Search

The Altai Region with its enormous reserves of minerals, timber, and fossil fuels played a major role in the Civil War in Russia. The article describes its administrative and territorial division after the February Revolution of 1917. The author used unpublished archival documents and newspaper publications to reconstruct the process of disintegration that the Altai economic and territorial complex underwent in 1917–1919. The historical-genetic and historical-systemic methods made it possible to describe how the forest and mining territories dwindled during the abovementioned period. Although the first division plans dated back to the autumn of 1917, the actual transfer of forestry and lease areas to the neighboring provinces began as late as in the spring of 1918 and was completed in late 1919. As a result, one third of the administrative and economic units of the former Altai Region went to the neighboring departments of agriculture and state property, and the boundaries of the Altai mining district shrank significantly. Despite the fact that the region changed hands several times during the Civil War, every new government followed the same course on reducing the subordinate area in order to converge the economic and administrative boundaries of the provinces. However, the changes in power, partisan war, and rural disturbances slowed this process down. The transformations depended mainly on local initiatives while the central government was aware of the real situation in the districts.

After their amnesty in 1880, many Communards published their memoirs to rectify official history and tell their own stories of the repression, as part of what Jules Vallès called in L’Insurgé (1886) “the great federation of sorrows”. They intended to justify their political action, to present unpublished documents and testimonies and to depict themselves as writers in order to differentiate themselves from the common-law prisoners that had been sent with them to the penal colonies.In these writings, the Saint-Bartholomew's Day massacre is used as a metaphor and as an emblem of a fratricidal battle and of a shocking bloodbath. At the risk of oversimplification and hasty equivalence (Thiers and Charles IX, the Louvre and the Tuileries), the memoirs of the Communards use numerous analogies between the two events. This allows us to understand the construction of the event, but also the conception of historiography thus at stake. Through anecdotes and comparisons, those writers bring 1572 and 1871 closer together in order to better forget 1793.

This paper explores the life and art of Svyatoslav Voinov (1890–1920), a modernist painter and a drawing artist from St. Petersburg, barely remembered today but nevertheless a remarkable example of both art and spirituality of his time. Both paintings and drawings of Voinov lay bare a distinctive character of the period when symbolism and modernism crossed ways. His art offers a glimpse on a unique creative atmosphere of the period of the Russian Revolution and the Civil War (1917–1922), the time when his most significant work was done. Voinov’s art is typical for religious currents in the Russian art of early 20th century. It is closely linked to their preceding formative period but was also influenced by the modernist discovery of the aesthetic value of Russian icons. Voinov’s art is rooted in a complex synthesis of traditional icon-painting and symbolism grafted with newer expressionistic and futuristic trends, such a synthesis being typical for quite a few Russian artists of the period. What makes Voinov and his art unique is that he aspired to cross the boundaries of purely secular spirituality and offered an original and effective example of how modern visuality can work together with ancient tradition of icon painting. Voinov transcends the contours of narrative formulas of religious themes and boldly moves towards the theology in paint. The drawings and compositional sketches of Svyatoslav Voinov were examined by the author in the collections of the State Russian Museum (St. Petersburg, Russia). Some of the drawings are published here for the first time. Статья посвящена творчеству Святослава Владимировича Воинова (1890–1920), петербургского живописца и графика, малоизвестного сегодня, но яркого представителя искусства 1910‑х годов. Цель статьи – вернуть забытое имя оригинального религиозного художника эпохи модернизма, на основе архивных материалов реконструировать его художественное мировоззрение и рассмотреть ряд наиболее значительных произведений с помощью комплекса традиционных искусствоведческих методик в контексте религиозного направления конца XIX – первой трети XX веков. Задачи статьи – проанализировать живопись и графику Святослава Воинова, выявить специфику художественных процессов, которые на рубеже XIX–XX вв. шли в русском искусстве на пересечении символизма и модернизма, наметить специфическую ситуацию в искусстве эпохи Гражданской войны (1917–1922), в период которой были созданы наиболее значительные произведения художника. Святослав Воинов является представителем религиозного направления в отечественном искусстве начала ХХ века и продолжает традиции предшествующего периода его развития. Но он и прокладывает новые пути, связанные с модернизмом и произошедшим во второй половине XIX – начале XX веков открытием эстетической ценности древнерусской иконы. В статье рассматриваются факты биографии художника, культурный и общественный контекст его творчества, живописные и графические произведения, хранящиеся в Государственном Русском музее. Искусство Воинова основано на сложном синтезе искусства иконы, символизма и новейших направлений: футуризма, экспрессионизма, что в целом характерно для ряда отечественных мастеров рубежа XIX–XX вв. Уникальность творчества Святослава Воинова в том, что оно выходит за рамки сугубо светского религиозного искусства. Предлагая оригинальный и актуальный на тот момент пример синтеза древних церковных традиций и современной визуальности, выработанной к началу ХХ века, Воинов преодолевает границы сюжетного решения религиозной темы и устремлён к богословствованию в красках.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

