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About 20% of all psoriasis patients require photo- and/or systemic therapy because of the severity of their disease. Side effects, contraindications, insufficient clinical responses, and lack of long-term efficacy underline the need for novel and improved anti-psoriatic therapies. In recent years, the technology has been established to generate therapeutic molecules from living cells capable of inhibiting disease-relevant mediators or cell-cell interactions. Several of these so-called biologics interfering with key steps in the immunopathogenesis of psoriasis have the potential to meet this need with regard to treating moderate to severe psoriasis. Here, the Psoriasis Study Group of the Arbeitsgemeinschaft Dermatologische Forschung (ADF) analyses the established anti-psoriatic treatment modalities. With the shortcomings of these options in mind, biologics with an immediate relevance for clinical application in the treatment of psoriasis are discussed. The focus is on their potential medical advantages along with safety aspects. Moreover, legal and economical aspects with an impact on the use of biologics are addressed.

Copyright of Soziale Systeme is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bibliotheksdienst is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates the role of USA in promoting of economic order (Ordoliberalism) in Germany after the second world war and further its impact on the bottom- up process of Europeanization. Moreover, the United States of America as a modern federation has become an inspiration for European federation concepts. The main hypothesis is contained in the statement that the depart from the policy of order by the USA has been disastrous for international order. The consequence of this was financial and economic crisis, which further deepened the EU and EMU disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Freiburger Zeitschrift für GeschlechterStudien (FZG) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praxis (16618157) is the property of Aerzteverlag medinfo AG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Goal of the Study: An intent of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Acts (ACA), also know as Obama Care, was to slow the expenditure growth in the public Medicare-System by shifting the accountability for health care outcomes and costs to the provider. For this purpose, provider were allowed to form networks, which would then take accountability for a defined population - Accountable Care Organizations (ACOs). Ten years after the introduction of ACOs, this paper looks at the impact of ACOs both on quality of care and costs of care to assess if ACOs can be a model of care delivery for Germany., Methods: In a mixed-method approach, a rapid review was conducted in Health System Evidence and PubMed. This was supported with further papers identified using the snowballing-technique. After screening the abstracts, we included articles containing information on cost- and/or quality impact of US-Medicare-ACOs. The findings of the rapid review were challenged with 16 ACO-experts and stakeholder in the USA., Results: In total, we included 60 publications which incorporated 6 reports that were either conducted directly by governmental institutions or ordered by them, along with 3 previous reviews. Among these, 31 contained information on costs of care, 18 contained information on quality of care and 11 had information on both aspects. The publications show that ACOs reduced costs of of care. Cost reductions were achieved compared to historic costs, to populations not cared for in ACOs, and counterfactuals. Quality of care stayed the same or improved., Conclusion: ACOs contributed to slowing the cost growth in US Medicare without compromising quality of care. Thus, a transferal of this model of care to Germany should be considered. However, various policies have led to ACOs failing to unleash their full potential. Against this background, and against the background of stark differences between US Medicare and the German health care system, a critical reflection of the necessary policies underlying ACOs-like structures in Germany, needs to be undertaken., Competing Interests: Die Autorinnen/Autoren geben an, dass kein Interessenkonflikt besteht., (Thieme. All rights reserved.)

How do the earth sciences mediate between the natural and social world? This paper explores the question by focusing on the history of nonfuel mineral resource appraisal from the late nineteenth to the mid twentieth century. It argues that earth sciences early on embraced social scientific knowledge, i. e. economic knowledge, in particular, when it came to determining ore deposits and estimating the magnitude of mineral reserves. After 1900, assessing national and global mineral reserves and their 'life span' or years of supply became ever more important, scaling up and complementing traditional appraisal practices on the level of individual mines or mining and trading companies. As a consequence, economic methods gained new weight for mineral resource estimation. Natural resource economics as an own field of research grew out of these efforts. By way of example, the mineral resource appraisal assigned to the U.S. Materials Policy Commission by President Harry S. Truman in 1951 is analyzed in more detail. Natural resource economics and environmental economics might be interpreted as a strategy to bring down the vast and holistically conceived object of geological and ecological research, the earth, to human scale, and assimilate it into social matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie ( KZfSS) is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Schmollers Jahrbuch is the property of Duncker & Humblot GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the evolution of private arbitration in the U.S. over the past decade, focusing on consumer and employment contexts, class action waivers, and regulatory responses. It mentions that notable Supreme Court decisions, such as Gilmer v. Interstate/Johnson Lane Corp. and AT&T Mobility LLC v. Concepcion, have supported the enforcement of arbitration clauses. It also highlights the clash between arbitration clauses and state laws, with the Court often favoring arbitration.

