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The focus of this intervention follows the ongoing COVID-19 crisis and its consequences. With both health and the economy as central to this crisis, besides each amplifying the other, in some regards, the two also might stand in conflict. However, both are definitely delivering a number of consequences for humans in different regions and life circumstances across the globe. With the help of several examples, this paper sets out to visualize the unequal distribution of duties, strains, exposure and aftermath of the current health crisis.

Higher crime rates lead to the increasing fear and anxiety in society and disturb the social structure and harmony in the country. In the last decades, many scientists depict a decrease in economic factors, such as GDP per capita, unemployment rate, poverty, etc. as the primary drivers of crime both in developed and in developing countries. Even during the periods of economic crises, crime rates in the European Union (EU) continued to either decline or remain the same, thus bringing into question the impact of economic factors on crime rates in the EU. The paper examines the impact of changing economic conditions on crime rates in EU countries, employing nowadays vastly used methods in economics to address endogeneity. The aim of the paper is to empirically estimate the relationship between crime rates and economic factors, using previously developed methods. After a series of robustness checks, estimations did not provide evidence of a significant relationship between economic conditions and crime rates over the last decade in EU countries, except for homicides in some model specifications.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the paper is to present the conditions and effects of theglobal migration crisis, which appeared in connection with the health crisis caused by the COVID19 pandemic. It also undertakes a preliminary analysis of the possibilities of mitigating its effectswithin the global migration management system.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The research problem focuses on the impact ofthe health crisis on migration processes, especially in the context of tightening national immigration regimes and securitization. It also takes into account the potential of a migration managementsystem to restore the global benefits of safe migrant mobility. The article is based on the politicalscience analysis of the content of the reports and a review of the latest scientific literature.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The starting point of the argumentation is to emphasize the importance of the greatest decline in human mobility in modern times for the outbreak ofa migration crisis. It was pointed out that the long-term closure of borders may lead to the risk offailure of the entire migration system. The provisions of the 2018 Global Compact for Migrationagreement were indicated as a corrective instrument.RESEARCH RESULTS: The analysis leads to the conclusion that more than perhaps any crisis inthe past COVID-19 clearly demonstrates the need to include migrants in crisis management and tofind long-term solutions to a new type of migration problem when the acute phase of the crisis is over.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Due to the fact of important roleof migrants in the economic, social and cultural fabric of the globalized world, it seems necessaryto deepen initial reflections on the migration management system in the context of a health crisis.

Soviet Russia, who acquired an important place in the New World order constituted after World War II, sent a note two times on 9 August and 24 September in 1946 in order to have control over the straits. The demand of Soviet Russian in this note was about defining the statue of straits together with the countries which have coast to Black Sea and defending the straits jointly by Turkey and Russia. The demands of Russia were firstly rejected by England and USA. These two countries stated that the changes related with straits could only be done with a conference which the countries signing the Montreux convention participated in. Turkish government, with the effect of England and USA being against, rejected the Russian demands flatly through legal evidence. The Soviet offer was accepted as “Considering the shattering of the sovereignty and security of a neighbour country as something which is fair” by Turkish public opinion. Turkish public opinion did not want to make a war but supported the Turkish government for rejecting Soviet demands. According to Turkish Press, the Russian offer to defend the straits jointly was a step to achieve imperialistic goals of their country. Offering such a demand to a country which defended the straits alone during the war was illogical and as this offer was against the Turkish sovereignty and security rights, it was impossible to accept it. Turkey rejected the Russian demands with similar national feelings of the party in power and opposition and clearly put into words that a war would be taken into account so as not to resign against Russian attack.

Reliable empirical surveys on whether vacancies in inner-city commercial properties have increased since the outbreak of the corona pandemic are not yet available Corresponding assumptions are obvious, however, as the German Trade Association estimates that up to 50,000 stores could close permanently - not only, but also because of the pandemic Hotels, restaurants, bank branches and offices are also affected It is also likely that there will be fewer start-ups in 2020 due to the economic uncertainties In theory, this increase in commercial property vacancies could even out if the pandemic is contained

In this paper the microfinance industry will be described, both as it is today and with historical perspectives. Brief history of past failure of subsidized loans is mentioned. Different but important contributions from Stiglitz and Yunnus are explained and then the microfinance industry´s growth and current state will be described. Finally, different microfinance institutions types are explained. The microfinance industry is peculiar and deserves to be researched and focused upon for several reasons. The most important is that it aims towards poverty reduction by reaching out to the poor and provide them with capital. Noteworthy, that is to be done in a sustainable way, which allows the industry to thrive and expand. Indeed it has expanded greatly over the last few years. While the microfinance industry expands the importance of understanding the industry becomes ever more important. Researches on corporate governance for microfinance institutions have been carried out but more researches are needed, in particular for the social goal called outreach. Because the microfinance institutions have both social goals and financial goals, the microfinance industry is different from most other industries where profit maximization is the main and often the only goal. The corporate governance findings for microfinance industry may therefore be different and may not be easily transferred to other industries.

