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Um den Fachkräftemangel im MINT-Bereich zu bekämpfen, bemühen sich Bund und Kantone, auf allen Bildungsstufen Interesse an Mathematik, Informatik, Naturwissenschaften und Technik zu wecken. Unter anderem soll dabei geschlechtsspezifischen Unterschieden hinsichtlich der Lehrstellen- bzw. Fächerwahl entgegengewirkt werden. Der vorliegende Beitrag setzt hier an und analysiert anhand der Daten der "ÜGK 2016", wie viele Jugendliche am Ende der obligatorischen Schulzeit denken, dass sie im Alter von 30 Jahren einen Beruf im Bereich der MINT-Fachkräfte ausüben werden. Dabei wird deutlich, dass bei jungen Frauen die Unterschätzung ihrer mathematischen Kompetenzen dazu beiträgt, dass sie sich seltener eine berufliche Zukunft im MINT-Bereich vorstellen können als junge Männer. (DIPF/Orig.), Pour lutter contre la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre qualifiée dans le secteur des STIM (sciences, technologies, ingénierie et mathématiques), la Confédération et les cantons s’efforcent de susciter l’intérêt pour les STIM à tous les niveaux de l’enseignement. Cette mesure vise notamment à contrecarrer les différences entre les sexes lors du choix des apprentissages et des matières. Dans ce contexte, nous utilisons les données "ÜGK 2016" pour analyser la part de jeunes en fin de scolarité obligatoire qui pensent avoir un emploi dans le secteur des STIM à l’âge de 30 ans. Les résultats montrent clairement qu’en raison d’une sous-estimation de leurs propres compétences en mathématiques, les jeunes femmes sont moins susceptibles que les jeunes hommes d’imaginer une carrière dans le domaine des STIM. (DIPF/Orig.)

The genitive singular of the weak masculine nouns appears in three non-standard variations in addition to the standard suffix -(e)n: one variation is case augmenting (des Bär-en-s), one is stem affixing (des Polizist-s) and one lacks a case suffix (des Patient-Ø). Linguists as well as language critics have focussed mainly on the stem affixing genitive while more or less ignor¬ing the two other non-standard variations. This paper presents a corpus-based investigation regarding frequency and contexts of all three variations, also considering the diachronic back¬ground and the implications the results might have for predicting the further development of the declension class of the weak masculine nouns.

In the present paper, on the one hand, an analysis of agreement and number markers allows us to understand the disintegrated nature of the nominal classification system in the Dadjiriwale language. It turnes out that these markers show a rather phonological than grammatical agreement: While the singular is marked by a zero morpheme, it is difficult to identify "binary gender markers" or "ordered pairs". Rather, the notions of gender and noun classification become intertwined in the language. On the other hand, -sι and -ny ὶ are the plural suffixes of the noun class [+human], while the suffixes -jé and -bhó are those of the class [–human]; but furthermore, they denote divisible, and indivisible things respectively. Additionally, and analogous to the suffix-bhó, the markers -pέlώ and -kl ё́ divide objects into the group of round objects and the group of elongated objects. Finally, it is shown that the relationship established between the notion of noun classes and the notion of deixis is far from being synonymous or opposing, and that it uncovers the semantic values of the modal suffixes -sι and -nyὶ in the context of utterance: In speech, they evoke exophoric and homophoric deictic values and recall instances of interlocution and delocution.

This paper deals with the semantic structures of the Event -ízo derivatives in Modern Greek, appearing in the syntactic frames NPi __ NP and NP __ . The present analysis incorporates a version of Ray Jackendoff's conceptual semantics (1983, 1990, 1992). Special attention is paid to the semantic under-determination of word-formation rules. Semantic fields, conceptual functions, formation rules, and mechanisms/rules involved in -ízo derivation are presented. A principled account of various ambiguous structures is also provided. In the last part, the conceptual structures in -ízo derivation are finally laid down and the question of keeping these structures minimal while extending the semantic fields is once more addressed.

English neoclassical compounds rely on a distinct vocabulary stock and present morphological features which raise a number of theoretical questions. Generalisations about neoclassical compounds are also problematic because the output is by no means homogeneous, that is, defining features of neoclassical compounds sometimes co-exist with features that are not prototypical of these formations. The paper looks at neoclassical compounds with a view to exploring patterns of morphological behaviour and development in this class of compounds. The approach is both synchronic and diachronic: it researches whether the morphological behaviour of recently formed compounds is different from that of earlier compounds and, if so, in which respects. This is assessed on data from the BNC with respect to some of the features that are cited in the literature as defining properties of neoclassical compounds, specifically, their internal configuration, the occurrence or not of a linking vowel, and their productivity.

