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The rehabilitation and reintegration of radicalised offenders has become an increasing area of concern internationally. This has led to investment in interventions aimed at the de-radicalisation and disengagement of terrorist/radicalised inmates. However, little is known about the delivery, content and outcomes from such formal interventions. This paper fills this gap by providing results from an evaluation of a disengagement program in the Australian state of New South Wales called PRISM. The Proactive Integrated Support Model (PRISM) is an intervention delivered by Corrective Services NSW aimed at prison inmates who have a conviction for terrorism or have been identified as at risk of radicalisation. Data reported here is part of a larger second evaluation of PRISM and draws on interviews with PRISM staff (N=10) and PRISM clients (i.e., inmates and parolees; N=12). The paper examines outcomes from the intervention in relation to the benefits PRISM clients derived from participation and explores different qualitative dimensions of client progress. The responses of PRISM clients are compared against the observations of program staff who work with these individuals. Results provide lessons for how formal interventions can facilitate disengagement and reintegration. Broader lessons for the delivery and evaluation of CVE interventions are identified. Limitations in the study design are also acknowledged.

With the recent surge in the number of countries willing to repatriate and reintegrate their citizens from camps in Iraq and Syria, policymakers and practitioners around the world are revisiting their approaches to the management of foreign terrorist fighter (FTF) returnees and their families. FTF management policy and practice has significantly evolved in the last decade driven by a growing body of empirical research and a greater awareness of best practices. Despite these advancements, the role of strategic communications in FTF repatriation and reintegration is too-often absent or, at best, underappreciated, by scholars, policymakers, and practitioners alike. Yet, interviews with policymakers and practitioners in this field reveals that they are often directly (e.g. as spokespeople) and/or indirectly (e.g. advising to public figures) engaged in public messaging. Without appropriate policy cover and practical guidance, public messaging risks becoming an inadvertent amplifier of policy missteps, public misunderstandings, and malign influence activities. This policy paper argues for an approach to strategic communication in FTF management that is multidimensional, integrated, adaptable, and crosscutting. To these ends, it offers a framework of guiding principles for strategic communication in FTF management that is relevant for both policymakers in government and practitioners in non-government roles.

The critics on the category of gender as it is reflected in poststructural and postcolonial theory as well as in identity politics of new social movements is not only a ‹western› phenomenon but comes also to existence in Turkey, as an echo of universal questioning of collective subjects of women's movements. Concordantly the struggle for gender equality in Turkey gets critical interventions by women from various backgrounds, with different identity positionings and differentiations. Even both the structural discrimination and violence against women are unifying components for activists, topics like the dealing with diversity, possibility of solidary actions and building alliances are vital to discuss. This discussion paper aims to shed light on the understanding of the concepts of solidarity and alliance by activists of women's movements in Turkey. By taking the historical background of women's movements in Turkey into consideration and exemplifying women's platforms or cooperatives the paper tries to tackle the strategies for productive and constructive approaches which might be developed by recognition of differences and enable new solidarity and alliance possibilities for the sake of feminist issues. The discussion paper is based on field researches in the frame of an empirical field-research project on »Comparing women's movements in different cities in Turkey« conducted at Bremen University. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Academic literature on the Prevent counter-radicalisation strategy has long been dominated by negative voices. Whilst these authors have made important criticisms of the strategy, this literature has often neglected insights from those who deliver Prevent, which has left a seemingly intractable gap between critics and supporters of the strategy. To address this empirical weakness in the existing literature, this paper analyses interviews with 12 individuals employed to deliver Prevent at the local authority level, and in doing so discusses the potential for bridging this gap between critics and supporters of Prevent through empirical research. Using Donald Schön and Martin Rein’s work on policy framing as its theoretical framework, this paper presents counter-radicalisation as an ‘intractable policy controversy’ in which protagonists hold strongly-held, and opposing, views on the morality of Prevent. However, through an analysis of the interview data, the paper outlines some potential foundations for fostering meaningful engagement between critical and positive voices that need not undermine the strongly-held moral convictions of either side. In doing so, the paper concludes by arguing that a different approach to analysing Prevent rooted in empirical investigation will be needed if we are to move an increasingly stale debate on the strategy forward in a meaningful way.

