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Digna de reseñarse dentro de la historia española es el papel de la Generación-1808. Su tarea consiste nada menos que poner en marcha la sustitución del régimen absolutista por el modelo liberal. En terreno político sorprende la capacidad de autogobierno del pueblo español. En menos de un trimestre se llega a la formación de un nuevo gobierno: Junta Suprema Central. La libertad de imprenta y la elaboración de la primera Constitución (1812) es una buena prueba de eficiencia máxime en una situación realmente crítica. En el campo militar se recurre a la “guerra total”: al mundo campesino especialmente, base del voluntariado “guerrillero”; también por el tipo de armas: cada cual combate con lo que tiene más a mano. Las consecuencias económicas, sociales, políticas y hasta psicológicas son elevadísimas; las cuales estarán latentes durante al menos medio siglo de inestabilidad entre gobiernos liberales y absolutistas. El iberismo cobrará fuerza como alternativa, tanto en Portugal como en España, frente a Inglaterra y Francia respectivamente.

este artículo examina la experiencia de dos generaciones de estudiantes (1980 y 1990) de la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos (Lima, Perú) durante el conflicto armado interno en Perú para cuestionar la memoria de salvación promovida por el Gobierno de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000). La metodología utilizada fue la del análisis de entrevistas semiestructuradas a profundidad, a partir de la teoría de la microhistoria propuesta por Ginzburg, en donde se entretejen tres niveles de análisis: a nivel macro el enfrentamiento entre Sendero Luminoso y el Estado, a nivel meso el contexto universitario y a nivel micro los relatos de los estudiantes. Se identificaron dos posturas contrarias en ambos grupos, algunos de los estudiantes de la década de 1980 consideran que Sendero Luminoso surgió como parte del contexto universitario politizado en pequeños círculos de estudio; mientras que, otros consideran que tuvo presencia avasalladora. En la década de 1990, algunos aprueban la intervención militar y administrativa por la estabilidad que trajo consigo; mientras que otros, la cuestionan por ir en contra de la autonomía universitaria y por representar una violencia simbólica constante. Estos hallazgos sugieren que la percepción de los universitarios varía según sus experiencias personales, motivaciones e intereses en el momento. Por lo que es importante considerar estas diferentes perspectivas para una comprensión completa de los eventos históricos.

En este artículo se abordará el fenómeno de la guerrilla antifranquista desde dos perspectivas. Por un lado, la de género, centrándonos en las mujeres que colaboraron de una forma u otra con la guerrilla antifranquista y, por otro, desde el punto de vista de la represión, mostrando la violencia que el régimen ejerció sobre las mujeres a las que procesó a través de los tribunales militares por delitos relacionados con la resistencia armada. Para ello, se utilizará la provincia de Albacete como marco para el análisis y la agrupación guerrillera que actuó en ella. Como fuentes, principalmente se utilizará la documentación militar que encausó a diferentes mujeres. Pero, dentro de todas las procesadas por colaborar con la guerrilla, nos centraremos en un fenómeno específico: aquellas que fueron encarceladas por motivos que se encontraban dentro de la esfera privada y por actuar como el régimen esperaba de ellas: ser buenas madres, esposas e hijas.

A resistencia antifranquista é un dos temas recorrentes na novela galega da memoria do s. XXI. Estre artigo pretende realizar unha aproximación a dúas das obras máis representativas que conforman este corpus: Expediente Artieda (2000) de Luís Rei Núñez e A vitoria do perdedor (2013) de Carlos G. Reigosa. A lectura dos textos parte das propostas teórico-metodolóxicas dos estudos de memoria cultural co obxectivo de analizar as representacións que ambos ofrecen da oposición ao franquismo, marcadas pola idea da derrota. Alén diso, o traballo detense nalgúns aspectos particulares, como a construción dos personaxes, para mostrar cal é o modo ético-político de memoria polo que cada un dos autores avoga na súa ficcionalización do pasado traumático colectivo.