The aim of this study is to examine the effects of terrorism on economic growth experienced worldwide. More precisely these terrorist incidents and its effects on economic growth in most countries are classified according to income groups. In this respect, we conduct a panel study (FE and RE models) to analyze the number of terrorist incidents in these countries and the data range from 2000 to 2015 covering a total of 115 countries. The result of the study is in line with other findings in the literature. Those terrorist attacks are causing a negative impact on the economic growth in most countries, particularly in low-income countries. Generally speaking, the findings show that low-income countries are affected about three times more than high-income countries as a result of these terrorist attacks.

To what extent can the scientific migration and mobility, and remittances impact the economic development of the donor and recipient states? How significant are they as a resource for the enhancement of the Eastern Partnership? The policy brief provides the results of the quantitative assessment of the costs and benefits of "smart" labour migration in the Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries and proposes some policy recommendations to enhance the benefits stemming from knowledge-based migration and mobility flows. We received the proof of mutual causality between human development indicator of donor-state and most significant performance indicators of EaP migration in the EU ("smart mobility"). This means that HDI of a donor-state is flexible to the internal situation in the country, and so the positive effect of smart mobility and remittance inflows can be easily absorbed inside the EaP. The same we observed for gross national income of EaP donor-states. However, our approach does not provide the answer: what is exactly the effect or the result. The convergence effect of scientific migration in the EU and the Eastern Partnership region is considered on the ground of the calculative assessment. We considered "fi-convergence" approach, stating that it occurs when the EaP mobility rate grows faster than the EU ones. As for o-convergence, we defined it as a reduction of future rates of variation (inequality, differentiation) in the levels of migration of regions (countries). We can conclude that there is the convergence between the EU & EaP in the scientific migration in the years of the EaP initiation, but no results in the process of its fulfilment.

Resumen basado en el de la publicación Monográfico con el título, Enseñanza superior en Europa : objetivos contemporáneos para instituciones históricas Se describe el desarrollo de las universidades en Letonia desde la década de 1950 hasta la actualidad. Lo más alto del sistema educativo experimentó cambios junto con las transformaciones políticas del país. Letonia paso a ser parte de la Unión Soviética en 1940 y recuperó su independencia en 1991, pasando a unirse a la UE en 2004. Desde 2012 Letonia es una participante incipiente del Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior. Se describen las transformaciones de las universidades en Letonia desde la perspectiva de una teoría del aprendizaje cultural y la transferencia de conocimiento definida por Gita Steiner-Khamsi. Eso proporcionará la referencia a un modelo de educación externa, su modificación y metamorfosis en un entorno educativo local modelo. Letonia, como país pequeño y cultura relativamente nueva, se había encontrado en la situación de aprender de las experiencias culturales de países que tienen más experiencia con la democracia y tuvieron que superar las ideas de los sistemas educativos de otros países y adaptarlos a las necesidades locales. ESP

In the context of growing regional disparities which exist both in developed and developing countries, the primary goal of this paper is to examine the influence of total economic activities on regional disparities. In the research panel sample of the selected OECD countries has been used with the data for the time period from 2000 to 2011. The empirical analysis reveals that there is a long-term relationship between the variables, that economic growth and regional disparities move in the same direction and that the impact of economic growth on regional disparities is statistically significant. Consequently, in order to reduce regional disparities, it is necessary to increase the share of less developed regions in the total output. In this matter, it should be helpful to adequately coordinate policies about regional development from all levels of governance.

Summary Although China's GDP has become the world's second largest, China's long-term economic growth with high speed and long-lasting “efficiency first” policy guidance, has brought China into a complicated situation, therein serious inequality exists in China and it has become one of the most serious problems in China nowadays. This paper focuses on China's inequality issues in the context of the world, especially on comparison between China and the European countries, concerning of our common pursuit for socialist values. Comparative method is widely used in the paper. Gini Coefficient and Percentage of Total Income of National Population by Income Quintile are utilized as main indicators, and the two results just mutually verify each other. We find that the huge inequality in China does not fit into the title of socialist country and its socialist extent is far less than the European's, even inferior to typical capitalist countries. Finally, we make a ladder target of the Gini coefficient standards for Chinese government to keep constraint by oneself.

In the article the scientific views on the definition of economic security considering modern realities of the national and world economies have been reviewed. The fundamental documents of national security policy of Ukraine have been investigated. Determined that among the dangers of the vital national interests of Ukraine, corruption is one of the most destructive factors on the results of economic security. The multi-level system of negative external effects of corruption as threats of economic security of Ukraine has been grounded. The organizational and management measures directed towards the strengthening of the economic security of Ukraine have been suggested. Paid to the need for a systematic approach to preventing and combating economic corruption, herewith the achieve of economic security should be an attribute, an integral part of anti-corruption policy.