This paper analyzes the institutional and legal organization of the Brazilian Empire during the transition from the Old Regime to a liberal world, in a country still deeply affected by its colonial status. The paper tries to answer the following questions: With the country moving towards independence, how was the new liberal order put in place in a continental, agro-exporting, slave-owning and predominantly illiterate country like Brazil, whose source of power came mainly from large rural estates? And how was the new normativity established during this huge and long period of transition? It is determined that the liberal framework involved new constitutional and infra-constitutional laws, while also accepting the survival of old legal and judicial rules and doctrines.

Copyright of Femina Politica is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Both rational choice theory and biopolitics are extremely important paradigms in the social sciences - including political science. It would seem that their basic axioms contradict each other because the influence of biopolitical power microstructures excludes sovereign and autonomous decision-making processes. Thus, the paper adopts the hypothesis that the assumptions of biopolitics falsify the basic axioms of rational choice theory, and therefore we can consider it as the antithesis of rational choice theory. In order to verify the hypothesis, the method of content analysis was applied - with particular emphasis on studies concerning both paradigms and primary sources supported by elements of comparative studies. On the basis of the analyses carried out, it was proved that the assumptions of both paradigms do not have to contradict each other - they may even be complementary. Human actions based on the principle of rationality and self-interest can be justified by the actions of biopolitics, and therefore the hypothesis has been falsified.

By analyzing the encounters at the borders between the Kingdom of Castile and Granada, and those on the Canary Islands, this paper delves into the dynamics of slavery and captivity practiced by Christians, Muslims, and the Indigenous inhabitants of the Canarias archipelago between the 15th and 16th centuries. Legal and judicial documents from this period show how common human trafficking was in the peripheries of the Spanish dominions even before the overseas expansion. This activity often included revolts, horseback raids, robberies, death, the capture and enslavement of people, and other notions such as slavery under ›just war‹, which sometimes blurred the margins between slavery and captivity. Whether at sea or on land, life in the frontier was a difficult one, with people exposed to many dangers. Furthermore, these local practices had global significance once the Spanish Empire expanded its frontiers to America and beyond.

From Al-Qaeda to Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), and now the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) or the so-called Islamic State (IS), hijra (Arabic for emigration), has been exploited by these groups to justify their call ­for Muslims all over the world to emigrate to Dār al-Islām or abode of Islam. Historically and in the Islamic context, hijra refers to the earlier generation of Muslims who left Mecca for Abyssinia as well as Prophet Muhammad’s emigration to Medina. This paper focuses on the notion of hijra as interpreted by ISIS to draw Muslims to Iraq and Syria to strengthen its rank and file. It argues that the modern jihadists’ interpretation of hijra is a misrepresentation of the two earlier emigrations. More importantly, it fails to satisfy the Maqāṣid Ash-Sharīʿah or the objectives of Sharīʿah law. This paper will make a critical analysis of the concept of hijra from the perspective of Maqāṣid Ash-Sharīʿah, and offer an ideological rebuttal strategy to counter ISIS’s call for hijra. It will also attempt to address the ideological flaws in the call which foreign terrorist fighters (or FTF) are unaware of.

Various researchers have developed the push-pull model (Aho, 1988; Altier, Thoroughgood, & Horgan, 2014; Altier, Boyle, Shortland, & Horgan, 2017; Bjorgo 2009). Others have completed research on factors of disengagement (Barrelle, 2014; Gill, Bouhana, & Morrison, 2015). The studies aggregate data from either individual testimonies or group analyses into a broad pool of factors in order to create a universal theory. This paper argues that rather than trying to view all terrorist organizations as having commonalities, the push-pull model can provide a unique perspective of how each group is dissimilar. Each organization has a distinctive pattern of disengagement that aligns with its context. Of particular interest is the positive or negative orientation of members toward their former community. The data from four studies of disengagement from different terrorist organizations also provide a meso-level view to validate the push-pull model, allowing for a comparative analysis of whether some factors occur more frequently or do not appear in specific groups as well as whether some factors are missing from the model. A future counterterrorism application of this paper would be to carry out push-pull analyses of terrorist organizations in order to create a convincing strategy tailored by organization that will encourage members to voluntarily leave.

