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The purpose of this paper is to provide answers to the questions why health is viewed through the lens of national and international security, and what might be the potential role of the armed forces in strategic response to health security challenges. Relying on theoretical settings of Foucault’s discourse studies and securitization concept developed by the Copenhagen School of security studies, authors will try to illuminate the nexus between political discourse, military and securitization of health. The analysis of the political and academic discourse has found that with regard to security the most important health challenges are considered the occurrence and spread of infectious diseases, especially HIV/AIDS, and the ability to make use of biological agents as weapons. As the most important reasons why health is viewed through the lens of security are considered to be major economic losses incurred due to health crises, high mortality rates, migration, the impact of health crises on the armed forces and peacekeeping operations. The paper concluded that the armed forces play a role in the public health security through monitoring and early warning, through epidemiological and laboratory opportunities for early detection of new epidemics or pathogens, as well as through providing assistance after major natural disasters. The paper analyzes the public health and security in the Republic of Serbia, and it was concluded that it is necessary to undertake more efforts in recognizing health as a field of national security, and health risks as the risks of security.

The primacy of sunlight over shade is a relatively recent historical phenomenon in Australian architecture. In this paper, it is argued that shade was a priority for northern Australian settlers in the state of Queensland and evident in their architecture until the 1920s when ideas about thermal comfort, race and climate elevated the desirability of sun exposure. This paper considers the cross-cultural exchange of colonial shade and the increasing avoidance of sun exposure linked to European beliefs about human health, derived from the field of tropical medicine and evidenced by northern Australian clothing styles and the Queensland house. Later sections consider the social and cultural underpinnings of a Modernist shift in architecture prioritizing sun exposure over deep shade. Finally, the paper will consider a refocus on shade provision since the 1990s, linked to rising rates of preventable skin cancer. Historisch betrachtet ist die Vorrangstellung des Sonnenlichts vor dem Schatten eine relativ neue Erscheinung in der Architektur Australiens. Der Artikel erläutert, dass für Siedler im nordaustralischen Bundesstaat Queensland der Schatten eine Priorität darstellte, die ihrer Architektur deutlich anzusehen ist, bis in den 1920er Jahren neue Vorstellungen von behaglichen Temperaturen, Ethnie und Klima den Wunsch nach Kontakt mit Sonnenlicht verstärkten. Der Artikel untersucht den interkulturellen Austausch zwischen kolonialem Schatten und der zunehmenden Vermeidung von Sonneneinstrahlung aufgrund europäischer Annahmen über die menschliche Gesundheit, welche aus dem Bereich der Tropenmedizin stammten und an nordaustralischen Kleidungsstilen und am Hausbau in Queensland offenkundig werden. Die folgenden Abschnitte betrachten die sozialen und kulturellen Bedingungen für den architektonischen Prioritätenwechsel der Moderne von tiefer Verschattung hin zu mehr Sonnenlicht. Abschließend wendet sich der Artikel der seit den 1990er Jahren erneut im Vordergrund stehenden Abschattung zu, die sich aus den steigenden Raten von vermeidbarem Hautkrebs erklärt. Cambio de orientación: la sombra en la arquitectura del norte de Australia y las implantaciones coloniales antes del 1920. La prevalencia de la luz sobre la sombra es un fenómeno relativamente reciente en la historia de la arquitectura australiana. Hasta los años 1920 era una prioridad para los colones del norte de Australia, que se ha inscrito en la arquitectura del estado de Queensland, antes que las consideraciones raciales, climáticas, y de confort, que no incitaban a exponerse más ampliamente al sol. Este articulo trata del choque cultural del periodo colonial, y de la aversión creciente por el sol, resultado de las teorías europeas en materia de la salud y de la medicina tropical, puestas en evidencia por las costumbres vestimentarias y el hábitat de Queensland. Nos interesamos después a los cambios sociales y culturales, al origen del cambio modernista en la arquitectura, valorizando la luz y la exposición al sol, antes de abordar el aumento de interés por la sombra desde los años 1990, ligada a la prevención del cáncer de la piel. La primauté de la lumière sur l'ombre est un phénomène relativement récent dans l’histoire de l'architecture australienne. Jusqu’aux années 1920, l’ombre était une priorité pour les colons du nord de l’Australie et s’est inscrite dans l’architecture de l'État du Queensland, avant que des considérations raciales, climatiques, et de confort, n’incitent à s’exposer plus largement au soleil. Cet article traite du choc culturel de la période coloniale, et de l’aversion croissante pour le soleil résultant des théories européennes en matière de santé et de médecine tropicale, mises en évidence par les habitudes vestimentaires et l’habitat du Queensland. On s’intéresse ensuite aux changements sociaux et culturels à l’origine du tournant moderniste dans l’architecture valorisant la lumière et l’exposition au soleil, avant d’aborder le regain d’intérêt pour l’ombre depuis les années 1990, lié à la prévention des cancers de la peau. Nella storia dell’architettura australiana, la preminenza della luce sull’ombra è un fenomeno relativamente recente. Come testimonia l’architettura dello Stato del Queensland, per i coloni dell’Australia settentrionale l’ombra è stata una priorità fino agli anni Venti, quando le considerazioni sul comfort termico, la razza e il clima hanno condotto a una rivalutazione dell’esposizione solare. Questo articolo prende in esame gli scambi interculturali dell’ombra coloniale e la crescente avversione nei confronti dell’esposizione solare, legata alle credenze europee in materia di salute derivate dalla medicina tropicale e dimostrata dagli stili di abbigliamento dell’Australia settentrionale e dall’edilizia abitativa del Queensland. L’articolo si concentra quindi sulle origini socioculturali della svolta modernista dell’architettura, che ha restituito importanza all’esposizione solare, per poi interessarsi al ritorno in auge dell’ombra a partire dagli anni Novanta, in seguito a un aumento dell’incidenza dei tumori della pelle prevenibili.