Changes in the political power and the population in the southern part of East Prussia, whichwent to Poland in 1945, led to the removal of traces of the German past in the region, and toits Polonisation immediately after the war. After discussing the de-Germanisation policy, typicalof the postwar period, the removal of symbols of ‘German power’, the elimination of the‘German spirit’, and trends in the adaptation of the new population to the cultural landscape,the author raises the question how relations between the population of the territory and theGerman heritage and past changed after 1989. The issue is considered in the context of thediscussion among intellectuals in Poland as to what the relationship with the German heritageshould be. The answer is based on the results of a sociological poll carried out by the Institutefor Western Affairs in 2001. Key words: East Prussia, Warmia and Masuria, cultural heritage, relations with the ‘German’heritage. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v30i0.1184

While a remarkable continuity in smallholder agricultural production has been identified, the shift from subsistence orientation towards more wage dependence appears in a different light when analysed under a gender perspective. "Feminisation" has been a catchphrase to characterise some of these processes; however, the debate has been subject to overgeneralisation, and can only inadequately grasp the gender dynamics in what has been referred to as "new ruralities". Illustrated for high-value crop production as an expression of agricultural transition in the Global South, this contribution offers a critical account of the feminisation thesis. Instead of discarding the notion of feminisation, it advocates a reassessment of its potential as a comprehensive framework against which empirical findings can be reflected. While conventional uses of the feminisation thesis have, in their great majority, come up with the conclusion that for women it can always only get worse, I propose a perspective which reveals gains and risks and how they are shared between men and women as they engage in new agricultural labour markets. This perspective rests on a methodology for case-based, comparative studies developed in this paper as a contribution for assessing the nature of agricultural transition and to investigate the qualitative change associated with new ruralities. A distinctive appreciation of the substance of agricultural change for different members of the rural society – namely men and women, but also different men, and different women – is the premise for overcoming barriers to shared development, and for framing effective governance in the context of global development.

First the transmission of information in direct and representative democracies is investigated. Because there is more supply and demand of information, citizens are better informed in direct democracies than in purely representative systems. Then, a survey is given about empirical studies of the economic consequences of direct democracy which show that these consequences are mostly positive. Finally we discuss some of the arguments which are often raised in Germany against the introduction of direct democratic rights on the federal level, especially the reference to `bad experiences' in the Weimar republic. It is shown that these arguments are not valid.

Since the outbreak of the financial and economic crisis in 2008, Eastern European countries have been affected severely by the crisis through intensified austerity measures, higher unemployment rates, and increasing dissatisfaction with democracy. Against this backdrop, the region has experienced several large-scale protest movements in recent years. The paper critically assesses the state of the art on political participation in Eastern Europe. Special attention is paid to the still underplayed effects of the global economic crisis. Subsequently, the question is raised whether the increased number of protests indicates a deeper societal crisis. Thereby, the authors conclude, Eastern Europe serves to a certain extend as a trendsetter for similar developments in other parts of Europe., Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, Bd. 45 Nr. 4 (2016): Protest and Crisis in Eastern Europe

Contemporary European societies are shaped by ongoing disputes about how to draw boundaries of membership and about the proper means of democratic inclusion. Who – which groups and individuals – should have a voice in the political system and access to resources? How can these actors achieve an equal standing in democratic societies? Sieglinde Rosenberger has contributed important points to these questions and continues to do so: With an emphasis on the Austrian political system in the context of European Integration, she combined research on gender, migration, religion and political participation into a common framework of “Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion”. On the occasion of her 60th birthday, this special issue aims to review the Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion, providing both normative and empirical perspectives., Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, Bd. 46 Nr. 1 (2017): Challenges of democratic inclusion: Investigating the politics of difference

Previous research has examined the various ways individuals and organizations react to immigration. This article explores how immigrants and their integration are debated across citizenship regimes, with a focus on ‘voiceless’ groups without formal franchise and a precarious residence status: asylum seekers, refugees, and irregular immigrants. A yearly measure of citizenship regimes is used together with a large-scale claims analysis of newspapers from seven Western European countries between 1995 and 2009 to systematically describe the relative frequency of and frames in different claims by political actors. The debate on immigration and integration varies by citizenship regime, including the way immigrant groups are referred to. Having an ethnic citizenship regime is associated with more claims about voiceless immigrant groups. At the same time, the association between immigrant group size and the extent to which immigrant groups are politicized is moderated by the citizenship regime. Debates on immigrants and their integration vary across citizenship regimes., Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, Bd. 46 Nr. 1 (2017): Challenges of democratic inclusion: Investigating the politics of difference

