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Der Beitrag unternimmt eine Reflexion jener psychosozialen Mechanismen, mit deren Hilfe ein Begriff von Propaganda für die Rechtsextremismusforschung gerahmt werden kann. Um einen solchen Propagandabegriff formulieren zu können, werden grundlegende Überlegungen ausgewählter Kritischer Theoretiker zu Propaganda und Agitation diskutiert. Dabei wird vorgeschlagen, dass Propaganda der extremen Rechten in Abgrenzung zu anderen politischen Mobilisierungsformen als eine regressiv wirkende Sozialisationsagentur verstanden werden kann. Um die Relevanz der dargelegten Überlegungen zu verdeutlichen, analysiert der Autor einen Ausschnitt einer politischen Rede von Björn Höcke (AfD), anhand der die doppelbödige Wirkungsweise extrem rechter Propaganda ausgearbeitet wird. So tritt in Höckes Ansprache gegen die deutsche Asylpolitik beispielhaft die ambivalente Adressierung extrem rechter Propaganda hervor, die ihrem Publikum einerseits narzisstische Aufwertung verspricht, dieses anderseits aber auch beständig klein macht und kränkt. Im Rahmen eines solchen doppelbödigen Erlebnisangebots jedoch, so wird zu zeigen versucht, macht extrem rechte Propaganda rechtsextreme Ideologiefragmente emotional attraktiv, insofern sie diese als verheißungsvolle Lösung für jene Konflikte und Beschädigungen darbietet, die extrem rechte Propaganda wiederum manipulativ verstärkt.

This article reviews Gaming and Extremism: The Radicalization of Digital Playgrounds (2024), edited by Linda Schlegel and Rachel Kowert. Gaming and Extremism (2024) presents the current state of the literature on the nexus between videogames, gaming spaces, and extremism.

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The anthology "North Rhine-Westphalia and Imperialism" deals with various aspects of imperialism in the past and how it is dealt with in the present. The 24 articles cover topics such as local and regional colonial and missionary activities, economy, migration, the collection of cultural artifacts in museums, and colonial propaganda. One article focuses on the life of Heinrich Mostertz, a colonial official who later became an artist, publisher, and writer. The article discusses Mostertz's activities in German East Africa and the influence of the Reich Colonial League in Mönchengladbach. The anthology is recognized as a contribution to historical research on imperialism and colonialism in North Rhine-Westphalia. [Extracted from the article]

The Korean War was a crucial event at the beginning of Czechoslovakian Cold War ideology and propaganda, when, in the duel between the two worlds, culture was involved. The present article focuses on the formative era of the Korean War narrative through Cold War fictions and nonfictions in 1950s Czechoslovakia. It presents the most influential books in the Czechoslovakia of the time: Han Hǔngsu’s Korea včera a dnes (Korea Yesterday and Today), the Soviet publication Viděli jsme Koreu (We Saw Korea), and the North Korean anthology of pamphlets Jak byla připravena válka v Koreji (How the Korean War was prepared). The article then analyses two anthologies of poetry written by the famous Soviet Korean poet Cho Kich’ŏn, the novel Sešit nalezený v Sunčchonu (The Notebook Found in Sunchŏn) by Roman Kim, and the booklet Čeští spisovatelé korejským dětem (Czech Writers to Korean Children). The conclusion summarises the ways in which the Korean War was depicted and the pivots of its narrative.

The terms “self-determination,” “democracy,” and “national autonomy” were omnipresent after the end of World War I. Yet it was not only actors with revolutionary or nation-state agendas who used these popular slogans. Representatives of the just-collapsed Empires in Eastern Europe also explained their actions in the violent phase of negotiating future state order with these terms and thus—intentionally or unintentionally—contributed to the estab-lishment of the corresponding vocabulary. Often, however, it remained unclear which con-crete political objectives were concealed behind the buzzwords.The article explores this question using the example of the West Russian Volunteer Army and its commander-in-chief Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. This army appeared for a short period in 1919 as an occupying force in Courland and in the north of Lithuania and represents a special example of an imperialist military enterprise in the civil wars of Central and Eastern Europe. The personnel composition of thisarmy and the political circles associated with it combined objectives that included the restoration of the Tsarist empire, the retention of re-gional self-government by the Baltic German elites, and the safeguarding of German war aims in Eastern Europe. Since the competition for regional state reorganization was foughtnot least with propa-gandistic means, the actors tried to communicate their own understanding of a right to national self-determination to the population of the occupied territory as well as to the inter-ested world public. The article examines both this communicative strategy and the way in which the political promises were institutionalized on the ground.