Nestled in the SWAT valley lies Pakistan’s earliest known deradicalization initiative for former militants, the Mishal Deradicalization and Emancipation Program (DREP). The Deradicalization program was launched following a military operation in 2009 against the Pakistan wing of the Taliban, namely, the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The program aimed to deradicalize and rehabilitate arrested militants, with what officials claim is a 99 percent success rate and with more than 2,500 former Taliban fighters now ‘reformed’. The program abides by a ‘no blood on hand’ policy, whereby it only takes in militants who have not caused any bodily harm to others. In this paper, we analyze the deradicalization program and highlight the limits and challenges it faces. The paper also highlights the common individual and environmental factors among the beneficiary population of the deradicalization program. This study finds that most participants of the program belonged to large or broken families with weak socio-economic profiles. Additionally, these individuals had very little technical knowledge of religion. This study also finds that the program is more oriented towards re-integration rather than deradicalization due to its policy of inducting only low and mid-level cadre militants. The program also has other severe limitations including lack of credible religious scholars, limited financial and human resources.

The expansion of digital technologies and social media in Indonesia shifts practices of citizenship from a formal institutional level toward a more informal digital space. This paper presents the emerging results of research on digital citizenship in Banten, Indonesia, focusing on how new forms of citizenship are brought into being through digital acts that are defined as speech acts uttered through the use of social media. The paper follows digital acts of citizens in anti-corruption campaigns against the patrimonial and clientelistic regime of Banten’s political dynasty that are predominantly staged on Facebook and other online platforms. These digital acts produce and intensify affective publics through which forms of digital citizenship are enacted in opposition to the corrupt dynasty.

Although the United States (US) is leading the fight against transnational terrorism, and the United Nations (UN) has strongly encouraged an interdependent approach, the US still lacks guidance for a coherent US Deradicalization Program. This is of critical concern given that the US recently received its first publicly known US Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant defector, but currently lacks a policy or program to handle this population, outside of standard incarceration. Moreover, this population, along with homegrown extremists and returning fighters from Syria pose the most likely continued jihadi presence in the US. The purpose of this paper is to review successful program options, and establish a basis on which to develop an effective US program. This paper outlines the known triggers for deradicalization, the known characteristics of the US jihadi population and analyzes the most useful deradicalization program components based on successful international models. Using a qualitative, cross-national content analysis of former jihadi personal narratives, international deradicalization program structure evaluations and major research findings, this paper concludes that a standardized UN sponsored program, with comprehensive services which include credible ideological and psychological support, and amnesty incentives tailored to the US jihadi population, would be the most effective way to address former jihadi population needs while enhancing US national security objectives. Key Middle Eastern stakeholders and Western states must cooperatively develop best methodologies for target populations, by leveraging each other’s competencies and capabilities.

This paper examines the role of mobile technology in the lives of Thai immigrants in Berlin. By using qualitative research methods, this research investigates how new digital and social media applications have affected the organization of Thai immigrants on both individual and institutional levels, with a particular focus on the Royal Thai Embassy in Berlin. Mobile technologies today are widely used in the diaspora, by both individuals and social institutions, to maintain relationships with the homeland and to promote national affairs. Both individual Thai immigrants and official staff of the embassy rely significantly on Internet sites, particularly on social networking sites such as Facebook, to gain information on Thailand and to expand their networks. This paper explores changes in communication and their implications for Thais and their respective institutions in Germany.

The aim of this working paper is to explore common issues between the process of reconciliation in post-conflict societies, negotiations and the renouncement of violent means. This paper brings forward the argument that reconciliation, negotiations as well as disengagement or de-radicalization processes are important for a non-violent communication between extremists and the society they should re-integrate. Re-opening communication channels after terrorist violence can help to build trust and chance former conflict party’s mindsets. Comparing the principles of victim-oriented instruments of transitional justice to the disengagement process of perpetrators demonstrates some reasons for successful collective disengagement. Furthermore, especially amnesties, ore milder punishment are important incentives for negotiations and disengagement. This is often evaluated as unjust by victims and may suppress a further truth-finding process. Choosing completive restorative justice instruments like public apologies and public discussions in truth-finding processes can increase justice for victims and makes de-radicalization processes more lasting.

