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Most inter-state comparisons of education systems are limited to figures on participation in higher education. In contrast, this paper presents a new metric that takes into account the hierarchical structure of education systems and focuses on access to higher education. These continuation rates were collected for up to 180 countries and 120 years and show that, although expansion started in the 1990s, a relatively high number of education systems currently still have rather elite access to higher education, despite high enrolment rates in secondary schools. Interstate differences are attributed in this paper, among other things, to colonial pasts. Although a clear association of rising continuation rates and rising unemployment among the highly educated is not apparent, it is worth considering regional variation in labour markets. This is because in the regions of West Asia and North Africa, which are characterised by above-average youth unemployment, the unemployment rate among the highly educated is also rising sharply. Here, expanding access to higher education does not appear to fulfil the promise of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last ten years China has considerably stepped up its economic and political relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. Despite the rivalries in the region China today enjoys good relations with all potential energy providers, as well as with Israel. The main goal of its efforts is to satisfy its growing energy needs, which the Chinese government has identified as one of the critical factors in its economic development model. Through its large state energy companies, flanked by intensive "oil diplomacy" the leadership in Beijing has managed to conclude numerous long-term delivery contracts which will cover the bulk of Chinese oil imports. Although economically aggressive, China is politically moderate and seeks to keep out of disputes in this notoriously unstable region. However, in a series of conflicts, above all about the Iranian atomic program, but also developments in Iraq and Sudan, it is becoming clear that Beijing's different foreign policy goals are becoming increasingly difficult to reconcile. Between dependence on the region's resources and expectations of political support on the part of some Arab countries and Iran, as well as Beijing's pretensions to be a reliable partner in international politics, there will be little scope for China to maintain political neutrality in the future. China's engagement in the region will be substantially determined by Sino-American relations. China's reputation for standing up against the premises and goals of American foreign policy has proven advantageous in cultivating its bilateral relations. However, with regard to U.S. policy in the Middle East it has behaved rather as a free-rider that as a "spoiler." Beijing is basically prepared to recognize the U.S. as the most important power for the stabilization of the region, but at the same time it tries to curb U.S. dominance through a more visible presence. A policy of containment directed against China, demanded in a number of clubs around Capitol Hill, is therefore unlikely to succeed. Through closer integration in Middle East initiatives, however, China's responsibility for finding a solution to the region's problems could be boosted. Multilateral engagement must also be in accordance with Beijing's wishes; otherwise it would feel that it was confronted with the problems but without being in a position to exercise the same kind of political influence as the U.S. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]