The article focuses on various forms of deception and trickery throughout history. Topics including the historical development of hot air balloons for propaganda distribution during wartime, the use of book covers for smuggling sensitive documents across borders, and instances of scientific hoaxes that have manipulated public perception and academic scrutiny. It mentions each case illustrates different methods of deceit aimed at influencing perception or gaining advantage.

During World War II, Soviet museums constituted an important part of the war propaganda machine and were used by the Soviet state to mobilize its population and to create a public historical narrative about the war. Staff at Soviet museums began organizing war-related patriotic exhibitions from the very first days of the German invasion in June 1941. This article focuses on two types of war-themed exhibitions and museums that were prominent in the Soviet urban spaces during the war and immediately after: trophy exhibitions and exhibitions and museums that focused on constructing historical narratives about the war. Among the main topics of the latter exhibitions were partisan resistance, German atrocities, and the central role of the Communist Party and Stalin personally. While the creators of these war museums adhered to the ideological frameworks and museum content plans developed by Moscow’s professional ideologists, I demonstrate that local museum workers were able, to some extent, to deviate from centrally prescribed narratives and to engage their own agency and creativity, and that the extent of this deviation was largely defined by regional specifics and by individual efforts and local circumstances. The impact of regional differences in the narration of the war is especially evident in the comparison of the representation of the Holocaust in museums in Kyiv and Minsk. Finally, I demonstrate that local circumstances were a major factor in the fate of each museum after the end of the war.

Propaganda; İngiltere’nin eski başbakanlarından Thatcher’in anlatımı ile “terörizmin oksijenidir”. Devletin siyasal aygıtlarına, hukuk düzenine yönelik yıkıcı ideolojisini, siyasal amacını, fikirlerini; gerçekleştirdiği sembolik şiddet eylemlerinin arkasına yerleştiren terör örgütü; korkutarak uyuşturduğu kitlelerin zihinlerine bu yolla erişmeyi ve onları dönüştürmeyi hedefler. Ne var ki, terör örgütünün elinde muazzam bir silah olan propaganda, ifade hürriyetinin bir tezahürü/görünüm şekli olarak da değerlendirilir. İfade hürriyeti ise bütün hürriyetlerin özü ve ön koşulu olarak kabul edildiği için hukuksal müdahale ve kısıtlamadan olabildiğince korunmak istenir. Üstelik, salt bir düşünce açıklaması olarak, ifadenin herhangi bir suça vücut vermeyeceğine ilişkin kuvvetli bir eğilim de mevcuttur. Gerçekten, bu yaklaşıma göre en yıkıcı fikir ya da düşünce açıklaması dahi serbest tartışma ortamında panzehrini bulacak, böylece hukuksal bir müdahaleye ihtiyaç da kalmayacaktır. İfade hürriyetinin bir türevi olarak görülen propaganda fiilleri için de benzer değerlendirme sık sık yapılır. Oysa, haklar ve yükümlülüklerin karşılıklığı temelinde şekillenmiş olan modern hukuk düzenlerinde, hiçbir hak ve hürriyet sınırsız kabul edilmez. Dolayısıyla ifade hürriyetinin de sınırlarının olacağı tabiidir. Yaygın kabulün aksine basit bir düşünce açıklamasından daha fazla anlam içeren propaganda filleri için bu sınır evleviyetle mevcuttur. Ancak sağlıklı bir değerlendirme için ifade ile propaganda arasındaki sınırın belirginleştirilmesine ve propagandanın terörizmde oynadığı rolün anlaşılmasına ihtiyaç bulunmaktadır.

