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The article focuses on the minutes of the board meeting of Vie de la société held on January 28, 2023. Topics include the acknowledgment of Claude Guillon's contributions to the society, the organization of the upcoming elections of the society, and updates on various scientific activities and publications of society.

As shown by Bélanger and Nadeau (2009), Québec's traditional identity-based axis appears less and less predominant on the political scene. This situation created a need for a different strategy in the various sovereigntist parties. In this context, how has the Bloc Québécois tried to reposition itself? To explore this question, we collected over 7,500 press releases issued by the party between 2002 and 2021. Using automated content analysis methods and a Latent Semantic Scaling approach developed by Watanabe (2020), we illustrate and discuss the prevalence of the sovereigntist issue throughout this period, as well as the party's tone on this issue. The results indicate that elections and election results play a crucial role in the Bloc Québécois' communications on the topic of sovereignty. More generally, we observe significant fluctuations in the attention paid to this issue, and significant variations in the framing of this issue around elections. This research note sheds new methodological light on the theories surrounding the political realignment underway in Quebec and the salience of the sovereignty divide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cette étude met en exergue les élections d’un Délégué syndical titulaire ou suppléant lorsqu’on sait que ces élections constituent un véritable socle de la Démocratie sociale dans les Entreprises ou Etablissements de toute nature. Ce sont-elles qui donnent aux travailleurs la possibilité de choisir librement leurs représentants devant l’Employeur. Tout en prenant en ligne de compte les pratiques des élections syndicales dans ce pays, la présente réflexion se concentre surtout autour des normes internationales, nationales, de la règlementation, des us et coutumes ainsi que des pratiques en vigueur en matière des élections syndicales en RD. Congo. Porter atteinte à ce Droit d’éligibilité ou d’être électeur d’un travailleur, est une véritable violation des Droits de l’Homme à éviter par tous les partenaires sociaux de la tripartite Gouvernement-Employeur et Syndicat.

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cette étude tente de démontrer comment la Commission Electorale Nationale Indépendante (CENI) de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) utilise les communiqués de presse comme outils d’information et de communication des parties prenantes afin de les mettre au courant de l’évolution du processus électoral dans le respect de son propre calendrier électoral. Pour le cas de la RDC, c’est la première fois que la CENI s’est dotée d’un Plan stratégique et opérationnel et ce dernier reste son cheval de bataille pour des élections qui donnent des chances égales à tous les partis, regroupements politiques et candidats indépendants et qui incitent à la participation des électeurs parce que l’information électorale est mise à la disposition. C’est ce que la présente réflexion rend compte dans les pages qui suivent.

Alors que les observateurs craignaient que le combat communicationnel entre le régime Kabila et les opposants face à l’impératif de l’alternance démocratique à la tête du pays en 2016 génère un Etat de siège, un coup d’Etat ou une guerre civile, celle-ci a eu pour résultat, une accalmie générale assortie de trois vertus principales à la démocratie, à savoir : - la dynamique relationnelle parce qu’en crise, on ne peut plus se satisfaire d’une réponse linéaire ou mécanique, mais plutôt relationnelle. C’est l’ère de la confrontation d’opinions, de points de vue, des attentes et cela en vue de parvenir à un compromis. - La logique égoïste qui fait obligation de congruence, mieux, obligation d’accord aux acteurs politiques et négociateurs dans lequel chaque partie doit gagner quelque chose sur ses revendications. - La communication est devenue l’axe principal et privilégié dont les opérateurs politiques doivent toujours tenir compte, car désormais, c’est l’esprit qui triomphe sur le sabre.