A la pregunta sobre las razones por las que el pueblo colombiano no se ha dejado seducir por el actual proceso de paz con las guerrillas de las Farc y el Eln, habría que cuestionarse ¿qué intereses hay detrás? y ¿quién ha contado las versiones de la historia de esa dramática realidad social que ha pervivido en Colombia por más de 50 años?El conocer y tratar de entender los diferentes prismas de la realidad social, puede empezar por decodificar dispositivos de discriminación e indolencia que, en suma, son obstáculos para comprender que lo que en apariencia consideramos “otras” realidades sociales, son también nuestras. Si se logra ver esas conexiones sociales, existe la posibilidad de reescribir esa historia única que se ha difundido bajo el agravante de inducir a pensar como “única verdad”, y abrir una oportunidad de conexión responsable como ciudadanos de un mismo país en aras de fortalecer la opinión pública ante los discursos maniqueístas que dificultan la comprensión real de los hechos.

El artículo hace un acercamiento a la vida de Roberto González Prieto entre 1948 y 1963. El objetivo es identificar los factores personales y sociales que motivaron su paso de la autodefensa campesina, en el contexto de la violencia bipartidista, a la lucha revolucionaria en tiempos del Frente Nacional. Para tal fin, se analizan diversos documentos, especialmente noticias de prensa, que hicieron referencia a González Prieto en esos años. Los resultados a los que se arriba establecen que la estigmatización de que fue objeto González Prieto, por su vinculación a la autodefensa campesina durante el periodo de La Violencia, incidió en la inclinación que éste tomó por el proselitismo armado radical durante los primeros momentos del Frente Nacional. La interpretación del caso González Prieto puede ser útil para pensar las implicaciones de la violencia simbólica como gestora de intolerancia, y, en últimas, de nuevas formas de violencias en la sociedad.

Creada en 1941 para coordinar la acción de los comunistas españoles en los países invadidos por los nazis, caso de Francia, o bajo el franquismo, Radio España Independiente (REI) jugó un papel destacado tanto en la orientación política de los núcleos de militantes existentes como en la formación y desarrollo del movimiento guerrillero español en estos dos países. Todo ello inicialmente en el marco de una estrategia de defensa de la URSS, «patria del socialismo», tras su invasión por los ejércitos alemanes. Established in 1941 to coordinate the action of the Spanish Communists in the countries invaded by the Nazis, as France, or under Franco, Independent Spain Radio (REI) played an important role both in the political orientation of existing nuclei of militants and in the training and development of the Spanish guerrilla movement in these two countries. All this at the beginning within the framework of a strategy to defend the USSR, «homeland of socialism,» after its invasion by German armies.

Land distribution and political power in Colombia have been central factors of war and the organizational processes of the agricultural workers have developed under direct state repression, affected by internal divisions and by the intervention of external agents. The 1991 Constitution opened possibilities of political expression to indigenous and Afro Colombian peoples but factors of conflict have had no substantial changes. The violence resulted in the formation of guerrilla organizations and by their roots in rural areas that house resources for agriculture and mining become the military objectives within the strategic interests of the United States, arguing the country’s participation in the drug economy. Trade unions have developed into export agriculture, but given the difficulty of inserting domestic production in these markets the state and employers have pushed the deterioration of working conditions through the weakening of workers´ organizations. The resistance against spoils brought the revival of indigenous peoples and most of them have established and reinforced alliances with other communities and peasant movements, renewing and broadening its dialogue with unions.

This paper proposes two approaches in the iconographic study of Che Guevara. The construction of his iconography and the uses of his memory. The stereotypical image of Che Guevara has two faces: the heroic Marxist warrior and the Christian martyr. The portrait Heroic warrior by Alberto Korda and the pictures of the corpse, by Freddy Alborta were realized in exceptional circumstances which are described by this article using an approach of cultural photographic history. The promotion and/or censure of these images shows several uses of Che memory, as symbol of Cuban revolution, of Liberation Church and souvenir of political tourism in Bolivia.

Analizamos en este artículo el desarrollo que tuvieron en Argentina los movimientos guerrilleros, especialmente en el agitado período que fue desde el “Cordobazo” de mayo de 1969 hasta el golpe de estado militar de marzo de 1976. El balance del papel jugado por las organizaciones guerrilleras –principalmente Montoneros y ERP– sigue siendo uno de los temas más importantes y controversiales en la historia reciente de Argentina y de América Latina, y también uno sobre el que más se viene publicando. Aquí se presenta un punto de vista diferenciado tanto de las opiniones de la "historia oficial" que demoniza a la guerrilla, como de los apologistas que en los últimos años se han presentado en algunas corrientes de la izquierda argentina.