The terms "self-determination," "democracy," and "national autonomy" were omnipresent after the end of World War I. Yet it was not only actors with revolutionary or nation-state agendas who used these popular slogans. Representatives of the just-collapsed Empires in Eastern Europe also explained their actions in the violent phase of negotiating future state order with these terms and thus intentionally or unintentionally contributed to the establishment of the corresponding vocabulary. Often, however, it remained unclear which concrete political objectives were concealed behind the buzzwords. The article explores this question using the example of the West Russian Volunteer Army and its commander-in-chief Pavel Bermondt-Avalov. This army appeared for a short period in 1919 as an occupying force in Courland and in the north of Lithuania and represents a special example of an imperialist military enterprise in the civil wars of Central and Eastern Europe. The personnel composition of this army and the political circles associated with it combined objectives that included the restoration of the Tsarist empire, the retention of regional self-government by the Baltic German elites, and the safeguarding of German war aims in Eastern Europe. Since the competition for regional state reorganization was fought not least with propagandistic means, the actors tried to communicate their own understanding of a right to national self-determination to the population of the occupied territory as well as to the interested world public. The article examines both this communicative strategy and the way in which the political promises were institutionalized on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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W artykule przeprowadzono analizę podręcznika do nauki języka niemieckiego z 1951 roku ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem treści polityczno-propagandowych oraz rozwiązań metodycznych, które autorzy zastosowali w swojej publikacji. Poprzez analizę wybranych treści autor wprowadza czytelnika w klimat edukacyjno-wychowawczy lat pięćdziesiątych XX wieku.

On May 27th, 1942, Nazi German SS Obergruppenfuhrer Reinhard Heydrich was assassinated in an infamous event called Operation Anthropoid. The Nazi German response to this assassination was razing the two Czechoslovakian towns named Lidice and Ležáky. While there have been many books, articles, and movies about the events of Operation Anthropoid, the sources omit details regarding how the Allied powers, specifically the Western Allied Powers, used the horrendous events. This paper argues that the Western Allied powers used the razing of Lidice and Ležáky as propaganda to garner public support for the war effort by galvanizing their respective civilian populations against Nazi Germany. The various methods of propaganda, the vast scope of the distribution, and the timing of the propaganda release are analyzed throughout the paper. By the end of the paper a light will be shined upon, a rarely, if ever, discussed aspect of the assassination of the highest-ranking Nazi official throughout the course of World War II. How the subsequent reprisals were used as propaganda.

Türkiye’de televizyon yayıncılığı Türkiye Radyo ve Televizyon Kurumunun (TRT) 31 Ocak 1968 tarihinde Ankara’da gerçekleştirdiği deneme yayınıyla resmen başladı. Televizyon yaygınlaştıkça kitleler üzerindeki etkisi de fark edildi. 1971 Muhtırasını yapan kadronun ilk iş olarak TRT’nin özerkliğini kaldırması, televizyonun siyasi gücünün farkına varıldığını gösteriyordu. 2 Ağustos 1974 tarihinden itibaren, TRT sürekli olarak Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı ile ilgili haber ve belgesellere yer verdi, bu sayede televizyon Türkiye açısından milli olarak kabul edilen bir konuyu tüm Türkiye’ye ve dünyaya duyurarak rüştünü ispatlamış oldu. Aynı şekilde, 1970'li yıllar, Süleyman Demirel ve Bülent Ecevit'in neredeyse her gece televizyon aracılığıyla halka hitap edip bir platforma dönüştü. Böylece, 1970’li yıllarda televizyonun politizasyonu süreci de başladı. 1970’li yıllar boyunca, televizyon bir propaganda aracı olarak nasıl kullanıldı? Televizyonun propaganda aracı olarak kullanılmasının yasal zemini nasıl oluştu? Bu makale, söz konusu sorulara cevaplar aramayı ve bundan hareketle Türk siyasi hayatına dair sonuçlar çıkarmayı hedeflemektedir. Makale, TRT Arşivi, dönemin süreli yayınları ve arşiv belgeleri ışığında televizyonun propaganda işlevi ve bunun yasal çerçevesini analitik bir şekilde değerlendirilmeyi amaçlamaktadır.