The terrorist group Islamic State succeeds in radicalizing thousands of young people from the West, among them a large number of women. Although the phenomenon of female members in terrorist groups is not entirely new, the massive commitment of females for the Islamic State is surprising. The group makes strong use of the internet, especially social media, to spread its propaganda which contributes to female radicalization and might even lead to their recruitment. By now it is known that the push and especially the pull factors appearing in the radicalization process are different than those in male radicalization. Howeverresearch does barely take the gender-specific dynamics into account when it comes to the development of measures that counter Islamic radicalization. At this point, I argue that a deeper understanding of the gender-specific narratives of the group serves as a key point to develop effective measures. In the propaganda of the Islamic State that directly addresses women from the West, certain narratives can be found. With the analysis of articles that address women taken from the online magazine Dabiq, I identified nine narratives outlined in this paper. The investigation of both images and the strategic use of language in the considered articles indicate how the narratives are constructed. The emphasis on religious and gender-specific narratives in the articles leads me to argue in favor of a stronger focus on female-specific counter-radicalization measures. The involvement of the findings from this paper into radicalization research may help to develop effective counter-narratives and adjust them gender-specifically.

The latest trends of integration of the Central and Eastern Europe countries in the global economy increase the need for regional specialization and for the assertion on the markets through competitive advantages based on innovation, knowledge transfer and a rational use of resources. A certainway to meet these needs is to create clusters. This paper focuses on studying the principles and mechanisms of organizing a cluster and aims at developing a functional cluster creation and development algorithm. This paper deals with the study of the principles and mechanisms of cluster organization and aims at the development of a functional cluster creation and development algorithm. By using the logical reasoning method, bibliographic research and indirect observation, we have developed a mechanism of a cluster organization based on three basic stages: preparation, initiation and development. The knowledge and efficient implementation of this algorithm can help to create a network of innovation clusters capable to bring regional economic benefits. The mechanism proposed in this paper can be used in the promotion of cluster initiatives in all countries of Central and Eastern Europe, including Moldova, Ukraine and Romania. Keywords: cluster, support policies, funding mechanism

The research I conduct is focused on establishing and describing the major patterns of international interaction in the Black Sea region which have repeatedly occurred throughout history, based on two main criteria: the major players acting in the region (extra-Pontic maritime commercial empires; northern Pontic land territorial empires; southern Pontic land territorial empires) and the relations developed between them (confrontation; cooperation). For achieving this goal of enhancing the historical and geopolitical knowledge of the Black Sea region, a preceding analysis of its geographical position and its key physical features (the ‘board’), of its geoeconomic and geopolitical characteristics (the ‘stake’), as well as of its key strategic points (the ‘trump cards’) is needed. This analysis is carried out in the present paper, while the description of the patterns and the comparison with the current situation and developments in the region shall be tackled in a subsequent paper. Key words:Black Sea, geopolitics, history, empires, land, maritime