This comparative study is a mere outline, intended as an invitation to anyone interested in pursuing the subject further. The article takes a brief look at Soult, Suchet and several governors of Catalonia. This approach, based largely on an examination of archives in Paris, looks at the reputations of marshals and generals, their less-than-honourable private conduct, their disagreements, their tense relations with king Joseph Bonaparte, their assessment of the situation, their concept of pacification and their methods of combating the guerrilla. It appears that Suchet, and to a lesser extent also Thiébault and Duhesme, opted for less brutal methods and a more enlightened style of administration than those advocated or put into practice by Soult, Sébastiani or Dorsenne. Most of the confidential information reported to Paris tends to show that the marshals and generals refused to settle their differences and were aware that they faced practically insurmountable difficulties.

Recent historiography of the Peninsular War has reviewed a considerable portion of the clichés that have grown up around it. These are works of widely varying kinds, which in Spain, France and the United Kingdom have sought to deepen and diversify traditional approaches. The results have been manifold: abandonment of the original view, which was pervasive, definitive and dogmatic, and the opening up of the analytical horizon thanks to the location and critical editing of new sources; reconsideration of the myths and the memory of the war; transcendence of the bounds of traditional discourse regarding hitherto untouchable issues, such as the nature of the Spanish political and military response to the invader; and lastly, the focusing of more attention on all those whose part in the battle had been eclipsed by the long shadow of a Spanish people reluctant to admit nuances in their epic and heroic definition of it.

This article analyses the common features –principally rebellion– and other motives that drove the principal «ringleaders» or guerrilla chiefs to take up arms and fight the French in the occupied zones. Juan Martín «El Empecinado», Espoz y Mina, el Cura Merino and Julián Sánchez quickly became touchstones for all those joining in the resistance and the war. Traditional historiography and romantic literature raised them to the status of heroes by idealising their deeds, as the ultimate expression of patriotism and as symbols of the resistance against Napoleon.

This article seeks to conceptualise examples of female action with a view to symbolically reassessing the mobilisation achieved by Spanish women during the Peninsular War. The concept of transgression defines any action that in some way marks a break with the prevailing gender role. On that basis the article proposes a dual type classification to differentiate two tendencies within feminine practices: transgression was «partial» when women broke out of the pattern expected of them and acquired new forms of expression hitherto essentially the domain of males, by collaborating with and supporting the national side in ways which nonetheless fitted in with their role in the gender system. Transgression was «outright» where it constituted a double break: with the form, as in the previous case, and with the substance; this is when women achieved a more militant presence by adopting combative attitudes or positions in favour of the national side, or by taking an active part alongside the men in the defence and struggle against the French.

The Peninsular War is paradoxically a victorious struggle in which the Spanish armies only appear in a half-light. The figure that came to the fore in the war was the fighting patriot, while the military were dismissed, under suspicion or accusation of the worst sorts of incompetence. Certain military figures escaped opprobrium: the soldier killed in combat, a classic embodiment of Pro patria mori, and the besieged leader, the incarnation of the people in struggle. Nonetheless, from 1812 on certain military officers adopted these heroic figures and turned them into idols; and thenceforth the soldier seems to have eclipsed the guerrillero. The explanation for this volte-face lies in the fact that in the heat of war an army was born whose experience in combat forged new political identities drawing essentially on the charisma of the leader. Grown into a laboratory for new power relations and a melting-pot of elites, from then on a part of the army espoused the political values of liberalism. However, the process whereby the army came to be identified with the nation was a slow and uneven one which only culminated in 1820, with Riego. In short, the military eventually came to realise the positive value of the figure of the fighting patriot.

The guerrilla warfare conducted by the miguelistas in the Algarve constitutes a surprising phenomenon due to its long duration. The contradictions between those living in the mountains and those by the coast were a decisive factor, creating two opposing blocks, in a vast confronting area. A strong feeling of identity between the populations of the mountain range and a leadership capable of mobilizing them allowed the emergence of an important social movement, once the circumstances of civil war offered a favourable opportunity. This study demonstrates the need of studying civil wars in their diversity: the different civil wars that compose the Civil War.