Bu çalışmada ABD’nin Panturanizm’e bakışı ele alınmaktadır. Osmanlı Devleti’nin son yıllarında dünyadaki Pan hareketlerinin bir yansıması olarak ortaya atılan Panturanizm-Turancılık, Osmanlı Devleti nezdinde kabul görmüştür. Turan ırkının bir araya getirilmesini amaçlayan Panturanizm, İngiltere tarafından Milli Mücadele karşıtlığı için propaganda malzemesi yapılmıştır. ABD’de Türk karşıtlığı üzerinden şekillenen Panturanizm, Ermeni ve Yunan lobilerinin etkisi ile kamuoyunda geniş yer tutmuştur. Milli Mücadele’nin hemen başında Amerikan kamuoyunda Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın bu olgu üzerinden hareket ettiği iddiaları, Milli Mücadele’ye karşı propaganda faaliyetlerinin ne kadar etkili olduğunu göstermektedir. Milli Mücadele’nin askeri alanın yanı sıra propagandalara karşı da mücadelesinin bir örneği de Panturanizm hakkında yaşananlardır. Cumhuriyetin ilanının hemen başına kadar varlığını koruyan Panturanizm algısı, yeni devletin bu fikirde olmadığı yönünde açıklamaları ile Amerikan kamuoyunda bu konuda yayınlar nedeniyle gündemden düşmüştür. Çalışmada tarih sınırlandırılmasına gidilerek, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin ilk yıllarına kadar olan kısım ele alınmaktadır. Panturanizm’in Milli Mücadele ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti aleyhinde nasıl bir propaganda malzemesi olarak kullanıldığı, iki ülke ilişkilerine nasıl etki ettiği ve Mustafa Kemal Paşa’nın bu propagandaya karşı nasıl mücadele ettiği sorularına arşiv kaynakları ve birinci el kaynaklar başta olmak üzere araştırma eserlerinden elde edilen bilgi ve bulgularla cevap verilmektedir. Bir propaganda malzemesi olarak kullanılan ve Amerikan kamuoyunda yer alan Panturanizm’in ülkedeki Türk aleyhtarlığını güçlendiren unsurlardan birisi olduğu bu durumun da iki ülke ilişkilerinde olumsuz bir etkiye neden olduğu savunulmaktadır.

The author attempts to show how the National Socialist dictatorship, which had been establishing itself since the spring of 1933, interfered with the Berlin-based publishing house Monumenta Germaniae Historica (MGH). The related sources are mainly isolated finds from the correspondence of the time since the regime did not proceed in a strictly systematic manner and the related letters were not systematically archived. The regime's goals consisted of excluding politically and „racially" undesirable persons. This was effected by operating a screened and socially controlled MGH staff selected from the desired „national community"; controlling scientific and social activity especially in the area of foreign contacts and within larger groups (congresses); and mobilising the MGH staff for propaganda purposes. With the establishment of the „Reichsinstitut für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde (Monumenta Germaniae Historica)" in spring 1935, the institutional „reform" of the MGH came to an end, but not the attempts by the regime to influence it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the inclusion of Iran in the BRICS group and the reasons behind it. Russia has been pushing for the inclusion, and China welcomes it as both countries want to strengthen their options for bypassing American sanctions. For Iran, membership is a propaganda success that confirms its geopolitical orientation towards the East and its confrontational attitude towards the West. However, there is skepticism towards the regime's positive portrayals, as the country's economic and developmental challenges cannot be solved solely through membership in the BRICS. The long-term effects of Iran's BRICS membership are uncertain and could depend on internal conflicts within the group. The geopolitical situation in the Middle East is volatile and could lead to tensions between regional powers. [Extracted from the article]

Islamist extremists are a group that pose a particular threat not only due to their proneness to violence but also because they recruit transnationally, utilizing freely accessible social media platforms such as Instagram. One of their key target groups is adolescents, a group that is particularly vulnerable and in need for orientation due to a variety of life-stage-specific challenges. As a result, adolescents are particularly susceptible to external influences on platforms such as Instagram. Recognizing this, Islamist extremists focus their strategic communication on adolescents, using a variety of strategies for both their messaging and the format of their content on Instagram to make it appealing to this group. To protect adolescents, the importance of extremism-related (media) knowledge is emphasized. However, the transfer of knowledge to action is not without preconditions. This paper is based on semi-structured interviews with 12 adolescents in Germany and examines how they apply their knowledge on Islamist extremism when using Instagram and whether, and why, a break between knowledge and action occurs. The study reveals several individual, situational, and message factors that interfere with the process and deter adolescents from applying their knowledge and protecting themselves.