The article was submitted on 19.11.2019. Since the early 1980s, American scholarly and analytical literature has discussed the effectiveness of Soviet, and subsequently Russian, management of low-intensity conflicts. Though both the Soviet and Russian experience has been examined from many perspectives, including the military, economic, social and political, the American academic community does not tend to deem such an approach relevant and useful in terms of understanding US foreign policy. This disjoint is even harder to understand given the fact that the American military faced the same problems in Afghanistan and Iraq as the Soviet army experienced in Afghanistan (1979–1989), and Russian forces experienced during the First Chechen War (1994–1996). The greatest perplexity for American authors was the ability of Soviet and Russian leaders to recreate a power hierarchy on the ground while relying on their former adversaries – the Afghan Mujahideen and Chechen separatists. According to American intellectual discourse, reliance on a former enemy cannot be considered, by definition, during post-conflict state-building. Since the condition of the Russian conflict settlement model was pragmatism that is opposite to normative approach of the American policies in conflicts, this experience was not in demand in American foreign policy practice. The number of works by American scholars that include the comparison between the Soviet/Russian and the US campaigns is significantly smaller than the number of papers focusing on Soviet and Russian conduct, let alone their experience of nation-building. The aim of this study is to analyse American academic discourse about the Soviet/Russian experience of conducting low intensity conflicts. In the first part, the authors analyse the key mistakes of the Russian leadership during the campaigns, according to the estimates given by American researchers; the second part examines Russian strategy and its conflict settlement drawing comparison with the American experience. The authors conclude that US adaptation on the basis of Russian experiences in Afghanistan and Chechnya has proved impossible due to normative imperatives dominating American academic papers and policies. These imperatives bind the conflict resolution with the level of sophistication of a given country’s institutions. Perhaps, the vice versa claim could have grounds, yet it exceeds the limits of this study. Предметом исследования является анализ американской академической мысли об опыте СССР и России в конфликтах низкой интенсивности, который изучается в американской научной и аналитической литературе с начала 1980-х гг. Хотя опыт рассмотрен с множества исследовательских ракурсов – военного, экономического, социального и политического – он получил в американском научно-исследовательском сообществе оценку как нерелевантный и оказался невостребованным во внешнеполитиче- ской практике США. Это усугубляется тем, что американские вооруженные силы столкнулись с теми же проблемами в Афганистане и Ираке, что Советский Союз в Афганистане (1979–1989) и Россия в Чечне (1994–1996). Наибольшее недоумение американских авторов вызывала способность советских и российских руководителей воссоздавать властную иерархию на месте при опоре на своих бывших оппонентов – афганских моджахедов и чеченских сепаратистов. С точки зрения американского интеллектуального дискурса, российский подход по вовлечению в сотрудничество бывшего врага, основанный на комбинации силового давления и системы компромиссов, не является постконфликтным урегулированием. Вследствие того, что условием российской модели урегулирования был прагматизм, отрицающий классический для американской политики нормативноценностный подход, этот опыт оказался не востребован в американской внешнеполитической практике. Количество работ американских ученых, проводящих параллели между кампаниями СССР/России и США, существенно меньше количества их работ, изучающих сугубо советскую/российскую модели ведения войн и постконфликтного урегулирования. В первой части статьи исследуются американские представления о ключевых ошибках советского/российского руководства в военных кампаниях, во второй сравниваются российская стратегия и методы урегулирования конфликтов с американским опытом. Авторы приходят к выводу, что адаптация Соединенными Штатами российского опыта постконфликтного урегулирования в Афганистане и Чечне оказалась невозможна из-за доминирования в академических исследованиях и политической практике нормативных установок, увязывающих урегулирование конфликта с уровнем развития политических институтов. This research is funded by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation (grant agreement 14.641.31.0002).