Political glass cliffs arise when candidates from low-status groups disproportionately run for less-winnable seats. The burden of these worse odds has been shown to negatively impact election outcomes, slowing progress toward fair political representation. Relying on research suggesting signaling motives for glass cliff appointments, we investigated the potential of these political party decisions to persuade voters in the context of evolving social norms. We hypothesized that party differences in the signaling context underlie variation in the magnitude, impact, and dynamic evolution of elective glass cliff conditions over time, leading to more rapid improvements in the representation of women and ethnic, racial, and immigrant (ERI) minorities in left-leaning versus right-leaning parties. We examined glass cliff candidacies in elections for the French National Assembly from 2002 to 2017. Relying on three measures of seat winnability, we adopted a multiple group structural equation approach to investigate whether variation in glass cliff conditions and their effect on outcomes differed by election year and party belonging. We found larger glass cliff disadvantages for right-leaning women and ERI candidates compared to left-leaning. While the magnitude of glass cliffs for women decreased over time as representation increased, this link for ERI candidates was less clear. Outcomes demonstrate that dynamic glass cliff conditions can be a major obstacle on the road to representational fairness in politics. We argue that because the impact of glass cliffs can depend on party-dependent variation in the signaling value of women and ERI minorities, it is essential to focus more on this issue for socially conservative political parties and for all political parties in elective contexts where low-status candidates remain largely underrepresented.

The next five years will be difficult ones for the Angolan opposition. The coalition, the United Patriotic Front, led by UNITA, will have to devise a strategy to survive until the next elections in 2027. Among the different options available to them two strategies stand out. They can continue the route of appeased criticism within parliamentary debates, some political rallies, and public statements about the injustices faced and the illegalities committed by the ruling party. Alternatively, they can begin a political battle of attrition that will expose, exhaust and wear down the regime that has become increasingly authoritarian and corrupt. This article will explore the second option as the only one to guarantee a level of success for the opposition.

This paper examines Saulos Klaus Chilima’s (henceforth referred to as Chilima) use of Chichewa proverbs during the Malawi 2019 presidential election campaign period as a campaign tool. It seeks to highlight how Chilima (re)used Chichewa proverbs to solicit voters for himself and discredit his opponents in the presidential race. The study uses the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, and seeks to identify metaphors generated by the proverbs that Chilima uses and map them across domains. Further, the study demonstrates how the meanings mapped across domains relate to his political campaign for presidency. The results indicate that the political context which he created by the usage of the proverbs narrowed and refocused the proverbs’ meaning in such a way that his political ideas were understood through cultural lens. This was done through the metaphors that the proverbs generated. Chilima drew from the source domains that people are familiar with, such as family, building, animals, and humans. These metaphors along with the entire speech context of the proverb helped Chilima persuade voters. The study concludes that proverbs and the metaphors they generate can be a political tool for campaigning for oneself and de-campaigning against opponents.

Copyright of Akofena is the property of Universite Felix Houphouet Boigny and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Historiography, in recent years, has dedicated new attention to the study of the ‘continental’ representatives elected to the first Representative Assembly, which assembled in Naples on 1st October 1820. However, the reflection given to those protagonists, to the present day, has not been matched by similar research on the Sicilian deputies who animated that Parliamentary Assembly with their attendance. The aim of this study is, therefore, to identify even for the insular part of the Kingdom, those who have taken advantage of the role they had been invested with, in order to improve the island’s fortunes, elected during a complex moment of Sicilian history, passed from Regnum to dominio ultra pharum after 1816.

En Colombia, durante 2022, las elecciones políticas han elevado algunos personajes a la vida política (cargos de senadores, representantes a la cámara y el de presidente de la República). En 2023, vivimos otro tipo de elecciones: alcaldes, consejos municipales, asambleas departamentales y gobernadores. Algunos candidatos renunciaron a participar en debates públicos para hacer toda su campaña alrededor de las redes sociales. Fue el caso de los candidatos de la extrema derecha: Rodolfo Hernández, excandidato a la presidencia y Federico Gutiérrez, exalcalde de Medellín y de nuevo candidato a ocupar este cargo. En el trabajo que viene a continuación, analizaré la influencia de las redes sociales en el campo de las elecciones políticas en Colombia, haciendo un especial énfasis en las fake news como una manera para conseguir votos. También consideraré la manera cómo la pandemia ha modificado en cierta manera la interacción entre los políticos y sus electores.