Copyright of Journal for Business, Economics & Ethics / Zeitschrift für Wirtschafts und Unternehmensethik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Soziale Welt is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of ÖZP - Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Oesterreichische Zeitschrift fur Politikwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There is a pervasive trend towards a denationalization of authority in advanced industrial societies. Government is no longer the exclusive business of the state but involves an increasing range of international institutions and private agents. It is often assumed in academic and political discourse that the internationalization and privatization of government weakens the state and may lead to its eventual demise. This assumption is wrong. As we show in our paper, the denationalization of authority does not make the state redundant but remains fundamentally dependent on it. However, the role and missions of the state change. Slowly, incrementally, and not without reverses, the state transforms from sovereign monopolist of political authority to key integrator of partly privatized and internationalized authority relations. The state no longer has an exclusive claim to authority but initiates, coordinates and synthesizes the authority of a diverse set of international and private actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central focus of this paper is the expansion of the politics within the household to the public sphere of Shariah courts, particularly, the role of women in the process. Islam plays an important role in shaping household relations in many Muslim societies. However, women as social actors do respond to and negotiate over these relations and the process and arena for the negotiations may extend beyond the household. It is the roles of Muslim women as actors (both as heroines and victims) in the household politics that is the concern of this paper using the Shariah courts as a point of reference. Shariah courts are seen as one of the agents of patriarchal system designed to maintain and perpetuate the existing gender relations. The role of Shariah courts as agents of patriarchal system becomes more relevant with the expansion of Shariah legal system in Northern Nigeria. Shari'ah courts have been the most relevant legal system for the Hausa Muslim women. Issues relevant to women such as marital relations, divorce, child issues are all settled in the Shari'ah courts. What is the role of women in the politics within the household and in the Courts? How is politics within the household affecting Muslim women's utilisation of Shari'ah courts? How would they be affected by the recent expansion of Shariah legal system in the North? Data for this paper is drawn from Court marital records of between 1988 and 1998 as well as observation of court proceedings during the collection of the court records. It was part of a study that was carried out in Sokoto between December 1998 and 1999 before the expansion of Shariah legal system in the state and it was aimed at analysing household politics in a period of economic crisis which involved interviewing and observing married female and male members of some sampled households. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the peculiar discussion around centralization and decentralization in the European Union. It is argued that large parts of this discussion rest on a flawed analogy of the liberal concept of normative individualism on the one hand and the concept of political decentralization in federal multi-layer systems on the other. Based on this flawed analogy an unusual and partly misleading notion of decentralization has widely been used in the discussion of European Integration. As a result, there are a number of misjudgements in some central topics of European Integration. These topics are the question of institutional competition among governments, the effects of fiscal competition on the tax burden of citizens and a future European constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SWS - Rundschau is the property of Verein fur interdisziplinare sozialwissenschaftliche Studien und Analysen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Counterterrorism strategies that mainly rely on hard power have long been used to defeat terrorism. In recent years, governments have begun incorporating soft power approaches not as a substitute, but as a complementary strategy to be applied alongside hard power approaches. Disengagement and deradicalization programs are important components of soft power approaches, and are regarded as significant contributors to traditional counterterrorism methods. In this paper, we analyze a locally developed counterterrorism program in Turkey, which resulted in the disengagement and deradicalization of hundreds of militants. In this paper we present an examination of a pilot program that focused on applying individual disengagement and deradicalization counterterrorism measures that was conducted by the Adana Police Department in Turkey between 2009 and 2015. This program was designed to reach out to the members of extremist groups and their families for the purpose of persuading them to disengage from their groups, change their radical mindsets, and help them reintegrate into society. We also discuss how the change in the government’s counterterrorism strategy from one which prioritizes the use of soft power approaches to another, which mostly utilizes the hard power approach, and almost completely discards the soft power method, influenced the implementation of the program.

This paper explores why the Prevent strand of the UK Government’s counter-terrorism strategy, CONTEST, is failing to achieve success in reducing radicalisation of young Muslims. By refusing to engage with extremists, and denying ‘extreme’ ideas a platform for expression, this paper will explain how the importance of cultural-linguistic epistemologies, and their role in extremism, has been overlooked. Rather than striving to understand how socio-political factors influence one’s reading of religious doctrines or interpretation of ideology, Prevent understands ideology to be the core radicalising agent, used by influential figures who can exploit the grievances of the vulnerable. The problematic repercussions of this will be addressed throughout, highlighting the various, and extensive, criticisms that Prevent has faced from academics, practitioners and commentators – primarily that it is counter-productive. The importance of the post-9/11 neoconservative paradigm in underpinning Prevent will be explained, but a Neo-Weberian approach, as a better lens through which to understand radicalisation, will be proposed, to ultimately trump the simplistic, yet currently dominant, ‘Conveyor Belt’ theory. Based on this, recommendations are made for an improved Prevent, rooted in the notion that radicalisation, extremism, or terrorism cannot be prevented, without knowing the motives, the views, and the assumptions of the radicals, the extremists, and those vulnerable to engaging with them.