The syntagm à propos de X can syntactically function two ways: on a cline from left to right, one goes from no integration (with the indexation of à propos de X; it has a thematic reading and is a marker of thematization) towards a maximum integration (when the syntagm depends on another morphosyntactic element; it has an 'about', a causal or a temporal reading and is not a marker of thematization). This integrative scale allows hypothesizing that indexing à propos de X against the remaining proposition gives this syntagm a textual function as it provides an interpretative background for the proposition. Within the sentence, analysis suggests it is difficult to index à propos de X. However, analysis also shows that indexing à propos de X is possible when providing sentences, where à propos de X is integrated, with a context and when indexing this syntagm. A textual perspective modifies the grammatical judgments made in the sentence, makes the examples sufficient and also underlines that the maker of thematization à propos de X is potentially integrative and oppositive. The detachment of à propos de X does not mean however that the syntagm is systematically a thematic introducer. To determine when it is the case in examples where i) à propos de X is detached and ii) where a noun, a verb or an adjective combines with a complement, this paper introduces a saturation principle.

In some Swiss German dialects, wh-questions can show the wh-word at the end of the sentence in addition to its 'normal' sentence initial position. This phenomenon called wh-doubling raises some puzzling questions for linguistic theories, such as: what kind of processes are involved in wh-doubling (syntactic, phonological)? Does wh-doubling enrich the poor left periphery of Swiss German? Why do speakers use an additional wh-word that seems to be absolutely superfluous? I will argue that wh-doubling depends on the information structure of the question, more specifically on the function of the wh-word as a focus constituent. Wh-doubling is also used in a special type of rhetorical questions in Swiss High German where in addition to doubling wh-words undergo diminutive formation and reduplication. My paper pursues two main goals: (i) to give a detailed description of wh-doubling constructions with regard to geographical distribution and question type (rhetorical, alternative, echo etc.); (ii) to present syntactic analyses of similar wh-doubling phenomena in other languages considering their application to Swiss German data.

In New High German the following five declension classes of the noun are distinguished: 1) the feminine declension class (comprising all feminine nouns), 2) the so-called s-class (with masculine and neuter nouns), 3), the class of strong nouns (masculine and neuter nouns), 4) the mixed class (masculine and neuter nouns) and 5) the class of weak nouns (masculine nouns only). In the spoken register and sometimes even in the written register, speakers of German tend to inflect certain weak nouns according to the mixed or even to the strong class. The present paper consists of two major parts. In the first part, I give an account of how the inflection of weak nouns is treated in two dictionaries giving advice to readers being in doubt about the correct form. In the second part, I investigate possible reasons for the transition of nouns from the weak to the mixed or to the strong class. I argue that the weak declension differs considerably from all other declension classes in that the accusative and the dative of the singular are marked by a case suffix (absent in all other classes), that only in this class the genitive of the singular is not marked by the suffix -s and that only in the weak class there are two different forms for the accusative and the dative singular, depending on the syntactic context. Accordingly, speakers' doubts about the correct inflection of weak nouns are explained by the deviance of the weak class from all other declension classes of Modern German.

This paper develops a theoretical model for the semantics of connectives, following central ideas of Reichenbachian tense semantics. In a first step, the terminological and conceptual framework is presented and illustrated with German da. The meaning of a connective is modeled as a four-place-relation between the situated object E, a reference object R, a discourse anchor S and the speaker O. The relata can belong to one of four different classes of entities: physical object, event, proposition or act. Correspondingly, the relations are divided into four cognitive domains: space, time, alethics/epistemics, and deontics. In each domain, relations can be treated under three different perspectives: situation, condition or causation. A cross-classification of relational domains and perspectives provides a typology of connectives which is more consistent than the ones available in traditional grammar. In the second part of the article, the analytic apparatus is refined, using German so as the main example. Following Roman Jakobson, a distinction is made between contiguity and similarity relations. Contiguity relations are typically encoded by functional categories, whereas similarity relations are encoded by lexical categories. However, there are a few connectives like so which encode similarity relations. A structural isomorphism between similarity and contiguity relations makes it possible to reinterpret so in certain contexts as an indicator of contiguity. In these cases, so is semantically weakened, particularly in relation to its definiteness. The model is extended to also, from which als descends etymologically. The third part of the article contains the semantic characterization of als in its variants as an intransitive and transitive connective. Als is described paradigmatically, in terms of the semantic oppositions that distinguish it from da, so, wie and wenn. Like so, it originally encodes similarity relations, but in present day German its use has been extended, so that it may indicate contiguity relations as well. With da and so it shares the abstract relational meaning O-S,R,E. The main difference from da is its lesser degree of definiteness; in contrast to so, its use is almost exclusively temporal. Wie and wenn are indefinites, i.e. they do not establish a deictic backlink to the speaker and discourse context. Als indicates that the situated event temporally overlaps with a specific event of reference, whose factivity is presupposed. The reference event must be categorically predictable in the context of utterance. Als does not indicate temporal antecedence of the reference event in relation to the speech event; it only requires the identifiability of the reference event and its non-coincidence with the speech event. In the last section, so-called "peripheral temporal clauses" are examined with respect to the syntagmatic interaction between aspectuality, intonational focus, serialization of clauses and the abstract relational meaning of als. The proposed semantic formula is shown to be capable not only of clarifying the paradigmatic structure of a subset of German connectives but also of explaining the semantic and stylistic properties of complex sentences.