From the battles that ended the Tetrarchic experience to Theodosius’ last unification of the Roman world after his victory over Eugenius, the 4th century was punctuated by a series of civil wars. An inquiry into the process of peacemaking, especially into the methods used by victorious emperors in order to reunify the armies in the wake of these civil wars, shows the wide variety of fates that befell the defeated. Soldiers and officers were sometimes punished, but were also often granted amnesty and reintegrated into the victor’s army. The official discourse, insisting on the imperial clementia, thus aimed to establish – to quote Pacatus – the pax militum, by reuniting the armies into a common victory.

(The dynastic politics of Septimius Severus in the context of the Roman civil war of 193–197 AD – the testimony of coins): This text is devoted to the dynastic politics of Septimius Severus in the context of the Roman civil war of 193–197 AD. The coins minted on behalf of the emperor and his family during this conflict provide the source basis for the discussion. Their propagandistic significance enables the main changes that took place in the dynastic policy of this ruler to be reconstructed. They also provide an insight into the ideological basis of Septimius Severus' power in the first years of his reign.

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Philosophia is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

That of the recent theatre of memory in Spain is a complex panorama which, while presenting various constants that constitute its distinctive features with respect to the historic theatre and the documentary theatre, also begins to manifest some variables that invite us to reflect on possible categorizations of the dramaturgical strategies put in place for the recovery of the past through the stage. We propose to start a reflection in this sense, examining some of these differential aspects through a selection of significant plays from an ever wider and more variegated corpus through the lens of the need for trauma negotiation.

This article aims to analyze the emergence processes of Brazil as an autonomous political body and its structuring as a national state in the first half of the 19th century. My objective is to investigate the connections and mutual relations between the captaincies / provinces of Bahia, Cisplatina, Grão-Pará, Pernambuco and Rio Grande do Sul, between 1817 and 1850, through the movements of political contestation and civil war that occurred in these places. I present the hypothesis that when they got closer due to the insurgency movements, groups that were politically active in these places shared experiences and learnings, helped to create a shared space and a common language that provided elements for the construction of the State and the nation in Brazil. Therefore, Therefore, I seek to understand how these relationships occurred, the politicization and militarization of these ties in a context of political effervescence, treated as demonstrations of the changes of the advent of modernity in the western world. As main sources I use correspondence and the press.

The civil war in Syria, whichbroke out in 2011, saw the emergence of two alternative political projects facing the nation-state with revolutionary ideologies and aspirations for territorial control over large areas. On the one hand, the Caliphate project of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS); on the other, the Democratic Confederalism project of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). This paper aims to analyse these alternative social orders, often defined as natural enemies, inside the framework of rebel governance, moving beyond the description of civil wars as a state of chaos and the exclusive state-centric discourse on governance. Initially, the concept of rebel governance is defined underlining its implications; secondly, the ideological foundations, the administrative, economic, and legal structures of the projects are discussed. The last section focuses on their similarities, differences and their power-ideology trade off in the context of their regional and international relations.

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The civil wars of the end of Roman Republic in Lucan’s Pharsalia reveal paroxysmal exactions whose trauma is perceptible as far on citizens’ bodies as on Rome’s one. Lucan even evokes the traces of Roman Republican civil wars in some architectural and urban constructions of the Augustan period. The bellum ciuile, repeated on several generations at the end of the 1st century BC, first overturns religious and political main places of Rome, by subverting the ius and the fas. Then Lucan describes Rome as a tragic mythical city, like Thebes or Mycenae, paradigmatic spaces of family crime. Finally, according to the Stoic principle of universal sympatheia, Rome alone embodies the shaking of the world, caused by civil wars. Due to an organic metaphor of Rome’s history, the city then bears the marks of remarkable wounds.