This paper explores the phenomenon of revisionism in historiography, while focusing in particular on illegitimate revisionism and negationism. It is indisputably true that historiography must be subject to constant revisions. Like all scientific theories, it needs to be characterized by a sort of “conservative” openness towards new ideas; however, revisions and negations are often put forward without scientific grounding. They reject the well-established historiographical methods, while opening themselves to various kinds of ideologies, biases and manipulations. The paper further offers a synthesized overview of the revisionist practice in dominant parts of the society and historiography in post-communist Serbia. The change in the ideological paradigm that occurred in the 1980s was accompanied by a politically motivated reinterpretation of the past, which primarily focused on World War II in Yugoslavia. In Serbia in the 1990s, Tito’s Partisans were no longer celebrated as national heroes and fighters against fascism; they were replaced by the royalist and nationalist Chetniks led by Draža Mihailović, whose collaboration with the occupying forces was purposefully glossed over. The nationalist interpretation of history and the new revisionist politics in Serbia were supported by the state and the activities of its three branches: legislative, executive and judicial. In spite of the political changes that took place in Serbia in 2000, the dominant nationalist matrix in historical interpretations and revisionist politics remained unchanged. Polazeći od distinkcije između nauke i pseudonauke, rad se bavi pojavama revi-zionizma u naučnoj istoriografiji sa posebnim akcentom na pojave nelegitimnog revizionizma i negacionizma. Iako nije sporno da istoriografija mora da bude pod-ložna konstantnim revizijama, jer kao i svaka naučna teorija mora da ima neku vrstu konzervativne otvorenosti prema novim idejama, česte su pojave nenauč-nih revizija i negacionističkog pristupa. Ove pojave odbacuju utvrđene istorio-grafske metode uz otvaranje prema različitim vrstama pristrasnosti i manipula-cije. U radu se dalje daje sintetizovan pregled revizionističke prakse u dominantnim delovima društva i istoriografije u postkomunističkoj Srbiji. Promena ideološke paradigme krajem osamdesetih godina prošlog veka donela je i politički motivi-sanu reinterpretaciju, pre svega, Drugog svetskog rata na jugoslvoenskom pro-storu. Umesto dotadašnjih Titovih partizana u Srbiji u poslednjoj deceniji 20. veka rojalistički i nacionalistički četnici Draže Mihailovića bivaju proglašeni za nacionalne heroje i borce protiv fašizma, dok se njihova kolaboracija prećutkuje. Nacionalističko tumačenje istorije i nova revizionistička politika u Srbiji uživala je podršku države kroz delatnost sve tri grane vlasti: zakonodavne, izvršne i sud-ske. Uprkos političkim promenama u Srbiji 2000. dominantna nacionalistička matrica u istorijskim interpretacijama i politici revizionizma, nije promenjena.

Aufgrund der seit langem geführten Debatte um das Für und Wider der Nutzung des Politikinstruments der Staatsverschuldung wissen wir recht viel darüber, was Experten (z. B. Finanzpolitiker/ -wissenschaftler) von Haushaltskonsolidierung, Deficit-Spending oder Verschuldungsgrenzen halten. Dagegen finden sich in der Literatur zur Politischen Ökonomie der Staatsverschuldung relativ wenige empirische Studien, die sich der naheliegenden Forschungsfrage widmen, was Bürgerinnen und Bürger über Staatsverschuldung denken; wobei die Meinung der Bürger wahrscheinlich maßgeblich durch Experten und deren öffentliche Verlautbarungen geprägt sein dürfte. Dieser Beitrag gibt einen Überblick über die Literatur in diesem Forschungsfeld. Zudem wird auf Desiderata aufmerksam gemacht, und es werden Implikationen der Forschungsergebnisse für die politische Praxis aufgezeigt. Due to the long-standing debate about the pros and cons of using public debt as a policy tool, we know a lot about what experts (e. g. fiscal policymakers, economists) think of deficit spending, budget consolidation or fiscal rules. In contrast, in the literature on the political economy of public debt there are relatively few empirical studies which investigate the obvious research question of what citizens think about public debt; though citizens’ opinions are likely to be significantly influenced by experts and their public statements. This paper gives an overview of the literature in this specific research field. Moreover, the paper draws attention to desiderata and discusses the political implications of the research findings.

Recent debate in human geography has challenged the problematic "alternative"/"conventional" duality that characterises contemporary food provision. Within this binary, alternative food networks and initiatives (AFIs and AFNs) are positioned in opposition to more conventional, agri-capitalist modes of food production and distribution. Framing food around materially, discursively and spatially distinct, albeit relational, geographies not only reinforces this binary but also reaffirms the hegemony of agri-capitalism that alternative provision seeks to undo. Focusing on examples of artisanal and industrial bread production in the UK and the USA, this paper challenges such ontological framings. Drawing from conceptual insights into diverse economies and alternative economic spaces (e.g. Gibson-Graham, 1996:2004; Lee and Leyshon, 2003) and adopting an integrative approach to practice (Shove and Pantzar, 2005; Hand and Shove, 2007), this paper examines the practices that constitute artisanal and industrial baking. Specifically, it focuses on the ways in which embodied practices constitute the spaces of production for such foods. While acknowledging the considerable distances between the geographies that circumscribe these alternative and conventional foods, this paper argues that practices of food production narrow these distances, thereby destabilising the alternative/conventional binary. The geographies of food may mobilise an array of places, materials and ideologies, which are suggestive of two opposing systems of food provision, but practices of food production reveal an array of marginal spaces that challenge this. By reorienting critical attention onto these marginal spaces, the differences between artisanal and conventional food become blurred – and the affinities produced through normalised discourses and materialities of food are contested, resisted and disrupted. I argue these spaces are insurgent and that they come together through affinitive practices, which result in the potential for radical change within food provision.