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In October 2012, U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Catherine Ashton, jointly visited Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to demonstrate their united vision of the country's Euro-Atlantic integration. Although the cooperation between the EU and the U.S. in the Balkan state can generally be considered as good, some disagreements between the Transatlantic partners remain, particularly with regards to the closure of the Office of the High Representative (OHR). The paper reflects these controversial issues as well as the current attempts to support constitutional reform in Bosnia. Being a highly sensitive topic, close transatlantic cooperation on the issue seems indispensable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is the Fourth Amendment Relevant in a Technological Age? The law of "search and seizure" in the United States derives primarily from United States Supreme Court decisions construing the Fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which requires that "searches" of "houses, persons, papers and effects" be "reasonable" and that judicial warrants authorizing searches be based on "probable cause" to believe evidence will be found. Over the past 200 years, the Fourth Amendment's guarantees have been interpreted largely in the context of what might be called "physical searches" - entry into a house or car; a stop and frisk of a person on the street; or rifling through a person's private papers. But today, with the introduction of devices that can see through walls and clothes, monitor public thoroughfares twenty-four hours a day, and access millions of records in seconds, police are relying much more heavily on what might be called "virtual searches," investigative techniques that do not require physical access to premises, people, papers or effects and that can often be carried out covertly from far away. The Supreme Court's current Fourth Amendment jurisprudence - specifically, its "knowing exposure," "general public use," "contraband-specific," "assumption of risk" and "special needs" doctrines - has both failed to anticipate this development and continued to ignore it, with the result that most virtual searches are left unregulated by the Constitution. This article describes this jurisprudence and how it can foster law enforcement abuse, mission creep, mistaken seizures and physical searches, and an oppressive atmosphere even for the innocent. It then outlines a more technologically- sensitive Fourth Amendment framework. It proposes that every government effort to look for evidence of crime require some justification, but only in proportion to its intrusiveness, so that a computer search of a person's personal records, like a search of a house, would require probable cause, but technologically-enhanced tracking of a person's public movements, like a physical stop on the streets, could be justified on a lesser showing. The article also proposes a framework for analyzing searches of groups, including large-scale data-mining and use of public camera surveillance systems, that would not require individualized suspicion, but rather look at whether the group search is (1) authorized by a legislative process to which the affected group had meaningful access and (2) is conducted in a manner that eliminates discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal for Sociology of Education & Socialization / Zeitschrift für Soziologie der Erziehung & Sozialisation is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on recent critiques of securitisation, this paper takes on the concept of "networked security" recently propagated by the German Ministry of Economic Cooperation and Development. The authors demonstrate the explicit ascendancy of the military in strategies based on these conceptions which are exemplified by Cicil Military Cooperation (CIMIC). However, in contrast to official claims to the novelty of such cooperation, the basic tenets of CIMIC can be traced to the counterinsurgency strategies of the 1950s and 1960s. Here, Project Camelot - a particularly salient example of military and civic collaboration - is highlighted as a case in which the consequences of military funding and agenda setting have been well-exposed and from which lessons have been drawn. Following, this paper shows how current cases of military-civil collaboration in the field of developmental practice can be detrimental to the causes of humanitarian as well as development aid - as is amply documented, in particular, by interventions of concerned NGO representatives, who highlight the risks and predicaments incurred by being regimented into the role of "development gendarmes". Finally, the prospects for a critical turn, which would involve opting out of the logic of subservience to the military and a fundamental revision of the underlying concepts of development, are sketched. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]