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The amended German Climate Protection Act of 2021 is seen as an essential step towards fulfilment national climate protection targets and as a sign of mainstreaming climate protection in German politics. However, at the regional level, where many climate protection measures are implemented, there is a strong fragmentation in terms of priorities, policy instruments, actor constellations and resources. Moreover, the implementation of climate protectionmeasures is under increasing pressure in the face of crises, such as the management of the Covid 19 pandemic or the energy crisis. We therefore ask: Under what conditions does regional climate protection succeed in times of crisis? Drawing on the regional governance concept and a comparative analysis of ten German counties, we explain differences in subnational climate governance. For our study, very different, but always rural districts were selected, as the importance of rural regions is often neglected in the study of local climate policy. Based on a qualitative document analysis in combination with observations and interviewswith climate protectionmanagers, we identify factors for the success of climate protection activities in times ofmultiple crises. We argue that structural factors are central to the success of regional climate protectionmeasures in times of crisis, as they provide the framework conditions for the actions of actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an additive index on climate policy engagement at the municipal level, based on the three dimensions awareness, conception and implementation of climate change mitigation and adaptation. The distortion of the index is based on the self-perception and personal assessment of municipal decision-makers, which were collected and evaluated as part of a primary survey (postal survey). The index shows how strongly a municipality is committed to climate policy. Thus, it represents an extension of previous indices that either only consider climate mitigation or adaptation or are only based exclusively on secondary statistics. The second part of the paper describes the application of the index in three counties or 51 municipalities in Saxony, Saxony-Anhalt and Thuringia. The interpretation takes place in the context of structural characteristics of the municipalities concerned (number of inhabitants, share of votes of different parties, geographical location). The distribution of the index values shows a similar awareness in climate protection and climate change adaptation, but an increasing discrepancy in the implementation of adaptation-specific measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung: DIW-Wochenbericht is the property of DIW Berlin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung: DIW-Wochenbericht is the property of DIW Berlin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung: DIW-Wochenbericht is the property of DIW Berlin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung: DIW-Wochenbericht is the property of DIW Berlin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung: DIW-Wochenbericht is the property of DIW Berlin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The review "Cities on the World Stage. The Politics of Global Urban Climate Governance" by David J. Gordon examines the role of the Cities Climate Leadership Group (C40) as a transnational network of mayors dealing with the climate crisis. Although the C40 does not have formal authority over its members, it has been internationally recognized as a leading force in urban climate policy. According to Gordon, the success of the C40 is based on its ability to create a common identity for the participating cities. The review also emphasizes the role of individuals such as Michael Bloomberg in developing a new vision for urban climate governance. The analysis uses the concept of the sociological field to explain the development of the C40 over time. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In light of limited international climate policy efforts, many are pessimistic about effective climate change mitigation. However, there is still a chance for a global Green New Deal which would reduce both socio-economic inequalities and greenhouse gas emissions. Unfolding feedbacks between technological, behavioral, and political changes provide an opportunity for transforming our societies. Yet, a Green New Deal in line with the green growth paradigm seems politically more feasible than a radical approach that rests upon a de-growth paradigm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of GAIA: Ecological Perspectives for Science & Society is the property of Oekom Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bucerius Law Journal is the property of Bucerius Law School e.V. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the European Council's December 2008 summit and with the European Parliament's decision a week later, a political agreement was reached on the Commission's Climate-Energy package of January 2008, which will profoundly shape Europe's climate policy for the next decade. Europe is therefore the first actor in the run up to the global climate negotiations in Copenhagen to come forward with a detailed program confirmed by parliament. Center of attention in the negotiations was the EU's emissions trading system. From 2013 this will be centrally administered by the European Commission and so guarantee the same conditions throughout Europe. In order to get all the member states to agree, however, the French Council presidency had to include numerous derogations in a compromise package: the promised reduction targets were not changed, but the effectiveness of the instruments was weakened. Alongside the Directive on emissions trading a decision was passed that imposes limits on member states' discharge of greenhouse gases in the sectors not covered by the emissions trading regime. These targets are legally binding by 2020. Though only mentioned in passing in the media a Directive on renewable energy was passed that for the first time includes all sectors - that is, electricity generation, transport, and heating / cooling - and also lays down binding national levels by 2020. Alongside these central aspects of future European climate policy outline conditions and financing mechanisms for carbon capture and storage technology and for emissions caps for new cars were legally enshrined. While its final compromise means that the European Union formally retains its leadership role in the campaign against climate change, at the same time it has left a number of losers at various levels. One of them is the European Parliament. Under pressure of time and the member states' entrenchment, MEPs were confronted with a matter of conscience but were severely constrained in bringing to bear their own long nurtured and ambitious position. The developing countries may be regarded as the second losers. They are largely innocent victims of anthropogenic climate change, yet for the most part they are excluded from relief measures within the framework of Western climate policy. The EU heads of state and government denied them financial aid from the emissions trading system and technological support. Despite its flaws, the scope of the compromise package is of enormous significance and its targets are ambitious. Europe is therefore entitled to claim its exemplary role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]