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Copyright of Vingtième Siècle is the property of Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Colombia faces a civil war since the sixties. In the late twentieth century war escalated and degraded and its nature and dynamics were affected by the expansion and consolidation of the economy and international drug criminal organizations, strengthening of paramilitary, and changes in the development model and the new Constitution Policy 1991. At the end of the century, guerrilla groups were on the offensive, strengthened militarily but politically weakened, drug trafficking and paramilitary partially co-opted the State and affected the reconfiguration of economic and political power municipal and departmental. Earlier this century the government, with U.S. support, restructured military forces gained the initiative in the field of battle and changed in their favor the balance of power at the cost of a major humanitarian crisis, human rights and inadequate treatment of the paramilitaries. The war displaced marginal and frontier areas and the government changed the emphasis on security to the economy. Under these conditions began peace talks with the Farc-ep in the perspective of an agreement to end the conflict.

In this paper we want to reflect on how and why in the first place, militants from the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores-Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (PRT-ERP) and afterwards on february 1975 the military authorities, built primarily the Tucumán’s mount - a relatively peripheral or marginal place on the national scene - as the center of their militant and repressive strategy, respectively. From the analysis of a series of power “stagings” (Balandier, 1994; Abèlés, 1997), we will show how the mount was built as a “theater” where a conventional “war” of “Independence” reaffirmation was waged, where thousands and thousands of soldiers were mobilized and exalted as a paradigm of the “armed virile people” -under the mandate of life sacrifice and the moral value of heroism.

Este artículo expone algunas relaciones que vincularon el Movimiento 19 de Abril en sus orígenes y el Café Teatro La Mama. Expondremos los orígenes de La Mama, y cómo la exclusión cultural del “teatro experimental” y de izquierda fue en los setenta un significativo contexto para interactuar con la militancia en la guerrilla, en particular en el M-19.

Este trabajo propone un método de investigación desarrollado a partir del análisis de la naturaleza de los diferentes conflictos bélicos, acontecidos durante las guerras de la Conquista romana de Hispania, para buscar criterios de identificación válidos de dichos conflictos en los poblados indígenas hispanos y, específicamente, en los ámbitos arqueológicos de los pueblos hispanoceltas. Guerras de movimientos y guerras de posiciones, desarrolladas a través de diferentes tácticas como las batallas en orden cerrado, la guerrilla, los asedios, bloqueos o frentes bélicos, dejaron consecuencias o huellas arqueológicas directas (criterios arqueológicos activos) y fueron precedidas, o acompañadas, de efectos secundarios (criterios arqueológicos pasivos), en cuya interpretación, sin embargo, es fundamental la comparación con los textos de los autores greco-latinos.

The project of continental emancipation, which, according to Simon Bolivar, implied the unification of the new-born South American republics, allows us to understand the contemporary attempts of the subcontinent to strengthen its regional integration. The diplomatic crisis started with the death of Farc’s number 2, Raul Reyes, puts into evidence major obstacles to that objective: It reveals how the hegemonic will of the United States opposes that of South Americans towards emancipation; it also reveals the regional economic and political dependences that still persist, and others which begin to be identified just now, such as Colombia’s traditional alliance with the United States, and, most recently, that of Argentina, Ecuador and Nicaragua with Venezuela.The threat of a permanent war appears as one of the causes for disagreement between South American nations, putting obstacles to a real development as it guides the resources towards an arm race.Finally, two centuries after the independences, we can still find some South American Heads of State who turn into messianic leaders, who believe themselves as the only capable of accomplishing an always-postponed liberty, for which they think they should remain in power for life.