Contemporary scientific reunions and debates are focusing, for several years, on economic crisis. As a result, there are an unnumbered ways to analyse and to interpret the crisis. Our intention, in the present paper, is to analyze the economic crisis through another perspective: through the role played by institutions. Our scientific approach aims to examine whether public institutions play a role in the onset, progression or solve an economic crisis. For this we choose as representative public institution - the U.S. Federal Reserve System. To meet our purpose we focus only on Federal Reserve actions and their consequences, of any, by taking a short inside look to the Great Depression and 2007-2008 crisis. We tried to figure out which were FED's actions, were they suitable and effective? Could they be better, more appropriate to the specific situations? Those are questions that we try to answer in the present paper.

"Der vorliegende Beitrag interpretiert die Standortentscheidung von Unternehmen als den Abschluß eines impliziten Franchisevertrages zwischen dem Standort als Franchisegeber und dem Unternehmen als Franchisenehmer. Standorte bieten ein Bündel von Dienstleistungen wie die Nutzung von Infrastruktur und auch einen Markennamen wie 'Made in Germany' an und verlangen dafür eine Nutzungsgebühr, üblicherweise in Form von Steuern. Anhand von zwei einfachen Modellen wird erörtert, warum sich Unternehmen eventuell auch an vordergründig 'teuren' Standorten ansiedeln, wenn Konsumenten Schwierigkeiten haben, die Produktqualität vor dem Kauf festzustellen. Die Idee ist, daß sie Standortwahl - ähnlich wie die Zugehörigkeit zu einer Franchisekette - etwas über die Produktqualität eines Unternehmens verrät. Im Gegensatz zur traditionellen Standorttheorie werden damit auch Nachfrageeffekte von Standortkonkurrenz erörtert und, darauf aufbauend, argumentiert, daß Standortkonkurrenz nicht unbedingt einen Steuersenkungswettbewerb induzieren muß wie die traditionelle Finanzwissenschaft postuliert." (Autorenreferat) "This paper argues that a firm's location choice can be viewed as the conclusion of an implicit franchise contract with the location being the franchisor and the firm being the franchisee. Locations offer a basket of services such as infrastructure use as well as a brand name such as 'Made in Germany', and they demand a user charge, usually in form of taxes. Two simple models are developed to demonstrate that firms may eventually locate at seemingly expensive locations if consumers have difficulties in determining product quality before purchase. The idea is that location choice tells something about product quality, as does the use of a franchise chain's brand name. In contrast to traditional location theory, the paper discusses the potential effects location choice may have on product demand, and based on that, it argues that interjurisdictional competition does not necessarily need to induce cut-throat tax competition as traditional public finance theory suggests." (author's abstract)

The paper discusses solidarity in the sense of social solidarity. The debate relates to issues of social inclusion and belonging. Departing from a critique of the economization of society, it considers solidarity in a sense that is broader than that of economic form. The paper refers to ideology and organization of labour in socialism, to meanings attributed to work as well as to the factor, to its role in constructing a community, its infrastructure, the social- and symbol-scape, to the changing relations between economy, market and state in the context of contemporary political and economic reconfigurations, to social transformations, and to processes of individualization within the self-responsibility paradigm. The paper is based on material gathered through field work (at the spinning factory of Litija) and interviews conducted with blue and white collar workers, directors and managers inSlovenia(between 2000 and 2011). The aim is to seek spaces for solidarity in socialism and in post-socialist time, and to see possibilities for thinking about it in the future.

This paper analyses the antagonism between the established (Nicaraguan and global) Catholic Church and the Sandinista movement and government, which was one of the focal points for the ascendancy of a continental and global liberation theology movement. The paper provides a critical overview of the Nicaraguan liberation theology movement, as well as Sandinista strategies, primarily in relation to the social functions of religion and religious institutions. The central focus of this essay is to identify how the left-theological and Sandinista understanding of the imperatives of the counter-hegemonic project, the ?historical bloc? (conceived as a system of political and social networks and alliances) and the ?national-popular? strategy contributed to the tentative naissance of a novel state religion and a novel political project: a left-wing ?theocratic? social order. The Nicaraguan experience is useful for focusing the wider discussion about the importance of context-specific normative judgments about Church-state relations.

The article is a contribution to the evolving field of competition research. More precisely our paper provides a comprehensive typology of the different ways competitization is and has been studied across different disciplines and research programs. The article goes beyond a classical literature review as it provides a systematic integration of a broad debate. Based on differences regarding analytical scope, ontology and normative connotations, we delineate three distinct ideal types or 'faces' of competitization and discuss some theoretical positions and empirical examples for each ideal type of competitization. As we show in the concluding part of the article, the typology offers a useful framework for categorizing key elements of competitization and exploring their interdependencies. Additionally, the framework offered in this article shows which forms of critique towards competitization are inherent to different approaches and where we find blind spots that can be illuminated by an integrated approach towards competitization.