This paper presents the main findings which are focusing interdisciplinary on contemporary trends in the regional policy in Central Europe. These findings are illustrated on regional policy activities in Znojmo region which is a pioneer in so called paradiplomacy activities. These deal consequents upon geographical emplacement on the border of the former Eastern Bloc which constitute area of renewed relations in united central Europe nowadays. These results are obtained by using classical theory of paradiplomacy from Ivo Duchacek and Panayotis Soldatos. Thesis from broader research in paradiplomacy is emphasised on the example of region Znojmo and its paradiplomacy policy. The work is based on case study, which tried to gain the most important facts about followed issues. Through an analysis of selected aspects in these sub-state units is shown its success in researched area which lies not only in a wide range of cultural and tourist industry activities but also in economic area. Management of Znojmo municipality use cross-border co-operation to reduce unemployment rate in region which is one of the key tasks. Negotiation in region is facilitated by creating ad-hoc region to overcome one of the fundamental difficulties of paradiplomacy concept which is the unclear definition of the term sub-state unit and the variety of participants in paradiplomatic negotiation, Bu çalışma Orta Avrupa'da bölgesel politikaya ilişkin disiplinlerarası çağdaş eğilimler üzerine edinilen temel bulguları sunmaktadır. Bu bulgular paradiplomasi faaliyetlerinin öncülü durumunda olan Znojmo bölgesindeki bölgesel politika faaliyetleri ile gösterilmektedir. Bu anlaşma günümüzde birleşik Avrupa’da yenilenen ilişkilerin alanını oluşturan eski Doğu Bloku sınırının coğrafi yerleşimleri ile sonuçlanmaktadır. Bu sonuçlar Ivo Ducháček ve Panayotis Soldatos’un paradiplomasi klasik teorisini kullanarak elde edilmiştir. Paradiplomasi üzerine daha geniş bir araştırma tezi Znojmo bölgesi ve paradiplomasi politikaları örnek alınarak vurgulanmıştır. Çalışma takip eden konularda en önemli olguları verecek örnekolay incelemesine dayanmaktadır. Bu devlet altı birimlerin seçilen özelliklerinin analiz edilmesi, araştırılan alanların arasında sadece kültürel ve turizm sektörüyle ilgili faaliyetlerde değil, aynı zamanda ekonomik alanda başarısını göstermektedir. Znojmo belediye yönetimi bölgedeki işsizlik oranını azaltmak için en önemli görevlerden biri olan sınır-ötesi işbirliğine başvurmaktadır. Devlet-altı birimlerin tanımının ve paradiplomasi müzakarelerinin katılımcılarının belirsizliği gibi, paradiplomasi kavramının temel problemlerini ortadan kaldırmak için geçici (ad-hoc) bölgeler yaratarak bölgede müzakereler kolaylaştırılmaktadır.

Since 1992, clandestine radical environmentalist cells, calling themselves the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), have carried out arson attacks in an effort to punish corporations for environmentally deleterious practices. I examine the radical environmental movement and find that its recent rise to prominence and notoriety is part and parcel of the larger development of the more general anti-globalization/anti-capitalist movement. Specifically, I examine how, despite its libertarian conservative origins, the ideology of Earth First! changed after an influx of new members with anti-state, anarchist sympathies. Finally, I assess the applicability of three major criticisms of “globalization from below” to the case of the ELF, namely: a) that its preoccupation with the transnational sphere and abandonment of electoral politics is misguided, b) that direct actions such as property destruction are counterproductive to the wider aims of the movement, and, c) that its strategies of contention are too episodic, and do very little to encourage practical, inclusive, local, and sustained action in the service of global justice

From the end of the Second World War onwards, a middle class emerged in Germany that was, by international standards, broadly based. The economic basis for this middle class was good pay and relatively low income differentiation, which was the result of collective agreement on a high coverage rate. Since the mid-1990s, however, the economic basis of middle-class prosperity and security has been crumbling. In the primary distribution, the share of households in the middle-income groups fell by almost ten percentage points, from 56.4 per cent to 48 per cent, between 1992 and 2013. The welfare state was no longer able to compensate fully for this unequal primary distribution. An increase in coverage by collective agreements, the re-regulation of atypical employment forms and the elimination of all incentives to take marginal, part-time jobs are the keys to strengthening the middle-income groups in Germany.

Against the background of the research project TRANSIT MIGRATION (2002–2004) on migration regimes in Turkey, Greece and the Balkan region the article will discuss new processes of zoning and fragmentation of citizenship rights at the fringes of Europe. By analyzing diverse practices of “transit migration” the article can show how the new Europeanised border regime does not totally stop migration. The text rather demonstrates how the deterritorialised and stretched border regime produces, in its course of struggling with migrants’ subjectivities and projects, something like “precarious transit zones”.