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The shaping of Tito’s cult went through various phases and changed in the rhythm of dynamic social changes. The image of Tito is systematically, organized and patiently revived through the media, educational and scientific system, party and wider social activities. The image was a combination of a number of classic images: war hero and strategist, world leader, wise teacher, victor over the forces of evil (Hitler later Stalin) but also specific to him as a man of the people but royal manners and world importance, charmer popular among women who knows how to rule but also enjoys life, etc. Even after his death, through the slogan “And after Tito, Tito!”, his cult in society was further developed in order to maintain power. The fact that Tito enjoys great popularity in the former Yugoslav republics, even after 40 years since his death, shows how successful the shaping of the cult was and the skilfully placed images of it accepted. Especially in Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, Slovenia, while in Serbia, according to some studies, he is popular with as many as 32% of the population.

The international political context of the years between 1956 and 1957, especially as seen in Hungary, has brought new changes in the Romanian ideology, which can be observed even in the cinema and theater at the time. This atmosphere can be observed in official documents of the Central Comity of the Communist Party from 1956, where the term “creative liberty” of theater and film directors but also every artist at the time is mentioned. From this starting point, because of the international political context, there are changes brought to life that cannot go around cinema and theater in Romania at the time. More than that, changes have been made to ongoing artistic production at the time, regarding all what is understood by artistic creation.

This article examines the visual strategies employed in the early modern period by a dynasty ruling a smaller state, the Duchy of Lorraine, to survive in the face of expansion by larger neighbours (notably France). The central argument posits that in order to be treated as fully royal (and therefore with inherent rights to exist independently, as full members of the society of princes), princes like the dukes of Lorraine had to appear as royal in their visual representation. The article therefore looks at different examples of selfrepresentation produced by the dynasty over time, including genealogical treatises, coins, portraits, and printed material, in order to see how this was achieved and what symbols were used. What emerges is a sense that this strategy was more closely tied to dynasticism, not necessarily state-building, and while it can be said to have failed for the Duchy of Lorraine as a state, it proved successful, even beyond what had been imagined, for the dynasty itself. This idea repositions our conceptions of “sovereignty” in this period, to see it, at least in some cases, as a quality pertaining to dynasties rather than more rigidly to the states they governed. Their hereditary estates in Lorraine were lost in 1737 but the dynasty survived, as grand dukes of Tuscany, and was deemed worthy of transformation into a fully royal—even imperial—dynasty through marriage to the Habsburg heiress Maria Theresa and the election of Francis Stephen of Lorraine as Holy Roman Emperor in 1745.

The Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871 altered the traditional French view about German society. The French, demoralized by their quick defeat, were forced to re-evaluate their view of the German people. During the several decades before the Great War, each of the two countries had cultivated certain views and stereotypes about the national character of its opponent, creating a kind of «enemy» image in their own society. Projecting negative traits onto another people was also an essential step in the consolidation of national identity. Views of Germany were created and reinforced at many different cultural levels in France. Hostile mythologies combined with increasing international tensions, which contributed to a consequent further proliferation of hateful images. As the title implies the article describes the attempt to study the constructed stereotypes about Germany in France during the period from 1870-1914, using the image of a German woman as an example. A number of visual and written sources in which this image was embodied are analysed. The study of the image of the German woman, which was formed in the French society, will help to shed light on the peculiarities of mutual perception of the peoples in the pre-war years.

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Philip II and Alexander the Great justified and accompanied their expedition against the Persians through the themes of revenge and freedom. These topics, because they conflict with the Realpolitik of the two kings, can be considered as propaganda.

Building on the growing literature on the communication strategies of the League of Nations, this article discusses the films that a variety of actors made on the activities of the international organization. While the efforts of the League’s Secretariat in Geneva are at the center of this article, it is important to acknowledge the films made by civil society actors, gathered in national League of Nations societies. Not constrained by the ban on propaganda that applied to the League officials, these societies tried to mobilize their audience by making emotional appeals and adapting the League’s message to the national political context. After long delays and eventually with limited success, the Secretariat made its own talkie in the late 1930s, The League at Work. In all three films discussed in this article, the horrors of the First World War were portrayed to convince the audience that international cooperation was necessary to prevent a new catastrophe. With these films, the various actors promoted the League as the organization that could oversee a stable world order.