The purpose of the article is threefold: First, the paper provides a descriptive overview of the history of Canadian immigration policies and its current legal framework; it stresses the importance of the various paradigmatic shifts in Canadian immigration law as the most important pull factor that has shaped immigration in the past and is structuring the multicultural Canadian mosaic in the present. Second, the paper analyzes the varieties of Canadian multicultural policies vis-a-vis the Indigenous peoples/“First Nations”, the “Quebec nation within” and the different immigrant groups of the so-called “New Canadians”, applying the theoretical reasoning and analytical categorizations by the Canadian political philosophers Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka. Third, the paper discusses some of the obvious problems of minority politics caused by the inherent tensions between individual basic rights and collective group claims, and it argues for a more differentiated approach, that takes into account the distinct conditions and needs of the various societal sub-systems or “spheres of justice” (Walzer), thereby trying to bridge the gap between the liberal an d communitarian perceptions of multicultural integration.

The paper outlines the insights we gain by drawing on Michel Foucault’s study of governmentality in the light of the importance of Ordoliberalism as a structuring principle of European integration. It further develops this perspective by interrelating it to a critical state theoretical perspective and sociology of competition with a view to contributing to a better understanding of the role of competition in establishing social bonds. A key concept the paper develops is competitive solidarity. The second part of the paper provides a more empirical analysis of an emerging competitive solidarity at European level, highlighting the interaction between solidarity and competition in the sphere of European social policy. The analysis of this sui generis social policy provides interesting insights into the complexity of the attempt to establish European social bonds, paving the way for a European society.

Die Stadt Berlin eifert dem Ziel nach, sich neben Regionen wie dem Silicon Valley und der East London Tech City an die Spitze der internationalen Startup-Metropolen zu gesellen. Der Einschätzung von Branchenexperten sowie ökonomischen Kennzahlen zufolge ist sie in diesem Streben durchaus erfolgreich. Laut Hall & Soskice, den Autoren des Varieties of Capitalism- Ansatzes, sollte der ökonomische Erfolg technologischer Startups allerdings durch die Institutionen der deutschen Wirtschaft eingeschränkt werden. Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht, diesem Widerspruch von Theorie und Empirie auf den Grund zu gehen., The city of Berlin aspires to join regions like Silicon Valley and the East London Tech City at the throne of international startup clusters. Following the assessment of industry experts and economic key figures, one could argue that Berlin has thus far been successful at achieving that goal. Hall & Soskice, authors of the Varieties of Capitalism approach, have argued however that the economic success of technological startups should be impeded by German economic institutions. The paper at hand tries to get to the bottom of this contradiction between theory and empirical evidence.

In the main part of the paper an analysis of liberalism and globalization has been offered. It has been argued in the third part of the paper that the process of association between Serbia and Montenegro and European Union would contribute substantially to the solution of the so called "coordination problem" in Serbia and Montenegro-the country heavily burdened and ravaged by its historical past, recent civil wars, NATO bombardment and corruptive economy.

This paper explores some of the issues of cultural epistemology which underlie the relations between Ethiopia and Europe. It briefly explores the origins of modern diplomatic contacts, arguing that the appropriation of modernity increasingly became a central concern of Ethiopia’s rulers in their relations with Europe. It then raises the question, if Europeanized modernity has increasingly marked Ethiopia in the twentieth century, how are we to discern Ethiopia’s contribution to this process? To what extent, in its modernization, has Ethiopia’s educated elite lost contact with an indigenous point of view? The paper argues that a critical appreciation of modernity in Ethiopia must be made against a background which historicizes the process whereby it came about, which takes fully into account the modes of reasoning embodied in Gǝʿǝz texts, and which privileges the views of those rural Ethiopians so lightly touched by modernity., Aethiopica, Vol 3 (2000)

Most papers which deal with the issue of tourism and collective identities of local people point at the influence of the former on the latter, these influences being said to be either source of problems or stimulation. This paper takes the opposite point of view: when and under which conditions the will to express a collective identity can lead to the development of cultural tourism in relation with these public identities? This paper presents a few cases of political and cultural instrumentralization of tourism development. It enters into details for three examples : Chamonix (France), Little Italy in New York City and the gay district in Manchester (UK). It explains that a decisive condition of such an instrumentralization lies in the capacity of a social group or local stakeholders (the Chamoniards, Italo-américains of Little Italy, gay activists in Manchester) to promote the imaginary of a very specific place, to present themselves as being highly dependant of this place, in order to build a spatial equivalence between a tourist place and the place of their cultural and political demonstration.

An die russische Agrarreform der 1990er Jahre knüpfte sich die Erwartung, dass entsprechend der Erfahrung in westlichen Staaten landwirtschaftliche Familienbetriebe (Fermer-Betriebe) an die Stelle der staatlichen Großbetriebe treten und einen Aufschwung in der russischen Landwirtschaft auslösen würden. Entgegen dieser Erwartungen ist der russische Fermer-Sektor bis heute verhältnismäßig schwach entwickelt, während die Landwirtschaft als eines der wichtigsten Problemfelder der russischen Innenpolitik gilt. Im vorliegenden Discussion Paper werden die für die Entstehung des Fermer-Sektors relevanten Aspekte der russischen Agrarreform nachvollzogen sowie auf der Grundlage russischer Statistiken die gegenwärtige Lage der russischen Landwirtschaft analysiert. Im Discussion Paper werden weiterhin die in der russischen Debatte angeführten Argumente für die Überlegenheit von Fermer-Betrieben und verschiedene Erklärungsansätze für die eher unbedeutende Rolle des russischen Fermer-Sektors vorgestellt.

Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise 2008/09, COVID-19-Pandemie, Ukrainekrieg und eine Reihe protektionistischer Politikmaßnahmen haben zu einer Abnahme der internationalen Arbeitsteilung geführt. Der Beitrag analysiert aus einer politökonomischen Perspektive Verteilungseffekte, Rodriks Trilemma, das Fehlen eines Hegemons sowie die mangelnde Attraktivität des Modells der Hyperglobalisierung für den globalen Süden als wesentliche Erklärungsfaktoren für die Globalisierungskrise. Ob zukünftig eine De- oder Re-Globalisierung dominieren wird, hängt neben politischen Machtverhältnissen nicht zuletzt von den ambivalenten Effekten von Digitalisierung und Klimawandel ab. The Great Recession in 2008/09, COVID-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the proliferation of protectionist policies have resulted not only in a stagnation, but in a retreat of globalisation. This paper identifies four factors in order to understand the ultimate causes of the current crisis of globalisation: distributional effects, Rodrik's trilemma, the absence of a hegemon and the rejection of the logic of hyperglobalisation in the global South. Whether the future will be more or less globalised depends, beside political power, on the ambivalent effects and interplay of digitization and climate change.

In this working paper, an estimation of the possible future demand for agricultural land for the expansion of ground-mounted photovoltaic systems in Germany is developed. For the estimation, current political goals as well as different energy scenarios are considered in order to determine the demand for installed PV capacity in a fully transformed energy system. The required PV power can be installed on different areas (e.g. rooftops, agricultural area). The number of installations on agricultural land depends on many factors and can develop very differently in the future. In addition, the future demand for land is influenced by the specific land use, i.e. how much land is needed per installed capacity. All three factors are subject to a high degree of uncertainty. The most probable development is assumed to be the current political target of 215 GWp installed capacity by 2030 and for a fully transformed energy system 400 GWp installed capacity by 2040, a share of 50 % on agricul-tural land and a specific land use of 1.4 ha/MWp. Based on this, the land use for a transformed energy system (year 2040) is 280,000 ha. This corresponds to a share of 1.7 % of the currently agricultural used area. The range of all scenarios considered is between 0.3 % and 4 %, which shows the high uncertainty of the forecast., DOI:10.3220/WP1669630417000

This Discussion Paper focuses on developments of the agricultural sector in the federal states of the former Eastern Germany after German reunification. Descriptive analysis is involved to display problems of transition process and changes in agricultural production and structures. The results of the analysis report considerable differences in the agricultural sector between New and Old Federal States after 15 years after the reunification. These differences are especially to find in a variety of existing legal forms, considerably higher share of rented land, lower cattle stock as well as larger farm size of the farms in the New Federal States. Observed structural changes of the German agricultural sector display that due to European Union measures the West German model of small farm structures will have to give way of New Federal States model of large farms. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Die Entwicklung des ostdeutschen Agrarsektors seit der Wiedervereinigung steht im Mittelpunkt dieses Discussion Papers. Dabei werden in deskriptiver Form die Problembereiche des Transformationsprozesses aufgezeigt sowie Veränderungen hinsichtlich der Agrarproduktion und -struktur dargestellt. Es zeigt sich, dass die Landwirtschaft in den Neuen Bundesländern nach mehr als 15 Jahren noch immer deutliche Unterschiede zum Westen Deutschlands aufweist. Diese Differenzen liegen insbesondere in der Vielfalt der Rechtsformen, dem deutlich höheren Pachtflächenanteil, dem geringeren Viehbesatz sowie der größeren Flächenausstattung der Betriebe in Ostdeutschland. Der zu beobachtende Strukturwandel des deutschen Agrarsektors zeigt jedoch, dass infolge der agrarpolitischen Maßnahmen der Europäischen Union das westdeutsche Leitbild einer bäuerlichen Agrarstruktur zunehmend dem Vorbild der großbetrieblichen Landwirtschaft des Ostens weichen muss. РЕЗЮМЕ АГРАРНЫЙ СЕКТОР ВОСТОЧНОЙ ГЕРМАНИИ В ПЕРЕХОДНОМ ПЕРИОДЕ – ИСХОДНАЯ СИТУАЦИЯ, РАЗВИТИЕ И ОСНОВНЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ "Дискуссионные материалы" анализируют развитие аграрного сектора бывшей восточной Германии после воссоединения Германии. С помощью дескриптивного анализа проводится описание проблем трансформационных процессов, а также изменения в аграрном производстве и структурe сектора. Анализ показывает, что спустя 15 лет после воссоединения Германии, сельское хозяйство в новых федеральных землях Германии значительно отличается от старых федеральных земель. Разница особенно заметна в наличии высокого числа правовых форм предприятий, значительно повышенной доли арендуемой земли, пониженным поголовьем скота, а также размером предприятий. Наблюдаемые изменения в немецком аграрном секторе показывают, что под влиянием аграрно-политических мер Европейского союза, западно-немецкая модель маленьких предприятий со временем должна уступить восточно-немецкой моделе больших предприятий.

