practitioners have. Based on 10 interviews with 11 experts working on P/CVE programs, this study reveals that formal knowledge about gender perspectives in violent extremism remains relatively limited among P/CVE practitioners. On one hand, most experts intuitively realize how gender identity influences one’s participation in, and disengagement from violent extremism. Most P/CVE practitioners also recognize the need for gender equality in planning and executing their programs. However, the interviews revealed that there remain several areas of improvement. Firstly, although the interviewed P/CVE practitioners appreciate the importance of having a gender-sensitive perspective, they are not sure how these insights can help build more effective P/CVE mechanisms. Moreover, some of the P/CVE experts remain unclear on what terminology should be used to describe gender-sensitive P/CVE work. This paper argues that there is a need for greater dialogue between global security organizations, academics, and the P/CVE practitioners working on the ground, to design more effective and community-oriented preventing and countering violent extremism programs.

Religious fundamentalists have a common fear that modernity, digital mass media, and popular culture may corrupt young adults and undermine sacred values and moral codes. However, some young adults do not abandon their religion; conversely, they submit to fundamentalist religious authority and are willing to become martyrs. This paper seeks to provide a theoretical understanding of the relationship between religious fundamentalism and Gen Y and Gen Z’s search for meaning in the digital media ecology. The purpose of this article is to synthesize the theoretical perspectives of religious fundamentalism, imagined communities, sacred values, terror-management-theory and digital media theories to generate new insights on countering online radicalization. However rather than recommending more online counterpropaganda dampening violent extremism targeting communities, this article builds on the view that an integrated approach on digital citizenship, off-line interfaith communication, and religious face-to-face encounters with ‘the other’ to share sacred and secular values in the pedagogical environment will help understand the social reality of ‘the other’ and can offer effective insights to prevent home-grown extremism, social insularity and reduce in-group biases at an early age.

This systematic literature review focuses on the evaluation of programs or interventions designed to deradicalize, disengage, rehabilitate, and/or reintegrate terrorists and/or extremists. Though a robust literature describing such interventions exists, it has long been recognized that more data are needed on the effectiveness of programs designed to facilitate reintegration. Thus, the objective of this review is to present an overview of academic and grey literature on the evaluation of programming designed to facilitate the deradicalization, disengagement, rehabilitation, and/or reintegration of terrorists and/or extremists. Our initial queries yielded 271 seemingly relevant peer-reviewed and grey literature articles, but after a more robust screening we determined that only 37 of those articles directly related to the evaluation of interventions. These articles are presented by evaluation design (e.g., quantitative, qualitative); we also review the evaluation mechanisms (e.g., survey, interviews, note review), study design (e.g., experimental, quasi-experimental), data types (i.e., quantitative or qualitative), and findings. Finally, we include ten articles discussing theory of program evaluation. Though the review is limited to available data (e.g., not including unpublished evaluations or government evaluations), we conclude by discussing the state of program evaluation relating to interventions designed to deradicalize, disengage, rehabilitate, and/or reintegrate terrorists and/or extremists, and offering several recommendations for how to improve evaluation methods and overcome barriers to evaluation.

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The present work by Qiu Kuanyong examines the discursive construction of terrorism in German and Chinese media. The newspapers Die Welt and Süddeutsche Zeitung in Germany, as well as the People's Daily in China, are analyzed. The results show that the perception of terrorism in German media has changed after the attacks of September 11, 2001, and terrorism is defined as a communication strategy. In Chinese media, terrorism is discussed as a threat to stability, and the fight against terrorism by the US and Europe is portrayed as self-serving. The work provides insight into the differences between the two countries and allows for a deeper understanding of the Chinese terrorism discourse. [Extracted from the article]

Through their discursive actions, parliamentarians have an impact on the public perception of societal issues. Drawing on the Discourse-Historical Approach of Critical Discourse Studies this paper strives to illuminate how persons, objects, or abstract things are discursively constructed as victims. The debate speeches relate to two cases of terrorism: The National Socialist Underground (NSU) and the ISIS attack at Breitscheidplatz in Berlin. After first identifying the types of victims in the data, the study then conducts a detailed analysis of the discursive resources that are used in the construction process. Furthermore, the victim constructions are interrogated in terms of their strategic political aims. Apart from linguistic means, different context levels play a crucial role in the construction. The examined victim constructions aimed for example at the sense of unity (Wir-Gefühl) and presenting the own party in a certain light. The study shows how the discursive construction of victims contributes to the construction of reality for the public and how they serve different kinds of strategic and political aims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of radicalisation, that often takes place in prisions in European and Muslim countries, is extremely important to understand the challenges and threats for the international security, caused by jihadist terrorism. It is necessary to analyse how condemned individual becomes involved in militant activities. The article analyses the problem of violent radicalisation in Spanish prisions and examines anti-terrorist policy based in this context on the idea of prevention, deradicalisation and disengagement. The research is focused on the conditions and purposes of the Spanish strategies and programmes introduced in the penitentiary centers in the response to the jihadi recruitment in the Iberian Peninsula. The author emphasises the priorities of the National Strategic Plan to Combat Violent Radicalisation approved in 2015 and other initiatives and regulations to stop the Salafi proselytism and unable the indoctrination activities among the Muslim in prisions. The methodological analysis is based on the integration of historical and system method and refers to the Marc Sageman’s theory of the jihadist network, which is more appropriate to understand how they appear and operate. The main finding of the article is that Spanish authorities have implemented the multidimensional and integrated programmes countering violent extremism and anti-radicalisation in prisions that are effective, despite some elements that could be improved.

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to explore how education can help students develop democratic resilience as a bulwark against terror-induced fear, securitization, and possibly even extremism itself. Approach: This article presents findings from a qualitative study exploring security governance in Norwegian secondary schools. The empirical corpus draws on 16 semi-structured interviews with educators to explore their perspectives on security governance in schools. Findings: The securitization of education risks normalizing fear culture in schools. Trust can likely be used to prevent or reduce the emergence of such fear. This study explores educational narratives by analyzing how a combination of cognitive trust and emotional trust may help students to build democratic resilience against terror-induced fear. In this context, helping students develop more sophisticated understandings of the social world and ensuring trustful relationships is a promising peacebuilding and potentially de-securitizing approach to explore in education.

The article "Crises in Afghanistan - Limits of External Intervention" by Shanthie Mariet D'Souza deals with Afghanistan's internal contradictions and the destabilizing role of its neighbors. Despite progress in areas such as women's rights and democracy, the international community has neglected the long-term stabilization of the country. The Taliban have exploited the legitimacy crisis and gained support in remote areas. Afghanistan is facing a severe economic and humanitarian crisis while the international community focuses its attention on other regions. The situation of people in Afghanistan continues to be characterized by terrorism, poverty, and the oppression of women and minorities. The international community must exert pressure to bring about a change in these conditions. [Extracted from the article]

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