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Copyright of Polizei & Wissenschaft is the property of Verlag für Polizeiwissenschaft and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Slawistik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On 7 February 2019 the largest evening paper in the Nordic countries, Aftonbladet, published an article on the scholar Martin Kragh, head of the Russia and Eurasia Programme at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs In Stockholm and researcher at Uppsala University. Kragh, according to Aftonbladet, was allegedly working for "a covert state intelligence organization in Great Britain," and he should therefore be investigated "by Swedish media and the security police." The problem with Aftonbladets claims is that they are false, and that they with a high degree of confidence had their origin in a Russian influence operation against the British think tank Institute for Statecraft. Using quantitative and qualitative method, this article analyses the origins and diffusion of the campaign Internationally and in Sweden as an informational cascade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Critically examining the social-historical assumption that urban and rural settlements separated in the course of the eighteenth century, this article analyses overlaps and interdependencies between town and countryside in the British Empire. The Jacobite rebellions after 1688, the American Revolution and the Irish Rebellion of 1798 deserve to be studied in terms of a growing anti-centralism and anti-globalism in Britain and the colonies. Many eighteenth-century uprisings were, in fact, transregional and transcended the traditional socio-cultural stratification of society. Although rural areas were often infrastructurally disadvantaged, they nevertheless participated in overarching concepts of nationhood and counter-global networks. Furthermore, the Sacheverell Riots of 1710 as well as the anti-Catholic riots of 1778 to 1780 suggest a great political relevance of the suburban space. As zones of transition and social mobility, the outskirts of eighteenth-century towns and cities were vital hubs of communication and radicalisation. A clearer physical and discursive separation of urban and rural cultures only emerged in the nineteenth century when economic and demographic change fostered unprecedented class-distinction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The NSA affair has, among other things, shown the dimensions to which commercial espionage and the outsourcing of information gathering have grown. From the early modernist's point of view, this is not as surprising as it might appear - the development seems to have early modern parallels. The article shows how espionage was organized around 1700, discusses the term and argues that informal, commercial actors were highly relevant. This is demonstrated by looking at the English government's initiatives to gain information about France during the War of the Spanish Succession. A striking example for an espionage network working on a commercial basis and cooperating with the English government, is Pierre Jurieu's and Etienne Caillaud's Rotterdam based spy network. It is shown how this network worked in practice and how it gathered political relevant information for the English government. In the conclusion, I try to answer the more general question what the existence of commercial espionage in the early modern as well as in the postmodern period can tell us about the history of espionage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the cyclical trajectory of the British coal miner from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. Within less than one generation, the miner turned from doomed industrial proletarian to self-assured embodiment of the future back to doomed proletarian. The renaissance of King Coal in the 1970s proved short-lived, and yet it needs to be taken seriously if one is to understand the nature of the coal strike of 1984/85 and the rundown of the industry that followed. Indeed, the figure of the miner offers a lens for reconfiguring our understanding of the 1970s and British contemporary history more generally, as the article seeks to demonstrate both empirically and conceptually. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on consumer classifications, this article argues that surveillance can only be adequately understood by including the history of its methods in the analysis. It demonstrates that these methods - through their own logic and history - formed the basis and set the tone for observing consumer-citizens. In Britain, the history of consumer classifications is closely related to the national Census, with class having served as the primary discriminating factor for most of the twentieth century. However, from 1979 to 1981, classifications underwent a key shift away from class towards neighborhood, which also had a long history in British social research. This (renewed) spatial turn took place when changes in information technology coincided with neoliberal politics, leading to private company-based research and the focus on small units instead of society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pre-eminent issue in British European policy since the general elections returned a Conservative majority government in May 2015 is the 'in-or-out' referendum on Britain's European Union membership which will take place before the end of 2017. David Cameron had committed to such a referendum in January 2013, primarily for intraparty and electoral reasons. On the European level, Cameron demands European reforms and further special arrangements for the United Kingdom which would allow him to make the case for staying in the European Union at the time of the referendum. However, the European bargaining position of the British government to achieve its objectives is relatively weak. While Cameron's referendum pledge has so far paid off in the domestic arena, the outcomes of the European negotiations and the British referendum are still open. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]