One of the most significant and confounding anomalies facing experts and commentators is the Hindutva movement’s popularity amongst Dalit and OBC voters. If the Hindutva movement is Brahmanical, how can it be the choice of those it seeks to oppress? This article examines this conundrum. It addresses three central arguments in claims that the movement is Brahmanical, showing how these are based on arbitrary, incomplete data (such as the claim that the Sangh Parivar is against caste-based reservations), or hide conceptual contradictions (such as the argument that the Sangh’s opposition to proselytization is casteist). Furthermore, taken to their logical end, explanations for the movement’s success amongst Dalit and OBC groups raise fundamental questions for/contradictions to the received view on the caste system. This article concludes that describing the Hindutva movement as Brahmanical raises many questions for the received view on the caste system without furthering our understanding of the movement in any way. Una de las anomalías más significativas y confusas a la que se enfrentan expertos y comentaristas es la popularidad del movimiento hindutva entre los intocables y los votantes de OBC (otras clases atrasadas). Si el movimiento hindutva es brahmánico, ¿cómo puede ser el elegido por aquellos a quienes busca oprimir? Este artículo analiza ese misterio. Se ocupa de tres argumentos centrales de las afirmaciones de que el movimiento es brahmánico, mostrando que esos argumentos se basan en datos arbitrarios e incompletos (como la afirmación de que el Sangh Parivar está en contra de las reservas basadas en la casta) u ocultan contradicciones conceptuales (como el argumento de que la oposición del Sangh al proselitismo es castaísta). Además, llevadas a su extremo lógico, las explicaciones del éxito de ese movimiento entre intocables y grupos de OBC suscita preguntas y contradicciones a la visión que se recibe del sistema de castas. Este artículo concluye que describir el movimiento hindutva como brahmánico levanta muchos interrogantes sobre la visión del sistema de castas sin ahondar de ninguna manera en nuestra comprensión del movimiento. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1334