Following the end of the Greek Civil War in 1949, approximately 75,000 political refugees were relocated across the emerging Eastern Bloc. Their exodus from Greece was entangled with the construction of the Cold War dichotomy, while their itinerary challenges dominant perceptions surrounding the geographies of postwar population movements. This article examines the evolution of a hybrid Greek Popular Republic and explores how the refugee ecosystem was related to reconstruction priorities, how it crossed paths with other itineraries of human mobility, and how it remained a contested topic in Greek national politics.

Following the collapse of the Jamahiriya, former Libyan regime elites suffered a political downgrading and went into exile, notably to Egypt and neighboring Tunisia. The political upheavals brought about by the 2011 Arab revolts, revolutions both in Libya and in neighboring countries and the emergence of new political actors make it necessary to rearrange their situation in a transnational context. Heirs to the political ideology developed by Muammar Gaddafi, the regime's elders are trying to reorganize themselves politically from abroad in order to reposition themselves in a post-revolutionary context. Although they collectively denounce the events that led to the fall of Muammar Gaddafi, these actors do not represent a unified political force. An analysis of their political reorganization thus highlights the heterogeneity of the "green movement", divided into several currents. Gradually, the geopolitical transformations brought about by the arrival in power of a new presidency in Egypt in 2014 and by the mobilization of international actors for the resolution of the conflict from Tunisia are allowing the exiled elites to make their voices heard. Also, in the face of the evolving civil war in Libya, former regime elites are managing to redeploy themselves politically through transnational coalitions, by instrumentalizing political instability and the Islamist threat. They are thus able to mobilize their networks to influence the conflict from a distance and shape a political environment more favorable to their return to Libya. This article analyses the reconfiguration of the political elites of the former Libyan regime and highlights the way in which the transnational space may have constituted a political opportunity that allowed them to redeploy to the national political spheres.

The plot of Dobrica Ćosić’s novel The Sun is Far Away is deeply rooted in the events of 1942-1943, with reference to other war and post-war years. The second layer consists of the writer’s subsequent political ideas and thoughts, which were then attributed to his literary heroes. Ćosić’s early work, with an emphasis on the novel The Sun is Far Away, cannot be viewed as dissident; according to his motives and conclusions, he is politically engaged and completely “on the Party line”. However, the then open dilemma (whether to fight for freedom at all costs) will follow the author in the following period, and his conclusions presented in 1951 will change in the future. The number of identified historical contents in the novel exceeds the initial expectations and it could be said that for all the basic ideas presented in the book, the author had as inspiration specific historical events and personalities. He shaped them through artistic freedoms, but also in accordance with the ideology of the movement to which he belonged. In our opinion, the motives for the creation of the novel in the early post-war years were also political: to present the Partisan Movement to the Serbian people as part of its historical epic vertical; to make a departure from the USSR and present the Partisan struggle as an independently executed, authentic revolution; to point out the betrayal and crimes of the counter-revolution and the Ravna gora Movement (presented in a politically constructed symmetry as “Serbian Ustashas”), and thus to contribute to the war propaganda that was waged against them even then. In that sense, the novel The Sun is Far Away should not be viewed only as a literary fiction, but as a part of engaged literature which had far-reaching consequences in the formation of the historical consciousness of post-war generations.

Partly structured by ethnic oppositions, the Burundian conflict that began in 1993 has generated a large number of direct victims (killed by the war) and indirect victims (as a result of the deterioration of living conditions). In addition to mortality, this crisis has caused numerous forced displacements. The objective of this article is to understand the factors of overexposure to this mortality, based on the profile of the victims of the Burundian civil war according to various characteristics (age, gender, etc.) and by analyzing the very strong geographical differences in war mortality. The use of the Demographic and Reproductive Health Survey conducted in 2002 (ESDSR Burundi 2002) makes it possible to estimate mortality rates based on the declarations of the respondents on the survival of their children and the survival of their parents. When the death of a relative is reported, it is possible to distinguish whether it is the result of armed violence or another cause, which allows the estimation of war mortality rates by age and sex. At the level of the survey sectors, and in order to neutralize the effect of small numbers of respondents in each sector and the effect of differences in sex and age composition, standardized war mortality rates have been estimated. These estimates are proposed for two periods: 1993, characterized by mass killings and their repression, and 1994-2001, characterized by guerrilla warfare and sporadic abuses. In addition to this temporal distinction, the regrouping of populations in 1993 and 1994, and then during the years 1996-1999, indirectly provides a great deal of information on the exposure of different parts of the population to war mortality, depending on their situation in relation to political, ethnic and regional issues, within the framework of the complex human geography of Burundi.