Der vorliegende Beitrag befasst sich mit der Anwendung von Mixed Methods im Kontext gestaltungsorientierter Bildungsforschung. Hierfür werden zunächst grundlegende Charakteristika, Motive und Designformen von Mixed Methods erarbeitet, bevor anschließend verschiedene Möglichkeiten der Integration vorgestellt werden. Daraufhin folgt eine Untersuchung exemplarisch ausgewählte Ansätze gestaltungsorientierter Bildungsforschung hinsichtlich der systematischen Kombination qualitativer und quantitativer Methoden. Anhand eines Forschungsprojekts zur Förderung von Medienkritikfähigkeit bei Jugendlichen im Kontext zeitgenössischer Propaganda, das auf Basis der praxis- und theorienorientierten Entwicklung und Evaluation von Konzepten unterrichtlichen Handelns (vgl. Tulodziecki, Grafe, und Herzig 2013) entwickelt wurde, soll schlussendlich die konkrete Umsetzung von Mixed-Methods-Designs sowie die Verwendung von Integrationsstrategien demonstriert werden.

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The article offers information on official memorandum from Federal Political Department in Berne, Switzerland on May 7, 1957. It mentions disarmament problem in a skilful and non-political way and Austrians think it is difficult to judge whether this is mere propaganda or not and Russians assess the possibility of a local limitation of armaments in connection with the idea of ​​inspection. It also mentions question of neutrality was discussed only in very broad outlines.

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The First World War was the first war in which warring governments deliberately set up organisations to create and conduct propaganda on their enemies, allies, neutrals and their own populations. The First World War began at a time when a number of interacting political, social, commercial, military and technological factors gave rise to a very wide range of media through which propaganda could be disseminated, including official and unofficial channels, newspapers, speeches, films, photographs, posters, books, pamphlets, periodicals and cartoons. To rally neutral countries, to weld together its own camp and to demoralise the enemy, France undertook an intense effort to censor information and to produce propaganda. Vertical state propaganda proved decisive, notably through the engagement of statesmen like Aristide Briand and Georges Clemenceau, or else through the creation of official organs of propaganda like Maison de la Presse. As the title implies the article describes the attempt to study the formation of propaganda organizations in France during 1914-1918. The text gives a valuable information on their activities and interactions with government authorities. A detailed study and analysis of the activities of these organizations will help to make a more accurate picture of the features of the military propaganda of France.

W 1698 r. Maria Kazimiera d’Arquien Sobieska opuściła Rzeczpospolitą, by udać się w długą drogę do Rzymu, który do 1714 r. stanowił jej rezydencję. Pobyt wdowy po Janie III w Wiecznym Mieście i jej publiczny wizerunek były przedmiotami relacji zwartych w wydawnictwach periodycznych. W pracy odwołano się do wybranych materiałów źródłowych, aby ukazać niektóre aspekty funkcjonowania polskiej królowej w światowym centrum chrześcijaństwa. W tekście poruszone zostały kolejno sprawy ceremoniału towarzyszącego wjazdowi królowej, kwestia jej rezydencji i statusu w hierarchii społecznej, kontakty z papieżami Innocentym XII i Klemensem XI, kardynałami tworzącymi krąg Kurii Rzymskiej oraz arystokracją.

In this essay, I explore the nature of propaganda in a hybrid media environment through the example of Russian propaganda during the ongoing war in Ukraine. I start by briefly overviewing the Russian media system’s development, focusing on the roots of cynical attitude toward journalism in the society. After analyzing propaganda strategies, I suggest the propaganda on demand concept, which describes the manipulation of public opinion by targeting different social milieus with specifically tailored narratives. In Russia’s case, this approach is based on inconsistency and eclecticism. However, it seems well suited to the very logic of the digital realm, which helps the state deliver often-contradicting narratives to different target groups.