In the aftermath of the Gaddafi regime’s fall, when the NATO-backed National Transitional Council proclaimed the start of the country's transition, in August 2011, a growing concern emerged about the future institutional configuration of Libya and the need to designate new authorities through elections. Since then, many international scholars have considered elections as a yardstick to measure the progress of Libya’s regime change and to determine the (im)possibility of democracy or the inability of Libyan society to establish institutionalised modes of governance. Several critical studies have approached political change in North Africa and the Middle East after 2011 by shifting the focus from institutions and procedural understandings of democratic praxis to society and its structural transformations. The role has been emphasized of popular mobilisations aimed at challenging the decisions of the ruling class, articulating alternative political demands to those articulated by the interim authorities, or rejecting elections as mere tools for the 'staging of democracy' (Benzenine, 2020; Gana and Van Hamme, 2020). However, these perspectives have been rarely applied to the analysis of post-Gaddafi Libya, where the axiomatic acquisition that a positive link exists between elections and democratic transition has obscured the potentialities of engaging into a scholarly debate encompassing all the “politics of becoming” that might be detected by looking even at those mobilisations that escape and often contest the electoral dynamic. The choice of individuating elections as the top priority of post-Gaddafi Libya and the means to end rivalries between interim authorities, in fact, has never been critically interrogated. In these readings, abstentionism or the practice of delegitimising the elected authorities has been attributed to the lack of democratic political culture and knowledge of institutional instruments on the part of Libyan citizens, both individually and collectively, after some 42 years of dictatorship.Our contribution argues that it is necessary to move away from these normative conceptions of politics in general in order to formulate different readings on and discuss alternative forms of deliberative governance. We propose to reverse the transitological perspective that focuses on the absence, postponement, or ineffectiveness of Libyan elections as an obstacle to the emergence of a democratic state. We argue it is the lack of effective channels to promote a truly inclusive debate on post-revolutionary Libya that hinders the possibility of completing the process of revolutionizing an oppressive, exclusionary, and corrupt power system initiated by the 17 February 2011 uprising. To shed light on the current political scenario, we propose here to reconsider the political from below, and namely by looking where only disruptions to the neo-liberal model of functioning democracies have been detected so far - and thus in most manifestations referred to as 'chaos', 'statelessness' or absence of 'political culture'. In order to adopt an approach that focuses on the strategies and practices of renegotiating politics experimented by Libyan citizens, and thus reasoning in terms of the politics of becoming rather than the politics of transition (Dakhlia, 2016), this analysis has required reconsidering the historical experiences of political experimentation and social mobilisation that have characterised the country over the long term as useful precedents to better understand current forms of political engagement at the individual and collective levels.We, therefore, draw on the historiography of modern Libya so as to approach the debate on the multifaceted practices of political participation, legitimation and deliberation in the country from a diachronic perspective and moving beyond the neoliberal model of democracy. The challenge is to interrogate why Libya's interim representative bodies did not simply collapse in the aftermath of the first elections in July 2012 but, instead, swarmed into rival centres of power as well as, in some cases, shadow institutions, while giving rise to more effective local bodies at the sub-national level. The historical perspective shows, in fact, that these strategies of conflictual mobilisation do not reflect a refusal of democratic procedures, but rather the partiality of the representation procedures of so-called transitional authorities. The current forms of individual and collective mobilisation, which are alternative and even opposed to electoral democracy, may be considered as other modes of popular participation in the process of articulating radically new imaginaries for the many possible presents that are currently in-the-making in post-Gaddafi Libya’s. Hence, they do not represent the mere resurgence of conflicts allegedly inherent to Libyan society labelled according to certain orientalist expressions as "traditional", incapable of any form of political organisation capacity, characterised by "anarchy", "disorder" or "political immaturity". Rather, they reflect the strategic rejection by some citizens, associations, and organisations of interim representatives perceived as incapable of providing meaningful forms of political representation. These claims are ways of practising democracy by addressing the issue of representation 'otherwise', which also echoes other phases of the country's history.

Au cours des dernières années, il y a eu un intérêt accru pour la personnalisation de la politique. Lors des compétitions électorales, les démocraties modernes ont été témoins de changements dans l'établissement du consensus, plus axé sur les valeurs idéologiques statiques, les affiliations de groupe et la politique partisane, plutôt que sur les caractéristiques de la personnalité des candidats politiques, leur image et les choix personnels de l'électeur. Le nouvel ordre dans le domaine de la politique a redéfini le pragmatisme pour les acteurs politiques, qui, dans leur action politique, utilisent de nombreux moyens pouvant offrir une visibilité accrue et exploiter tout le potentiel de l'arsenal médiatique. Ainsi, la personnalisation institutionnelle générale conduit à une personnalisation dans les médias, qui à son tour conduit à une personnalisation dans le comportement des politiciens. Respectivement, les principales sources d'information politique pour la société ont imposé la personnalisation comme moyen général de communication. Dans ce contexte, la relation entre le pouvoir politique et la capacité d'influencer les agendas médiatiques est une question clé dans le domaine de l’action de communication politique. Cette personnalisation politique peut être mieux comprise en considérant la personnalisation dans les médias. Cet article se concentre sur le modèle de personnalisation dans l'activité médiatique, examine divers aspects du concept de personnalisation, présente l'expérience accumulée par les médias dans la couverture du processus politique à travers la compréhension de la personnalisation comme test de notoriété.