"Dieser Artikel wendet eine leicht modifizierte Version der Copenhagen School an, um aufzuzeigen, wie die Vereinigung südostasiatischer Nationen (ASEAN) seit 2001 auf die vielfältigen politischen Hindernisse für eine engere regionale Anti-Terrorismus-Zusammenarbeit reagiert hat. ASEAN hat, erstens, eine Sekuritisierung des Terrorismus als transnationales Verbrechen und, zweitens, eine Depolitisierung und 'ASEANisierung' (die Kontextualisierung einer sicherheitspolitischen Bedrohung unter den Werten des ASEAN Way) ihrer Anti-Terrorismus-Politik vorgenommen. Sowohl Depolitisierung und 'ASEANisierung' sind bewusste politische Handlungen, die es den PolitikerInnen ermöglichen, die interne wie externe Zusammenarbeit auf eine unpolitische, technische Basis zu gründen. Im Widerspruch zu einer These der Copenhagen School wird hier argumentiert, dass ein solcher Ansatz in Südostasien, wo Souveränität und Nicht-Einmischung immer noch zentrale Prinzipien sind, realpolitisch bessere Chancen eröffnen kann, um ein sicherheitspolitisches Problem zu bewältigen als eine 'klassische' Sekuritisierung. Zusätzlich zeigt der Artikel, dass ASEANs Anti-Terrorismus-Ansatz das fragmentierte Verständnis der Organisation in Bezug auf menschliche Sicherheit widerspiegelt. Dieses basiert stärker auf nationaler und Regime- als auch auf individueller Sicherheit. Da Anti-Terrorismus-Politik in der Region jedoch keine Priorität genießt, ist diese Politik bloß eine schwache Triebfeder für die Implementierung von ASEANs Verständnis von menschlicher Sicherheit." (Autorenreferat), "This article applies a modified version of the theoretical approach of the Copenhagen School to demonstrate that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has since 2001 reacted in a twofold way to the complex political obstacles to closer counter-terrorism co-operation: First, it has responded with securitizing terrorism as a transnational crime and, second, with a depoliticization and 'ASEANisation' of its counter-terrorism policies. Depoliticization and 'ASEANisation', i.e. the framing of a security threat under the ASEAN Way values, are both deliberate political actions. They enable politicians to base co-operation among the ASEAN members and with outside powers on a non-political, technical basis. Contradicting an assumption of the Copenhagen School, this study argues that in South-East Asia where sovereignty and non-interference are still core principles this approach can offer better political opportunities to resolve a security threat than a 'classic' securitization. Furthermore, this article demonstrates that ASEAN's anti-terrorism policies reflect its fragmented version of human security, which is based on national and regime rather than individual security. As counter-terrorism does not enjoy political priority in the region, these policies can only be a weak trigger for the implementation of ASEAN's notion of human security " (author's abstract)

Finansinė krizė turi reikšmingą poveikį įgyvendinant socialines ir ekonomines teises Europoje, šis poveikis ypač ryškus Pietų Europos šalyse, pavyzdžiui, Ispanijoje, Portugalijoje, Italijoje ar Graikijoje. Tarptautinėje žmogaus teisių teisėje įtvirtinta apribojimų priemonėms, taikomoms ekonominės krizės metu, tačiau valstybės paprastai nevertina socialinių išmokų mažinimo žmogaus teisių požiūriu. Straipsnyje siekiama nustatyti, pirma, valstybių įsipareigojimus ekonominių, socialinių ir kultūrinių teisių (angl. economic, social and cultural rights – ESCR) strityje ir, antra, parodyti ribotas galimybes ginčyti regreso tvarka taikomas priemones iš tarptautinės žmogaus teisių teisės perspektyvos.

The paper is an outline of the author’s research project to be undertaken in 2006. It is focused on the process of transition from authoritarian to democratic order in Serbia after 2000. Starting from the findings of previous studies of transition, in Serbia and in other post socialist countries, the research will adopt a socio-anthropological approach and deal with the following topics: the model of transition being applied in Serbia preconditions for democratic transformation; a balance sheet of positive achievements accomplished and, on the other hand, "lost chances"; socio economic, political and cultural obstacles to articulating a coherent strategy of democratic development; psychological and anthropological aspects of current processes; alternative paths of democratic development feasible within given conditions. A central question the research will aim at resolving is why the current situation in Serbia is often described as suffering from a "democratic deficit".

In the last decade and a half the process of desecularization has been undoubtedly verified in Serbia. Not only that the changes have been verified in the religious complex in general, but in traditional religious groups in particular as well. The revival of religiousness and people?s attachment to religion and church have been clearly proved in all aspects of religious life: in the areas of religious identification, doctrinaire religious beliefs and ritual religious practices. It should also be noted that in times of extremely turbulent political and social changes in the Balkans, all traditional religious complexes, orthodox, catholic and Muslim, began forming close ties with political and state, public and binding domains, which was absolutely unthinkable of a decade and a half ago. Which leads us to the crucial question: can religion make a contribution to the process of integration coming form the surrounding countries as the imperative of foreign powers on one hand, and as the striving of the majority of population in all the post socialist countries in the Balkans on the other hand, or will it only cause damage and interfere with the process of integration of those societies into the European commonwealth of nations? This article discusses different opinions that view the traditional complexes of religion, language and nation as disruptive factors of modernization of the Balkan countries, as well as completely opposite opinions based on the experiences of traditional Islamic societies in which religion is not a factor that hinders their rapid modernization.