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This communication reviews some of the aesthetical and circumstantial characteristics of André Malraux’s only film, Sierra de Teruel (1939), also known as Espoir (Hope, 1945), and of Romain Gary’s first film, Les oiseaux vont mourir au Pérou (Birds in Peru, 1968). As regards Espoir, our observations are based on the 1939 and 1945 versions of the film, now of easy access, and on the abundant and reliable academic literature published about it. Birds in Peru, conversely, is a far lesser-known and lesser-documented work. Screenings of Gary’s film are all too rare indeed nowadays and, but for a few highly specialized references, its appraisal still consists in a short set of irrelevant legends, continually retold by biographers and academics alike despite their blatant discrepancies with historical evidence, with the film itself, and with Gary’s literary works in general. Ours are first-hand observations: in our possession is a release print, which we had digitized and can thus view at will. In addition, we have explored a variety of source materials in cinematographic archives and historical newspapers. Valued either as one of Malraux’s works or as an example of antifascist propaganda, it is lucky that Sierra de Teruel can still be viewed today, despite the political censorship that prevented its release in September 1939 and despite the destruction of all prints but two by the German occupant in France during WWII. Equally fortunate are the facts that moralistic considerations failed to stop the release of Birds in 1968 and that prints of it aren’t all lost. Gary scholars will find food for thought in it, as well as semioticians, Gary’s film being just as allegorical as his contemporary novel The Dance of Genghis Cohn. More generally still, both works, no naïve executions, bring evidence that talented writers can change media effectively. Far from being literal adaptations, their two films narrate free and inspired versions of stories already told in the written form. Their filming style is creative, their technique masterly. Their ease with the cinematographic medium allows them to reemploy and expand devices known to make their personal literary signature. Such as the striking juxtaposition of action and scenery used by Malraux to convey his metaphysics of disjunction between man and nature. Such as the subtle art of immigrating lexical components from other tongues and languages, idiosyncratic to Gary’s novel writing. Even elements of their respective forms of humanism show through their films.

The terror of the 21st century confronts Western societies with the return of violence. A globally calculated iconography of fear, specifically that of Islamic propaganda, aims at the imaginary of Western culture. The culture’s very self, cast in the lurid light of the violent acts, is threatened by an enemy that has crawled into the imagined, as if it came from somewhere else, to confront the self with its own image. This essay examines the icons of terror and explores possible counter-imagery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the German Emperor Period—aside of the few state-financed foreign "propaganda" schools—German private schools in external countries were put under the influence of German foreign cultural policy. The focusing on political consideration increased afterWWIas result of the treaty ofVersailles.As part of the heavily discussed foreign policy the mobilization of these schools in foreign countries for the use for propaganda seems restricted until the National Socialists within their aggressive policy changed and made use of these schools in foreign countries for their foreign cultural policy. For a short time, this was realized by the National Socialist Teachers League creating inside a Foreign School District. To study the result of their activity in the archives only few documents have survived for research explaining the work and its ideology, stressing the teachers engaged with their role of a cultural ambassador of the Nazi movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Postcards and posters were the primary medium of visual communication during the World War I. Propaganda used them to incite patriotism in the reader, using various images and visual motives. One of them was the portrayal of home. This article explores how was home depicted on the Central Powers‘ and Entente’s posters and postcards and if there were any differences and/or similarities between them.

In the 1960s the communist-controlled Czechoslovakia strongly ideologically opposed the Western countries both in terms of public promotional activities as well as in the internal materials of the Czechoslovak state authorities. Their anti-Western rhetoric was also focused on the system of government and economic situation. It is also the focus of this contribution which uses France as an example. It is based on contents and linguistic analysis of the materials of the Czechoslovak diplomatic service and the newspaper Rudé právo.

The information policy of the official Russian and pro-Russian online media regarding the so-called Ukrainian crisis contributes to the formation of the image of a new “ideological enemy” in public consciousness. With the help of traditional techniques of political propaganda, persistent clichés, and vivid visual images, modern Russian cartoonists influence the emotional perception of the situation by the public and perpetuate new myths about Ukraine. This article examines how the formation and dissemination of the image of the “enemy” occurs through its representation in the genre of modern political caricature. Caricatures reflecting the attitude of Russian artists to the political and economic situation in the neighboring country, to the bilateral conflict, as well as to attempts to resolve it by influential world political actors are analyzed using examples of specific authors and the plots of their caricatures.