L’Union africaine a vu émerger, dans son système de normes, un principe ayant pour objet le rejet et la condamnation des changements anticonstitutionnels des gouvernements. Destiné à promouvoir et à protéger la démocratie sur le continent, ce principe ? au lieu de couvrir toutes les pratiques anticonstitutionnelles ? fait plutôt aujourd’hui l’objet d’une conception et d’une pratique étriquées et limitées par l’UA aux seuls coups d’Etat armés contre les gouvernements en place. Pourtant, pour promouvoir et protéger la démocratie, raison essentielle de la consécration de ce principe, l’Union africaine devrait lutter avec la même énergie contre les coups d’États militaires plutôt que les coups d’Etat constitutionnels ou encore, contre toute forme de maintien ou d’exercice du pouvoir contraire aux principes universels, tel que conçu et approuvé par les Etats modernes. A notre avis, le silence de l’Union africaine vis-à-vis des régimes qui se maintiennent en violation de leurs constitutions donne un prétexte légitime aux auteurs des coups d’Etat.

Government all over the world exists to provide essential services to the citizens because that is the only way the citizens can feel the positive impact of governance. This paper examined the effects of ethics and accountability in governance on effective and efficient public service delivery. There cannot be effective and efficient public service delivery if there is the absence of ethics and accountability in governance in the public sector. Those who carry out the task of governance are given the power by the citizens and as such expected to ensure that the power given is used to deliver efficient and effective public services. This paper is qualitative in nature because data for the paper were gathered through secondary means and analyzed through the historical and descriptive methods. The paper adopted the social contract theory as theoretical framework. The paper found out that the low level of public service delivery in Nigeria which has manifested in high level of unemployment, poverty and insecurity is as a result of lack of strict adherence to ethics and accountability by those saddled with the responsibility of delivering public services in Nigeria. The paper recommended amongst other things that the citizens must be alive to their responsibility of ensuring they hold government and its officials to account for their actions and inactions and be ready to throw away inefficient government through elections and other legitimate means.

This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to show some elements related to the political construction of the province of La Rioja in the first decades of the 19th century. It highlights the concern expressed by the Riojan elite in relation to the achievement of stability and governability of the province. Some administrative features are shown which reveal the interest of local leaders in organizing and controlling power from the headquarters in the city of La Rioja. The difficulties of this process are analyzed on the basis of the resistance shown by some towns to submit to the government based in the city.

هدف البحث الحالي إلى التعرف على تأثير العصبية القبلية على عملية الممارسة الإنتخابية في المجتمع الريفي في مصر، وقد انطلق البحث من فرضية علمية: يمارس الناخب في منطقة الغرق قبلي استراتيجية تحقيق قيمة المنفعة من خلال اختيار المرشح صاحب الانتماء القبلي، وقد تحددت مشکلة البحث في تساؤل عام: ما علاقة العصبية القبلية بالمشارکة الانتخابية في المجتمعات المحلية القبلية؟ وما هي محددات العلاقة بين الناخب والمرشح الانتخابي في قرية الغرق قبلي؟ وقد اعتمد البحث على المنهج الأنثروبولجي، والاتجاه التکاملي في البحث العلمي، حيث مزج بين الطرق الکمية والکيفية في الحصول على البيانات الإمبيريقية ، وقد توصل إلى مجموعة نتائج عامة، أهمها: أن التعصب القبلي له دور سلبي على العملية الانتخابية وأن هذا الدور يتبلور فى عدة محاور أهمها: تجديد المشکلات والخلافات بين القبيلة بشکل منتظم في کل انتخابات، مما يجعل الانتخابات تتحول إلى معارک عائلية وليست منافسة سياسية، وأن التعصب القبلى يضيع قيمة الانتخابات ويفسد أهدافها الأساسية، کما ان العصبية القبلية تسهم في زيادة معدل المشارکة السياسية، کما تسود فترة الانتخابات عدد من المشکلات: کالتشهير بالمرشحين الآخرين، والصراع على أماکن وضع اللافتات والملصقات، والعبث بلافتات وملصقات المرشحين الآخرين ونشر الشائعات عنهم. وقد توصلت الدراسة إلى مجموعة من التوصيات المهمة، التي قد تفيد في صنع السياسات، واتخاذ القرار. Abstract The aim of the research is to identify the effect of utilizing through the selection of the candidate with tribal affiliation, and the research problem was identified in a general question: The relationship of tribal Particularisms with the local tribal areas? And what are the determinants of the relationship between the voter and the electoral candidate in the village of drowning before me? The search for the anthropological approach has become accustomed to the trend of integrative science, as it mixes large and qualitative methods in obtaining empirical data. He reached general results, the most important of which are: The process of tribal intolerance has a negative role in several axes, the most important of which are: regularly renewing problems and disputes between the tribe every election, and making the elections turn into family and not political relations, and that tribal intolerance, elections, elections, pages, elections, pages, elections, pages, elections, pages, posters, doodling, doodling, posters, share to share rumors about them. The study began in the episode.