Islamist militancy and terrorism, a major sociopolitical issue of Bangladesh today, has largely remained under-researched. This paper mainly explores the forms and ecologies of Islamist militancy and terrorism based on the content analysis of media reports and interviews with some experts in Bangladesh. Ecologies, in this paper, refer to the multiple interrelated and interdependent environments: social, political, and religious, that foster, germinate and nurture the growth of militancy and terrorism. Despite Bangladesh being globally identified as a moderate Muslim country located in South Asia, Islamist radicalization, extremism and militancy have become a major concern since the incidence of nationwide serial bomb blasts in 2005. Although an estimation of the group operatives may not be possible because these groups change names or members change groups from time to time, the presence of seventy Islamist militant outfits with thousands of militant members was identified during 1999-2010. Islamist militants carried out over 203 attacks killing 164 innocent people and injuring more than 2,658 people in this period. Using bomb explosions, these attacks targeted political parties, cultural groups, intellectuals, diplomats, movie theatres, NGO offices, and minority religious institutions. In response to these attacks, the government has adopted mostly a law-enforcement centric approach, but this study suggests a comprehensive strategy balancing enforcement, intervention and prevention urgently needed for de-radicalization and counterterrorism in Bangladesh --- the 8th most populous country and the 3rd largest Muslim country of the world. Although foreign journalistic and intelligence-based reports have argued that Islamist militants have links with madrassas (Islamic seminary institutions), this system has actually been in vogue for many years in the country. Research suggests that unemployment problems, poverty, illiteracy, and ignorance about religious matters among the youths are the common drivers for Islamist militancy in Bangladesh. An unfocused national educational policy on madrassas, the narrow and dated madrassa curriculum, and frustrations felt by madrassa graduates who cannot find jobs are likely to instigate the madrassa students to get involved in militancy. Political, educational, and religious interventions are must for countering radicalization effectively. Improving education policy and creating employment opportunities for the unemployed youth can begin to address the problem of Islamist militancy and terrorism in Bangladesh.

The literature on the causes of how terrorist organizations are formed and how counter terrorism measures can be more effective is immense. What is novel in terrorism literature is de-radicalization in terrorist organizations. This paper hopes to shed light on the de-radicalization process in terrorist organizations based in Egypt. In order to achieve that goal, the first part of the paper will deal with the de-radicalization process. The second part will briefly describe the major radical terrorist organizations that are effective in Egypt. The last part will combine the two parts and bring in suggestions on the de-radicalization process itself. Terrorism and de-radicalization are complicated threats to nearly all societies. Therefore, it is important to go beyond security and intelligence approaches and take proactive measures. It is best to view what is de-radicalization and how it can be achieved.

This paper reflects on legal pluralism. How did medieval societies incorporate both unwritten customs and written law at the same time? How did they constitute the process of finding justice? What is the essense of legal pluralism, and will it help us understand the situation of Taiwan’s indigenous population? We aim to solve these problems by taking a closer look at medieval Saxony: for around 400 years, both laws given by the authorities and traditional customs in Saxony worked fine in parallel. The latter were put into writing by the legal practitioner Eike von Repgow around 1230 for reasons unknown. We refer to his collection of laws and customs of the Saxons as the Sachsenspiegel (»Mirror of Saxons«). While Saxons certainly differed from Taiwan’s indigenous population for many reasons, such as the supposedly weaker egalitarianism among the Saxons than among at least some indigenous groups, the two show some remarkable similarities nonetheless. Just like the Taiwanese Gaya, the Sachsenspiegel’s spiritual origin raises the claim to validity. Furthermore, comparing the handling of a person’s sale of inherited property, the legal situations in the Sachsenspiegel and Taiwan’s unwritten customs resemble each other. The heir can transfer only property he acquired personally. Furthermore, the author discusses the different character of courts and procedure under oral law in contrast to written modern law. Finally, the paper concludes with some remarks about a learned commentary on the Sachsenspiegel written around 1325, combined with an outlook on the possible future of Taiwanese customs.