In the political struggle against his opponents, Caesar tries to mitigate his responsibility for starting an unpopular civil war. There is no doubt that his actions are illegal, therefore his propaganda aims at rewriting history to justify them, in particular through the Bellum Ciuile, to transform his own transgression into a legitimate response to those of his opponents. Then, Caesar changes the perspective and presents himself as the only legitimate representative of the res publica: he emphasizes his respect of institutional norms, hides his own transgressions, and highlights those of his opponents. Finally, although Caesar may fail to cover up his own transgressions, it is worth considering their nature in the context of the ideological confrontation about republican norms, and assessing how they contribute to the development of a new form of power by Caesar.

Just as Abraham Lincoln is placed as the greatest American president ever, Algeria’s former chief of staff, Ahmed Gaid Salah who died in 2019, is seen by many Algerians as a paragon of patriotism. This article, however, strips away the mask of grandeur to reveal the profound truths of the controversial men underneath. It also suggests that they share striking similarities in dealing with themes of power, war, and death. Despite their poor backgrounds, they saw themselves as grander and loftier. Truly, they were not cultivated, yet they understood the world of self-interest and ambition. As America plunged into Civil War, Lincoln pragmatically emancipated slaves to restore the Union. Similarly, Gaid seized the opportunity of Hirak to turf out president Bouteflika and become the most powerful man in Algeria. Most importantly, both take part of the blame for the astounding numbers of dead people in the American and Algerian Civil Wars. Finally, the timing of their death was perfect. While Lincoln died triumphant only a few days after winning the Civil War, Gaid too died in a moment of victory, barely a week after a presidential election that he strongly pushed for. Undoubtedly, it is the timing of their death that led to the creation of two legends that still obscure their true personalities. This article aims to show that Lincoln’s and Gaid Salah’s place in history is intentionally elevated to a mythical position despite the fact that they were rife with contradictions.

In the political thought of Christine de Pizan there is a notorious absence: the Ecc/esia as an institution of power. This is surprising, when we observe the political treaties of the time, where the question of the relationship between spiritual power and temporal power is a common place; conflict of first order in the context of the Gregorian Reform or in the quarrel between Boniface VIll and Philippe Le Bel. Beyond these historical moments, this tension between the monarchy and the Church remains a latent problem throughout the Middle Ages. And we must not forget, that if the times of Christine are those of the Hundred Years War and the civil war, they are also those of the Great Schism, where we see resurface the old dreams of universal monarchy, including a redefinition of all the powers. Those of the pope, emperor, king, bishops, cardinals and council are all reformulated in the light of the old as new theories. Yet, this tension between Church and monarchy does not seem to be part of Christine's reflection on royal power. This article proposes to show some traces of this "absence" of the Church in the political writings of the author and to put forward some hypotheses on the subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article was written as part of my doctoral research on the topic of Conflict of Loyalties: Relationships between Druze in Israel and Druze in Syria during the Syrian Civil War between 2011-2017. In this article I will analyze the factors involved in the outbreak of the civil war in the context of the conflict of loyalties among the Druze population living in Syria. The article will show the political and geopolitical background to the civil war outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Civil War in the Balearic Islands is one of the topics that is often explained quickly in the classrooms, because the extensive educational legislation doesn’t allow teachers to teach contents deeply. For this reason, it was considered that the creation of one educational itinerary will facilitate the explanation of this topic in class, working with students starting the educational transposition of primary sources and promoting the meaningful learning during the different sessions. Throughout this article, we will explain the characteristics of our itinerary and we will mention the important points to carry it out.

Armed civil conflicts in foreign countries have significant consequences for states in the international system. The political, social and economic threats generated by them have in recent years become relevant in a global sense. In order to successfully deal with them, the international community desires to develop a reliable prediction and prevention model. The crucial part concerns the identification of the causal paths leading to conflict escalation but assembling these paths must be preceded by the evaluation of various possible causes as separate variables. It is also important to factor causal complexity into the model, therefore, to analyze not only single variables but also their interconnections. The article reviews two major areas of civil conflict causes – territorial and ethnic. It summarizes the main arguments and theories beyond the suggested proxy variables representing territorial and ethnic problems. By reviewing the existing research, this study aims to facilitate the selection of variables for prediction and prevention systems. The result is a literature review clarifying the relations among the causes of conflict that underlies their importance. All proposed territorial and ethnic causes have to be assessed in relation with complementary variables but also applied to a particular country which would benefit from the prediction and prevention model.