The economy’s power and capacities could be measured using different methodologies and numerous macroindicators. The national wealth definition provides an opportunity to reveal not only accumulated resources, but also exposes a real potential of the country and the path for sustainable development. Wealth measurements for transition countries could show the long term development rationality, comparing national wealth structure and its components for different countries. The two methodologies – National Accounts System and World Bank Measuring of wealth, and the obtained comparison results are discussed in the paper.

Considering this issue to be particularly significant as a research challenge for the sociologies of religion in the so-called post-socialist countries, the subject of this research has been to determine the character, status and direction of religious changes in predominantly orthodox territories of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) and Russia that became evident in the last decade of the twentieth century marked by turbulent socio-political changes in those countries. With the subject of the research being defined in that way, the main goal of the research has been to identify and examine basic tendencies in religious changes. Relying on the huge empirical material on the changes in question, an attempt has been made to precisely detect the scope of these changes in the various areas of religious, spiritual and social lives of people in the period of the so-called post-socialist transformation (transition). Therefore, the goal of the research has not been just to determine the scope and direction of changes of religiousness with people, but also to try to set the above mentioned religious changes into the proper social context, which is the starting point in their theoretical explanation.

Roma are a highly dispersed ethnic communicate. After international protectorate was established in Kosovo. Roma have become the most numerous ethnic minority in Yugoslavia. When discrimination against and integration of Roma people are concerned, it has to be kept in mind that thus far Roma have been exposed most often to negative discrimination, while integration for them has often meant de facto assimilation. As positive discrimination of minority groups in a society is also a viable option, the approach to the 'Roma issue' basically implies a strategic shift in the conduct of all state institutions and other social factors - from negative to positive discrimination, and from assimilation towards genuine integration of Roma. The basic approach suggested by this author is the one that enables Roma to be equal citizens of this country. The circles of poverty hi which Roma population finds itself are increasingly deeper. However, the realm of poverty is spreading across the entire space of Yugoslavia. Pauperization prevails. The devastation of living conditions for all citizens of Yugoslavia, i.e. of Serbia and Montenegro, except for the narrow circle of war profiteers and people involved with power centers, has been underway for over a decade. Middle classes have disappeared from the social scene, while many families have dropped to the sub-proletarian zone of poverty.

Review, Aethiopica, Vol 16 (2013)

European policies imposed in the euro crisis have disabled democratic policy choices at the national level, while the present European euro-rescuing regime lacks democratic legitimacy. But policy choices might now become politicised in the Europe-wide competition of partisan candidates for the Presidency of the European Commission. In that case, voters might indeed be mobilised for or against radically opposed policy options — the continuation of the present austerity regime and the move to a transfer union. The risk is, however, that the escalation of transnational conflict might further divide rather than democratise Europe.

Review, Aethiopica, Vol 5 (2002)

Zwischen 2008 und 2009 wurde Deutschland vom dramatischsten ökonomischen Schock seit der Großen Weltwirtschaftskrise 1929 erfasst. Im Gegensatz zu anderen betroffenen Staaten blieb der Arbeitsmarkt weitestgehend entspannt. Dieses Phänomen bezeichnete Paul Krugman im Herbst 2009 als 'Germany's Jobs Miracle'. Intuitiv lässt sich dies nur so erklären, dass die Betriebe in ganz erheblichem Ausmaß ihre Beschäftigten gehortet haben. Empirische Hinweise hierfür, insbesondere auf der Mikroebene, sind allerdings noch sehr rar. Auch für die weit verbreitete These, wonach das hohe Maß an Arbeitszeitflexibilität, u. a. realisiert durch den Einsatz von Arbeitszeitkonten, eine wichtige Rolle gespielt hat, gibt es bisher keine empirischen Nachweise auf der Mikroebene. An diesen Punkten setzt die vorliegende Arbeit an. Auf der Basis des IAB Betriebspanels zeigen sich dabei ganz klare Hinweise darauf, dass die von der Krise betroffenen Betriebe ihre Beschäftigten gehortet haben. Unterschiede zwischen den Betrieben mit und den Betrieben ohne Arbeitszeitkonten lassen sich allerdings nicht finden. Between 2008 and 2009 Germany was hit by the most severe economic shock since the Great Depression in 1929. In contrast to other countries subject to the economic downturn, the labor market situation in Germany remained relaxed. In Autumn 2009 Paul Krugman called this phenomenon 'Germany's Jobs Miracle'. Intuitively the only possible explanation is massive labor hoarding at the plant level. However, there is scarce empirical evidence of this especially at the micro- (plant) level. The same holds for the very common hypothesis that the high degree of working time flexibility, realized particularly through the wide-spread use of working time accounts, helped plants to establish their labor-hoarding strategies. The aim of this study is to contribute to filling this gap. Based on the IAB Establishment Panel clear evidence can be found of labor hording within plants hit by the economic crisis. However, no differences could be detected with respect to the extent of labor hoarding between plants with and plants without working time accounts.