"In diesem Essay werden die Metamorphosen eines Software-Projekts nachgezeichnet, das von der choice mobilitätsproviding GmbH initiiert wurde. Das Ziel des Vorhabens war, die informationstechnische Unterstützung für eine Dienstleistung des Integrierten Verkehrs bereit zu stellen. Das Papier verfolgt die drastischen Volten im Projekt, welche in Folge des Anpassungsdrucks an sich permanent ändernde Umweltbedingungen vorgenommen wurden. Das Projekt kann als Fallstudie des Aufstiegs und Niedergangs der New Economy angesehen werden: Zunächst war da eine gute Idee von enthusiastischen Gründern. Dann brach der Internet-Boom aus und es konnte eine beträchtliche Summe Geld für die Realisierung der neuen Software akquiriert werden. Wenig später tauchten die 'Glücksritter' der New Economy auf und transformierten die anwenderspezifische Mittelstands-Software in eine 'Big-Business-Application'. Dafür benötigten sie immer mehr Geld. Schließlich kam der große Knall. Die New Economy-Blase platzte, und nachdem die ausführende Software-Firma beinahe bankrott gegangen wäre, stellte sie alle Arbeiten daran ein. Das Millionenprojekt endete als Datentorso. Trotzdem gab es für das Projekt ein Leben nach dem Tod." (Autorenreferat) "This essay analyzes the process of a software-project launched by the choice mobility providing company. The project's purpose centered around creating suitable information technology (IT) to integrate different means of transportation. The paper traces the changes the project underwent due to the successions of startling ruptures within the business environment. The project could serve as a case study for the decline of the New Economy. First, a good idea emerged that was promoted by enthusiastic founders. Next, during the time of the internet boom, considerable financial support was poured into the project. The 'soldiers of fortune' appeared and completely changed the character of the project. The new driving force transformed the project from a small, customer-related application into a big business case. This required more money. The project collapsed during the big bang of the new economy bubble, thereby affecting the executing firm. The IT-company reached a near-bankrupt and the project ended in ruins. Nevertheless the project could be reanimated under newly changed conditions." (author's abstract)

Der auf die „institutionelle Steuerung von Wirtschaft“ gerichtete Governance-Ansatz geht davon aus, dass nationale Ökonomien in ein Bündel nichtmarktförmiger Koordinationstypen (wie Firmenhierarchien, Netzwerke, Verbände und Staat) eingebettet sind. Die Governance-Forschung fragt nach der Konfiguration von Governance-Typen in sektoralen, regionalen oder nationalen Produktionszusammenhängen und nach deren komparativen Leistungsvorteilen. Die wachsende Integration von Märkten scheint jedoch Spielräume für kapitalistische Vielfalt zu reduzieren und Länder mit einer eher marktförmigen Organisation ihrer Wirtschaft zu begünstigen. Während die international vergleichende Governance-Forschung auch weiterhin von einer Stabilität nationaler Wirtschaftskontexte ausgeht, sieht eine jüngere, vorwiegend auf Deutschland bezogene Debatte nationale Ökonomien erheblichen Wandlungsprozessen unterworfen. Der vorliegende Beitrag vermittelt einen Überblick über den Verlauf der Governance-Diskussion und setzt sich kritisch mit den Vor- und Nachteilen des Varieties-of-Capitalism- Ansatzes auseinander. Abschließend wird für eine stärker prozess- und akteurorientierte Forschungsperspektive plädiert, die Antriebskräfte, Mechanismen und Dimensionen des Wandels kapitalistischer Institutionen in den Mittelpunkt stellt. The institutional governance approach sees national economies embedded in a bundle of non-market types of coordination (e.g. corporate hierarchies, networks, associations and the state). Governance oriented research explores configurations of governance types in sectoral, regional and national systems of productions and asks for their comparative advantages. The growing integration of markets, however, seems to reduce capacities for capitalist diversity and to benefit countries with market-like organisation of their economy. While comparative governance approaches still assume stability of national economic contexts, a recent, more on Germany centred debate discovers substantial change in the governance of political economies. The following article presents an overview of the course of the governance debate and discusses advantages and disadvantages of the „varieties of capitalism“ approach. The paper argues in favor of a more process- and actorcentred research perspective which focuses on forces, mechanisms and dimensions of change in capitalist institutions. 1 Einleitung 2 Bausteine institutioneller Steuerung der Wirtschaft 3 Wie ist die Governance-Diskussion verlaufen? 4 Der Kapitalismus zwischen Stabilität und Wandel - Zum aktuellen Forschungsstand 5 Diskussion und zukünftige Forschungsperspektiven 6 Literatur

Since his surprising election as President of the United States, in November 2016, Donald Trump’s foreign policy sent shock waves around the world, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) where America’s traditional allies felt uneasy about the “America First” strategy. Nevertheless, in spite of a nationalist president who has questioned America’s leadership role in global affairs and his country’s commitment to the protection of allies, the security cooperation between the United States and the CEE countries increased in the first three years of the Trump administration. The paper explains this continuity on the base of the American alternative foreign policy mindsets in the decision-making process. It is arguing that despite the president’s opinions, those administration members who share a common, traditional understanding of American primacy in the world provided the continuity in American foreign policy in the CEE region by advocating for power competition against Russia. Therefore, the article shows that an individual-level analysis is more appropriate for understanding American foreign policy today than a state- and a system-level analyses.