Cet article porte sur l’engagement politique de l’Église catholique au processus de démocratisation en République démocratique du Congo depuis 1990 jusqu’en 2020. Il relève les activités de l’Eglise catholique en vue de favoriser la participation politique des citoyens conformément aux fonctions d’intégration sociale et de contestation politique (l’Eglise). Il débouche sur une réflexion prospective de la consolidation démocratique par l’élargissement de la participation politique des citoyens dans le pays.

L’Union Africaine a vu émerger, dans son système de normes, un principe ayant pour objet le rejet et la condamnation des changements anticonstitutionnels des gouvernements. Destiné à promouvoir et à protéger la démocratie sur le continent, ce principe au lieu de couvrir toutes les pratiques anticonstitutionnelles fait plutôt aujourd’hui l’objet d’une conception et d’une pratique étriquées et limitées par l’UA aux seuls coups d’Etat armés contre les gouvernements en place. Pourtant, pour promouvoir et protéger la démocratie, raison essentielle de la consécration de ce principe, l’Union africaine devrait lutter avec la même énergie contre les coups d’Etats militaires que contre les coups d’Etat constitutionnels ou encore, contre toute forme de maintien ou d’exercice du pouvoir contraire aux principes universels, tel que conçu et approuvé par les Etat modernes. A notre avis, le silence de l’Union africaine vis-à-vis des régimes qui se maintiennent en violation de leurs constitutions donne un prétexte légitime aux auteurs des coups d’Etat. Que dire de l’attitude de l’Union Africaine vis-à-vis de la récente situation en Tunisie. En sommes, notre préoccupation est extrêmement grave. Le silence de l'institution panafricaine, vis-à-vis des régimes qui se maintiennent et exercent le pouvoir en violation de leurs constitutions, ne donne-t-il pas un prétexte légitime aux auteurs de coups d’État ?

after a 15-year hiatus on January 15, 2021, the Palestinian president issued a presidential decree setting the dates for legislative and presidential elections to be held on May 22, 2021, for legislative elections, and on May 31, 2021. July 2021 for the presidential elections, and on 29 April 2021 it was announced that the elections would be postponed for various reasons, increasing the situation of Palestinian-Palestinian division and interference in the work of the legislative institution and the presidential institution, which constituted a constitutional and legal crisis on the Palestinian ground. The question of the research is what effect has this postponement had on the Palestinian institutional overlap and the crisis of constitutional legitimacy between the Legislative and Presidential Council and the executive branch? This will be answered by the research.

This article shows the fundamental character of the theoretical framework of the « regime of schisms » in the study of the phenomenon of the so-called « extreme right ». It is based on an ethnographic investigation carried out on the occasion of Jair Bolsonaro’s electoral victory, namely in front of his house in Rio de Janeiro on the evening of the second round. What we have called the « regime of schism », and which we consider as the founder of « Bolsonarism », appears marked by the self-absorption in particular worlds, forming an illusionist reason that contrasts with the reason of the Enlightenment.