Based on anthropological and historical considerations, this paper analyses the evolution of the relationship between Western law and aboriginal custom in Latin America by focusing on the most tangible and problematic issue in customary law: land tenure. My aim is to provide a critical review of the impact of the rule of law in the arrangement of the alternative cosmologies that flows from the material and spiritual relationship of indigenous groups with their lands. Historical and political issues will be emphasised to illustrate the current problems concerning the interaction between custom and formal law in the case of the Mapuche people from Chile. By looking at some recent developments in the arena of public law, indigenous legislation and legal doctrine, the paper finally suggests how private law discourse, which traditionally has paid almost no attention to the discussion of indigenous law, might be integrated into the legal systems that widely recognise indigenous customs.

The question of what the law is may preoccupy some legal theorists. Answering it is definitely the legal professionals’ nightmare. Constitutional and statutory requirements now require Taiwan’s officials and lawyers to confront the problem of ascertaining and applying indigenous customs in the exercise of all state powers. Yet, the most widely accepted juridical concept of custom results in a choice between two evils, to wit, breaching either the general duty to uphold law or the concrete obligation to respect indigenous values. So far, efforts have only been made to document the customs, but the documentation thus produced is too ethnographic to be legally useful. The challenge, therefore, is one of translation. Values are to be carried from an indigenous world into the modern one, and the little-known form of custom is to be expressed in the language of the science of law. This paper argues for the translation of indigenous customs with conceptions available in an array of examples from European legal history. This paper explains that, in cases like Taiwan, the solutions known to the English-speaking literature all end in the dilemma I call »modern state centralism« (MSC). The solutions are divided into two types: legal pluralism and Francisco Suárez’s conception of custom. The former defeats itself in that its criticism against the state’s monopoly of law amounts to suggesting that the state tolerate all kinds of non-state normativity. The latter reduces to MSC because recent literature ignores Suárez’s legal historical references and important studies written in German. The rest of the section shows how »non-modern« legal techniques may help. This paper concludes by suggesting that the concept pair of law and custom be dissociated from four others, to wit, written and unwritten law, state and society, law in books and law in action, and, finally, alien and native law.

Tourism constitutes both an economic activity and a cultural force that involves a dynamic interplay between travelers and their ideas about the societies they visit. This paper traces the construction and negotiation of “tourism imaginaries” (Salazar, 2012) in popular guidebooks and independent travel-blogs, critically examining questions of representation and power relations in a Southeast Asian context. Employing critical discourse analysis, this paper investigates how particular Southeast Asian destinations are represented from a Western perspective. Whereas long-established commercial media such as guidebooks function mainly to communicate destination images to the reader, recent participatory media formats (e.g. travel-blogs) are more experienced-based and enable tourists to form ideas about foreign places in idiosyncratic ways. The preliminary insights of this study show that hegemonic narratives from guidebooks are rather reproduced than critically challenged and subverted in the examples under review.

The body of the article goes on to discuss the migration and refugee policy issues that went viral in media, as well as became widely discussed by experts and EU power-holding structures. Few researchers have addressed the problem under study and require an in-depth analysis. This paper outlines the evolution of the EU approaches to regulation and management of migration flows forced and caused by 2015 migrant crisis. The main weakness in the previous studies is that they make no attempt to upgrade tools and mechanisms for optimizing modern migration policy. Of particular importance is keynote actors’ impact on decision-making and shaping public opinion on migration problems – namely, European executives, NGO’s, pressmen as well as migrants and refugees themselves. This paper has given an account of the Dublin Regulation (2013) that the author considers to be outdated. Since the migrant crisis started, it has been clear that this system is inadequate, and that some of the burden must be borne by Europe's wealthy northern states. There is evidence to suggest migration policy tools to be dramatically reformed, though the European Parliament’s planned amendment to Dublin Regulation could face new challenges. The findings of this study support the idea that most of the EU member states managed to pursue a common policy on triggering refugee influx, primarily in Greece and Italy, in addition to a joint stance in terms of fixing a quota on migrants – not including the Visegrad Group. Keywords: 2015 Migrant crisis, common EU policy, Greece, Hungary, Dublin Regulation, refugees, economic migration