Many critics of Donald Trump argue that Donald Trump’s Grand Strategy is an absence of Grand Strategy or that his foreign and security policy is driven by impulses and tactical approach. However, such policy leaves us with practical consequences which mean that we have to follow this sort of a Donald Trump approach to foreign affairs and politics in general. The best guide in that sense would be the 2017 U. S. National Security Strategy idea of principled realism which is the most important written strategic statement of the Trump administration up to this date. If Trump’s approach “is guided by outcomes not ideology” and if “prosperity depend on strong, sovereign nations that respect their citizens at home and cooperate to advance peace abroad”, then the U. S. policy to Western Balkans has to be considered in that context. The Prespa agreement between Greece and North Macedonia is one form of that approach put in practice. Having in mind Belgrade–Pristina negotiations and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s future as well, the main thesis of this paper is that we may expect some kind of unusual approach from the United States to this region, different from the framework that was set up in the 1990s. That will have consequences both for the region and for the outside great powers, especially the European Union.

The consequences of integration of the agricultural and food sectors between the Central and Eastern European candidate countries and the EU are investigated in this paper. The analysis indicates substantial structural problems in the agricultural sector of most Central European countries (CECs). In most of these countries, the transition process resulted in a highly fragmented farm structure. This impedes the efficient use of the given production factors, at least in the medium and long term. Furthermore, the competitiveness of both sectors is hampered by low investments. Additional problems in the downstream sector are the result of significant excess capacities and insufficient product and process qualities. Delays and failures in creating and developing institutions has led to a reinforcement of these problems and is an important reason why these deficits are very persistent. EU-accession of the CECs will not result in a significant increase in production of agriculture and the food processing industry. This is confirmed by simulation results presented in this paper. Moreover, the analysis shows that farmers including land owners in CECs are likely to benefit from the implementation of the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU at about 6,8 billion Euro per annum. In contrast, consumers may suffer a relatively small annual welfare loss of about 0,4 billion Euro. The CAP expenditures financed by the EU-budget amount up to 7,5 billion Euro per year. In the acceding countries, great efforts are still required to strengthen the competitiveness of agriculture and food processors so that they are able to stand up to the strong competition prevailing in the EU. For this, two aspects are particularly important; to make much stronger progress in creating new and adjusting existing institutions as well as to implement efficient agricultural and regional policies. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht die Konsequenzen der Integration im Agrar- und Ernäh-rungssektor zwischen den mittel- und osteuropäischen Anrainerstaaten und der EU. Die Analyse weist auf erhebliche strukturelle Probleme in vielen der zehn mitteleuropäischen Beitrittsländer (MEL) im Agrarbereich hin. So hat der Transformationsprozess in den meisten der MEL zu einer zum Teil bedeutenden Fragmentierung der Agrarstruktur geführt. Hier-durch wird die effiziente Nutzung der gegebenen Produktionsfaktoren zumindest mittel- und langfristig erschwert. Darüber hinaus wird die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Land- sowie der Er-nährungswirtschaft durch das niedrige Investitionsniveau behindert. Weitere Probleme erge-ben sich im nachgelagerten Sektor als Folge erheblicher Überkapazitäten und Mängel in den Bereichen Produkt- sowie Prozeßqualität. Verzögerungen bzw. Unterlassungen in der Gestal-tung und Entwicklung von Institutionen haben in der Vergangenheit zu einer Verstärkung der genannten Unzulänglichkeiten geführt bzw. sind ein Grund, warum die aufgezeigten Defizite ein erhebliches Beharrungsvermögen aufweisen. Ein bedeutender Produktionsanstieg in der Land- und Ernährungswirtschaft der MEL ist als Folge eines EU-Beitritts nicht zu erwarten. Dies bestätigen auch die hier vorgestellten Simulationsrechnungen. Die Modellanalysen zeigen darüber hinaus, daß durch die Übernahme der EU-Agrarpolitik mit finanziellen Auswirkungen sowohl für die Landwirtschaft als auch die Verbraucher in den MEL zu rech-nen ist. Die Einnahmen der Landwirtschaft inklusive der Bodeneigentümer nehmen in einer Größenordnung von 6,8 Mrd. Euro p. a. zu. Die Verbraucher erleiden dagegen Wohlfahrts-verluste von etwa 0,4 Mrd. Euro. Die Marktordnungskosten, die aus dem EU-Haushalt finan-ziert werden, betragen knapp 7,5 Mrd. Euro. In den Beitrittsländern sind noch erhebliche Anstrengungen notwendig, um die Landwirt-schaft und besonders die Verarbeitungsindustrie in ihrer Wettbewerbskraft zu stärken, damit sie gegen die erhöhte Konkurrenz in einer erweiterten EU bestehen können. Zwei Bereiche kommen hierfür insbesondere in Frage; die Auflösung des Reformstaus bei der Gestaltung und Entwicklung von Institutionen sowie die Implementierung effizienter agrar- und regio-nalpolitische Maßnahmen.