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past year, the Conservative Party of Quebec has made significant gains in polls. Can the party still make gains, or has it reached its full potential? In this research note, we attempt to answer this question using a new indicator, the Relative Confidence Index (RCI), which measures the potential for growth and solidity of the vote based on voters' expressed likelihood to vote for the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning in March 2015 of the political crisis that shook Burundi, with the focus on the re-election of President Pierre Nkurunziza to a third term deemed unconstitutional by the opposition, the UNHCR had estimated that 14,300 Burundians had entered Congolese territory as political refugees. They arrived in the region fleeing the killings and abuses allegedly committed by the "Imbonerakure" militia, presumed to belong to the party in power in Burundi. As a result, a refugee camp was established in Lusenda to accommodate Burundian refugees, and a second one in Mulongwe after the first one was saturated and exceeded the expected number of refugees, reaching over 40,000. These two Burundian refugee camps are located in villages with the same names, less than fifteen kilometers from Lake Tanganyika, the baseline of the DRC's eastern border with the Republic of Burundi. According to our analysis, these sites do not offer the best conditions for refugee camps for reasons that we will outline in the following lines. Our analysis in this article is to alert to the great danger that threatens the DRC because of its hospitality by repeating for the second time the mistake of placing refugee camps on its borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political crisis that compromised Simon Bolivar´s dream of a great nation that united the northern territories of South America is considered as a case study. By stressing the central role of the pueblos and of military corporations and the nature of the political resources that these actors displayed during the Colombian crisis (1826-1832), the author proposes the thesis that the endemic instability that Latin American republics experienced in the early XIXth century was not the consequence of a presumed reluctance to legality and constitutionalism. Rather, it was the result of a political culture embedded in catholic theology that maintained the monarchical normativity in force and the jurisdictional exercise of power. Constitutionalism guaranteed the conditions for its reproduction, enhancing conflict amongst other things because it promoted intense political participation of new actors through a set of devices highly institutionalized and legalized.

Since Barack Obama’s campaign of 2008 and 2012, contemporary discourse and analysis of modern political communication have been variously and increasingly preoccupied with the analysis of the power of new technology-digital media platforms and algorithms as both the main ingredients and infrastructure for modern campaigns and electioneering. However, as important as these mediated tools and platforms have become, we argue that focus on context, ideas, issues, and campaign rhetoric is equally essential in making sense of factors that contribute in shaping and destabilizing elections and democracy. Drawing from an extensive review of campaign related literature in three countries and a constant comparative method of reading the literature, we illustrate such contextual issues, ideas and campaign rhetoric using examples from America, Britain and Nigeria. In all three examples, the literature reviewed highlight that context – i.e. socio-economic, cultural and political all compete to incentivizes and stimulate the formation of ideas and issues that dominate campaign and election cycles.

The publication explores the phenomenology and content of ‘soft law’ in the international and national law and reveals the designation of ‘soft law’ in protecting the electoral rights of the citizens. ‘Soft law’ is intended to mean optional international documents, most of which are resolutions of the intergovernmental organisations containing statements, commitments, guidelines, common positions or statements on policy or intentions. ‘Soft law’ documents are usually adopted by the statutory bodies of the international organisations on issues that reflect new problems, tendencies or trends in the field of electoral law, for which there is no political will or the accordance of all the member states in the form of a classical international treaty. When it comes to the content, the ‘soft law’ documents are all kinds of statements, obligations, guidelines, codes of conduct, codes of ethics, guidelines and standards, common positions or statements of policy or intentions.

This article contextualizes and analyzes the results of the 1979 Balearic Island Councils elections. Indirectly, the members of the Inter-insular General Council, the Balearic preautonomous body, were also elected, so these elections are called preautonomous. These elections were distinguished by the electorate passivity and the nationalist vote advance, elements that cannot be detached from the change of the electoral arena or from the coincidence with the first local election of the current democratic period. Likewise, important divergences between islands are detected that should be keep in mind.