Nationalism, Consumption and Political Culture in Interwar Europe This review article provides an overview of some recent work on the cultural history of interwar Europe as well as some general reflections on the interpretation of a period that has often been reduced to a plethora of deficiencies. Studies on nationalism from Hungary to Spain, on consumer culture in France or Germany, and on political culture from the comparatively stable Netherlands to Stalinist Moscow converge in bringing out the heterogeneous, open-ended and productive character of the 1920s and even the 1930s - decades that point not only to the Second World War but also to post-war developments. Such a perspective can also explain why extremist movements and dictatorships were legitimate outcomes of this complex modernity, while having to employ unprecedented violence to bring this modernity under control.

In der Ungleichheitsforschung spricht man von einer „großen Kehrtwende“ der E inkommensverteilung, die seit den Siebzigerjahren stattgefunden hat. Zuerst in den angelsächsischen Ländern, dann auch in Westeuropa hat die Einkommensungleichheit zugenommen. In diesem Aufsatz wird vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht, wie sich soziale Ungleichheit auf politische Partizipation und politische Einstellungen auswirkt. In einem ersten Analyseschritt wird die wachsende Einkommensungleichheit in den OECD-Staaten dokumentiert. Anschließend wird mithilfe von Daten aus dem European Social Survey für 17 westeuropäische Demokratien gezeigt, dass der Aufstieg unkonventioneller Partizipationsformen das Ideal politischer Gleichheit gefährdet, weil diese stärker als konventionelle Partizipationsformen – insbesondere das Wählen – sozial verzerrt sind. Im dritten Schritt zeigt eine Mehrebenenanalyse, dass in ungleichen Ländern die Demokratiezufriedenheit und das Institutionenvertrauen niedriger als in Ländern mit geringerer Einkommensspreizung ausfallen.

Unter Berücksichtigung unterschiedlicher endogener und exogener Einflussfaktoren zielt die vorliegende Untersuchung darauf ab am Beispiel Malis, einem weniger entwickelten Land in der Region Sub-Sahara Afrikas, in einem ersten Schritt aufzuzeigen, welchen Nutzen es gegenwärtig aus dem Export seines Agrargutes Baumwolle zieht. Hierauf aufbauend werden aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln heraus Lösungsansätze zur Überwindung bestehender Markt- und Handelshemmnisse im Rahmen der WTO (Makroebene), der EU (Mesoebene) und am Beispiel Malis (Mikroebene) analysiert und vor dem Hintergrund einer nachhaltigen landwirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsstrategie bewertet. Abschließend werden mehrere Handlungsalternativen aufgezeigt, die nicht nur den Ausgleich zwischen den ökonomischen, sozialen und ökologischen Aspekten einer nachhaltigen landwirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsstrategie begünstigen, sondern auch dazu beitragen, ein langfristiges, respektive nachhaltiges Ergebnis zu erhalten bzw. die dynamische Nutzung der komparativen Vorteile zu ermöglichen., Against the background of different endogenous and exogenous factors, the present study aims to show what benefits Mali, a less developed country in the region of Sub-Saharan, can currently reap from the export of its agricultural good cotton. In a second step, the author analyses various solutions to overcome existing market barriers and trade distortions. The analysis is based on a sustainable agricultural development strategy and is conducted in three levels: first, within the framework of the WTO (macro level), second, within the EU (meso level) and, third, Mali itself (micro level). Finally, several country-specific alternatives are presented. The presented alternatives could not only contribute to a balance between the economic, social and environmental aspects of the sustainable agricultural development strategy. They could also help Mali to preserve long-term export earnings or enable the country to make use of the dynamic elements of its comparative advantages.

The US strategy of external democratization has failed. Iraq is threatened by state failure, militarization and confrontation shape US-Arab relations. These and other global “Iraq Effects” should not cover the equally important but less recognized developments on the regional and local level of Middle Eastern politics. Thus, Iraq effects have primarily affected political processes beyond the “classical” nation-state level. The Iraq war has decisively contributed to the development of a new regional order of escalating intra-and inter-state violence, the rise of Iran as a regional power as well as a general polarization. Secondly, the Iraq war has affected the emergence and consolidation of new forms of cross-border, trans-local mobility of radical Islamist groups, Kurdish activists, but also of business people. Thirdly, the war has caused a massive refugee crisis in the Middle East which transforms local structures in Iraq’s neighboring states of Jordan and Syria. These complex dynamics constitute the “radiance” of the Iraq war for Middle Eastern politics after 2003.