P/CVE programs engaging in primary (prior to radicalization) or secondary (following exposure to radicalizing influences) prevention are often predicated on delivering interventions to individuals or groups at-risk of engaging in violent extremism. Preventative actions must take place before the potential negative outcome; however, additional research is still required to identify and empirically validate the factors that distinguish violent from non-violent extremists. In the interim, P/CVE programs have instead targeted all individuals within a community or those deemed “at-risk” of adhering to extremist belief systems or movements. Due to resource limitations, this approach dilutes the allocation of resources to individuals and/or communities with higher propensities for extremist violence and may incidentally increase the likelihood of violence. This paper argues that empirical and theoretical insights from criminological theories of social control can enhance the understanding of violent extremism and can be used to tailor P/CVE programs. Unlike most criminological theories, social control theories focus on why people do not commit these acts, giving it a unique perspective on identifying how to prevent violent extremism. Drawing on 70 years of research, we explore how variation in various forms of control can explain differences in extremist offending. We hypothesize how the antecedents to low social control may be connected to violent extremism and propose a research agenda to test these hypotheses. Finally, we examine how existing measures of self-control can be incorporated by P/CVE programming to better distribute services to their target population and reduce the risk of adverse outcomes.

Islamist extremists are a group that pose a particular threat not only due to their proneness to violence but also because they recruit transnationally, utilizing freely accessible social media platforms such as Instagram. One of their key target groups is adolescents, a group that is particularly vulnerable and in need for orientation due to a variety of life-stage-specific challenges. As a result, adolescents are particularly susceptible to external influences on platforms such as Instagram. Recognizing this, Islamist extremists focus their strategic communication on adolescents, using a variety of strategies for both their messaging and the format of their content on Instagram to make it appealing to this group. To protect adolescents, the importance of extremism-related (media) knowledge is emphasized. However, the transfer of knowledge to action is not without preconditions. This paper is based on semi-structured interviews with 12 adolescents in Germany and examines how they apply their knowledge on Islamist extremism when using Instagram and whether, and why, a break between knowledge and action occurs. The study reveals several individual, situational, and message factors that interfere with the process and deter adolescents from applying their knowledge and protecting themselves.

This paper examines in detail the role of the Internet in individual radicalization processes of eight German former right-wing extremists. Applying Grounded Theory methodology the qualitative interviews were analyzed in several coding and re-coding phases. The findings are integrated into the existing literature afterwards. Besides well known factors, such as more effective communication, anonymity and better networking opportunities, this study found evidence that the Internet is a major driving factor to establish and foster the development of radical contrast societies (cf. Koehler, 2015) transmitting radical and violent ideologies and translating them into political activism. As a venue for information exchange, ideological development and training, the individual radicalization process was characteristically shaped or even made possible through the Internet. This paper also shows the high value of qualitative research regarding the topic in contrast to usually employed quantitative analysis of webpage content.

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Copyright of Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents brief results of the analysis of educational potential dynamics and its relation with development of regional labour markets. The educational potential is described by the structure of the economically active population with different levels of education. The aim of the research was to study the impact of the educational potential of the economically active population on the development of regional markets in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Authors used for research the Eurostat data for the NUTS2 regions of the following CEE countries: Austria, Czechia, Germany, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. Analysis of the distribution of educational potential of the economically active population of these CEE countries at the regional level was carried out using the methods of spatial econometrics and statistics. Research results demonstrated: insufficient response of local markets to changes in the structure of educational potential and the level of investment in fixed assets; strong state regulation of the unemployment rate in the former post-socialist countries (Czechia, Poland, Hungary, Slovakia); complex relationships between labour productivity growth rates, average wages, changes in educational potential and unemployment rates; significant influence of the surrounding regional environment on the socio-economic processes taking place in certain regions.

Abstract Based on a protest survey conducted in October 2021, this paper will have a close look at a Corona protest organized by the Polish antivaccination movement. The focus of interest is the question of who joins such an event and why. In doing so, the data paint a picture of protesters who place their individual rights above pandemic-related restrictions. The attitude felt by many in this movement is one of disdain for the danger posed by the virus, which stems from a greater distrust towards established institutions and, not least, finds expression by a strong approval of Corona- related conspiracy narratives.