The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina was conceived with one main purpose, creating a stable, democratic and safe multi ethnic BiH for all its citizens. In order to understand why this objective was not achieved more than 25 years after its implementation, it is important to analyze two main factors: the instruments used in the peace building process and the way they were implemented. The main purpose of this article is looking at certain instruments of peace building used in BiH, which were inefficiently implemented so it further amplified the ethnic aspects instead of alleviating them. In this case, the peace building instruments that will be analyzed are the governmental structure, the election process and its implementation in post-war BiH, and finally, aspects related to human rights such as refugee return and the development of the civil society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political opposition in Democratic Republic of Congo reamins less studied in studies on the dynamics of democratic transition in this country for two reasons. It is about the omission of this component in the constitutionalist process after independance and the long duration of military government come to power by coup or armed insurrection. Consequently, this article proposes to operate three variables to study congolese political opposition. Institutional determinants (related to the party system, methods of voting systems), the legal expression of the opposition and finaly, the nature and charisma of congolese opposition leaders. Anyway, the congolese political opposition has its origins in an intra-party struggle to evolve into an inter-party oppositon in its fight for the conquest of state power. It remains true that on the three democratic experiences relating to the presidential elections, the congolese political, by forming electoral coalitions, managed to beat the ruling party once in the presidential elections. Nevertheless, the strategies of this opposition remain limited in terms of effectiveness because of the nature of the parties that compose it, political transhumance, the ego between its leaders in a political system combining victory in the presidential and legislative elections to govern without alchemy of cohabition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research note has two objectives. First, we present the Relative Confidence Index (RCI), a new measure of potential for growth and of solidity of the vote based on voters' expressed likelihood to vote for the parties in their constituency. We look in detail at the benefits of the RCI and show that it can be used to assess the potential for growth and the solidity of the vote for political parties at the constituency and provincial levels. Second, we apply this index to the case of the Parti Québécois, using large samples collected during the 2012, 2014, and 2018 Quebec election campaigns. This allows us to illustrate and draw conclusions about the potential for growth of the Parti Québécois. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, the author examines a batch of Tunisian archives from the modern era, not listed and never made available to researchers. By focusing on the production and archiving processes of these documents – election certificates (ittifâq-s) to public offices in local communities often involving very large sections of men – he questions the dominant gaze in the historiography of the province which, by adopting a state point of view, greatly amplifies the reality of the hegemony of central power and minimizes the role of local agents. The invisibilization of these archives participated in the construction of the image of a territorial and national state that was built by the dissolution of local authorities and the advent of a "modern" political subject, whereas in fact, local communities have integrated themselves into the global political body while retaining a relative autonomy which at least allows them to choose themselves those who govern them in the places where they live.

Çalışmada, terör, politik ve askeri olaylara turizm sektörü pay yatırımcılarının tepkisinin incelenmesi amaçlanmıştır. 2016 yılı sonrasında yaşanan 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi, seçimler, Fırat Kalkanı (2016), Zeytin Dalı (2018) ve Barış Pınarı (2019) sınır ötesi harekâtları incelenen olaylardır. Olay çalışması yöntemiyle on işletmenin günlük verilerinde ortalama getiri modeliyle getiriler hesaplanmıştır. Olay gününde 15 Temmuz’un negatif, Zeytin Dalı’nın pozitif anormal getiriye sebep olduğu bulgulanmıştır. 21 günlük olay penceresinde 15 Temmuz’un negatif, sırasıyla Genel Seçim, İBB ara seçimi ile Barış Pınarı’nın en yüksek pozitif kümülatif ortalama anormal getirilere sebep olduğu saptanmıştır. Elde edilen bulgular terör ve güvenlik riskiyle, askeri olaylara turizm sektörü yatırımcı duyarlılığının politik olaylardan yüksek olduğunu göstermektedir.