Mit dem Ende der Kolonialzeit wuchs die Zahl unabhängiger Staaten nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg rasant an. Trotz der Tatsache, dass die neu entstandenen Staaten ein hohes Maß an Heterogenität aufweisen, verbindet sie ihre zumeist ausgesprochen geringe Größe, die in vielen Fällen kaum diejenige einer mitteleuropäischen Großstadt erreicht. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Entwicklung begann sich die ökonomische Forschung in den 1960er Jahren mit der Frage zu beschäftigen, ob die Größe eines Landes einen Einfluss auf dessen Entwicklungschancen ausübt. Während mangelnde Staatsgröße auf theoretischer Ebene als ein eindeutiger Nachteil gesehen wird, kommen empirische Arbeiten zu dem Ergebnis, dass kleine Staaten nicht wie erwartet schlechter, sondern teilweise sogar besser entwickelt zu sein scheinen als aus theoretischer Sicht zu erwarten wäre. Trotz dieses in der Literatur bisher kaum diskutierten Widerspruchs zwischen Theorie und Empirie finden kleine Staaten mit Verweis auf die theoretisch abgeleiteten Nachteile vor allem in den letzten Jahren zunehmend Berücksichtigung in der internationalen Entwicklungspolitik. Aus diesem Verhältnis zwischen Theorie, Empirie und Politik ergeben sich zwei Fragen. Zum einen muss geklärt werden, wie der offensichtliche Widerspruch zwischen Theorie und Empirie zu Stande kommt. Zum anderen muss die Frage beantwortet werden, ob die besondere Berücksichtigung kleiner Staaten auf politischer Ebene angesichts der oben genannten empirischen Ergebnisse überhaupt gerechtfertigt ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit soll einen Beitrag zur Klärung der beiden genannten Fragen leisten. Zu diesem Zweck wird zunächst die Frage der Definition kleiner Staaten diskutiert. Obwohl diese Frage vor allem für empirische Untersuchungen eine herausragende Bedeutung hat, ist sie von der Literatur noch nicht hinreichend geklärt worden. Es kann jedoch gezeigt werden, dass unabhängig von der verwendeten Abgrenzungsmethode eine relativ stabile Gruppe von Staaten existiert, die als klein bezeichnet werden können. In einem zweiten Schritt erfolgt eine kurze Darstellung der theoretischen Konsequenzen geringer Staatsgröße, wie sie in der Literatur zu finden sind. Anschließend werden die theoretischen Hypothesen einer empirischen Überprüfung unterzogen, in deren Verlauf im Widerspruch zu den theoretischen Hypothesen jedoch kein negativer Entwicklungseffekt geringer Staatsgröße festgestellt werden kann. Teilweise zeigt die Untersuchung sogar, dass kleine Staaten sich offenbar besser entwickelt haben als große Länder. In einem letzten Schritt wird schließlich versucht, den beobachteten Widerspruch zwischen Theorie und Empirie zu erklären. Dieser Versuch erfolgt auf zwei verschiedenen Ebenen. Zunächst wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob das Problem eventuell auf Seiten der Empirie zu suchen ist. Dabei werden vor allem die schlechte Datenverfügbarkeit für kleine Staaten sowie das Fehlen einer eindeutigen theoretischen Größendefinition als Quellen möglicher Verzerrungen diskutiert. Anschließend wird diskutiert, ob die theoretischen Überlegungen zur Entwicklung kleiner Staaten möglicherweise mit Problemen behaftet sind, die zur Bildung falscher Hypothesen geführt haben. Es zeigt sich, dass die Theorie in der Tat einige wichtige Erfolgsfaktoren kleiner Staaten vernachlässigt. Dabei handelt es sich zum einen um einige exogene Faktoren, die kleine Staaten für die Nachteile mangelnder Staatsgröße kompensieren, und zum anderen um ein spezifisches sektorales Entwicklungsmuster, das kleinen Staaten trotz ihrer Nachteile erlaubt, einen erfolgreichen Entwicklungsprozess zu vollziehen. Unter Berücksichtigung dieser Faktoren kann gezeigt werden, dass das hohe Entwicklungsniveau kleiner Staaten nicht so überraschend ist, wie es mit Blick auf die bisherigen theoretischen Arbeiten zu den Entwicklungsaussichten kleiner Staaten scheinen mag.

This note briefly describes the current degree of integration of Switzerland in the EU and argues that the reasons for it not becoming a full member any time soon may be at the heart of the current stagnation of the EU constitutional process. However, Swiss membership may come about under conditions that would promote the European idea in an alternative way, emphasising the role of democratic participation of its citizens and more federalism.