The 60´s were an important setting of changes in Western Culture. For young people, those changes gave room to new cultural practices that evidenced the arising of new values and the rejection of the inherited social and cultural models. While the events of May 68 in France were considered as the emblem of a generation that took rebelliousness as its standard, in Argentina these new cultural expressions coincided with a period of mass mobilizations without precedent. This scenery was also conformed by the emerging of several left-wing political-military organizations, whose postulates attracted important sectors of the youth longing for emancipation that joined them. This insertion implied for them important changes in their behaviours, due to the fact that in the process of the development of the their collective identities, these organizations appealed not only to a universe of symbols that guaranteed group cohesion, but also to a group of moral norms oriented to the internal discipline. This article aims to show the different forms these practices and norms assumed in the Revolutionary Workers Party-Revolutionary Army of the People, principally those which intended to control over the private and even intimate life of its followers.

Tras el abandono de la lucha armada contra la dictadura a comienzos de los años 50, solo algunos sectores minoritarios de la izquierda en el exilio apostaron por el mantenimiento de una oposición intransigente y radicalmente opuesta al abandono del ideal republicano y a cualquier pacto con los sectores conservadores desgajados del régimen. La influencia de las luchas anticoloniales y de la revolución cubana, unida al deseo de hacer algo efectivo por la caída de Franco, llevaron a un grupo de luchadores veteranos a fundar organizaciones efímeras, como la Unión de Combatientes Españoles, en 1959, o el Movimiento por la III República y por la Reconstitución del Ejército Republicano, en 1963, últimos intentos de sumar la experiencia guerrillera de posguerra, ya bajo la influencia de la nueva izquierda revolucionaria.After the renounce to the armed struggle against Franco's dictatorship at the beginning of the fifties, only some minority groups of the exiled left showed a radical opposition to the abandonment of the republican ideal and to any pact with those conservative forces which did not support the Franco regime any more. The influence of the anticolonial struggles and the Cuban revolution, together with the desire to contribute effectively to the fall of Franco, led some veteran anti-Francoist fighters to found ephemeral organizations, like the Union of Spanish Combatants in 1959, or the Movement for the III Republic and the Reconstruction of the Republican Army in 1963, which were the last attempts to revive the guerrilla experience of the postwar period, now under the influence of the new revolutionary left.

The preoccupation of the Chilean and Argentine historiography to explain the formation of the national states from the independence wars has diminished, when not ignored, the social and political mobilization that arised quickly in the frontiers of the south, land that were indeed under the indigenous control. Dynamic networks favored the mobilization of a realistic guerrilla in the actual northwest of Neuquén from 1822 to 1832 which principal leader was José Antonio Pincheira. In this case, the objective of this work consists of studying such mobilization, the resources, the strategies and the alliances between the groups to explain the emergency of this frontier as a space of the political confrontation. Through documentary work made and a new lecture of the traditional production we tried to revert the little relevance given to this space in the independence process and to put in consideration all the involved actors.La preocupación de la historiografía chilena y argentina por explicar la formación de los estados nacionales a partir de las guerras de independencia ha minimizado, cuando no ignorado, la movilización social y política que surgió rápidamente en las fronteras del sur, tierras que estaban efectivamente bajo el control indígena. Este mundo fronterizo comprendía de antaño una vasta región articulada por circuitos mercantiles y contactos interétnicos que se extendían desde las pampas bonaerenses hasta la Araucanía. Dinámicas redes favorecieron la movilización de una guerrilla realista asentada en el actual noroeste neuquino entre 1822 y 1832 bajo el liderazgo de José Antonio Pincheira.En tal contexto, el objetivo de este trabajo consiste en estudiar dicha movilización, los recursos, las estrategias y las alianzas entre los grupos para explicar la emergencia de esta frontera como espacio de la confrontación política. A través del trabajo documental realizado y la relectura de la producción historiográfica tradicional intentamos revertir la escasa relevancia dada a esta frontera en el proceso emancipador y poner en consideración el protagonismo de todos los actores involucrados.

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La complejidad de las relaciones entre aparatos político-militares represivos y organizaciones guerrilleras de base étnica, representa un escenario sustancial para desagregar el valor de sus estrategias hegemónicas y contrahegemónicas. Este artículo se aproxima a través del discurso y las estrategias de lucha al proceso experimentado por los miskitus nicaragüenses durante los convulsionados años de la guerra entre sandinistas y contras. Algunos apartes de ese conflicto son tratados por el autor de una manera que fusiona la descripción y la interpretación generando una interesante aproximación al escenario de la guerra.