Linked to a national emancipation project in the 1950s, the electrification of Guatemala is linked to a genocidal policy against the indigenous populations during the civil conflict of 1960-1996. After the peace agreements of 1996, the electricity industry engaged in a process of liberalisation, tried to distance itself from this past by insisting on the innovative aspect of its projects. However, protests about the quality and cost of the distribution service are emerging. They were structured into a national movement at the turn of the 2010s through the Comité de Desarrollo Campesino. This movement, which was born out of the peace process, became the main mobilising force in the country, campaigning for the renationalisation of electrical energy. Based on an analysis of this article shows how the electricity conflict, as a site of an original association of references, symbols and resources, invites to discuss the analytical frameworks of social movements in Guatemala.

This essay explores the political aesthetics of visual and textual representations of ruins following episodes of urban destruction during the Civil War. Although ruins were long held to be lacking in the nineteenth-century US landscape—and their absence deemed a sign of America’s newness—ruins were ubiquitous throughout the nation, in particular in its growing urban centres. These antebellum ruins spoke to America’s uncanny historicity, spelling out its premature growth as well as the risk of its untimely extinction. Their presence, however transient, thus provided Americans with a language to make sense of the devastation caused by the Civil War. The essay then turns to two instances of urban destruction: the burning of Columbia, SC, in February 1865 and the New York City draft riots of July 1863. Their representation in the periodical press, as well as in personal and literary accounts, archives the destructiveness of the war even as it shapes its collective memory. While the ashes of Columbia became a climactic episode in the narrative of the Lost Cause, the burning of New York City indexed the problematic memorialization of antistate and anti-Black violence.

The article focuses on civil wars which France suffered in the last decades of the 16th century disrupted the imagination of the lyric poetry of the Pleiad. It mentions violence is transposed into love poetry and religious poetry in the form of tension and morbid ideas and tormented and powerless in the midst of the vicissitudes of their time, some of them break with the exterior to reconnect with themselves.

A literary criticism for the book "Le Dernier été de la raison" by Algerian writer Tahar Djaout, is presented. Topics include daily life punctuated by a civil war which puts the Algerian army against extremist religious groups; and continuum with the public positions taken by Tahar Djaout against the rise of religious fanaticism in literary historiography.

The article shares the concerns of the Lebanese actor and director Roger Assam protest for the status of the Lebanese theater during the years of civil war. Topics include how theaters takes on the meaning of a product of cultural colonialism, imperialism, and capitalism; and denominational system that prevents the diverse Muslim and Christian communities from living association transformed the Tournesol theater into a Internet information and center with international cultural circles.

The article explores how contemporary Arab Literature and Culture continues the study of the theme of socio-political commitment in response to disorders and tumults in contemporary Arab society. Topics include evolution of socio-political concerns with individual identity promoted by autocratic power; and literary commitment for the reality of a civil war between the Algerian army and extremist groups.

Aleksei Goldenweiser (1890–1979), a successful lawyer and an active participant of the Russian émigré community, left a rich legacy containing, in particular, memories of the revolutionary upheavals in his hometown Kiev. His memoirs are interesting not only as a testimony from a participant in these historical events, but also for what they reveal about the author’s complex identity. Being a Russian Jew and at the same time a native inhabitant of Kiev, Goldenweiser did not identify himself with either the Reds, the Whites, or the Ukrainian movement. His relationship with the Jewish environment was also ambiguous. Goldenweiser’s texts, despite their relative impartiality, reflect the position of a person trying to defend his professional and moral values in the hard conditions of the Russian Civil War. The memoirs reflect the specifics of the author’s worldview and at the same time give an interesting, Kiev-centred, perspective of the events of 1917–1921.

The political-religious conflict of the 1930s cannot be understood only from Church-State relations, parliamentary discourses, violent demonstrations or anticlerical legislation. When we look at the pressure of anticlerical bases, the struggle for identities and symbolic practices, the secularization of public space or a more territorialized view appears to us in all its complexity. If we focus on the analysis of anticlerical violence in the republican quinquennium we find, basically, a response to power when we observe its peak moments, but not a “religious persecution”. It had nothing to do with what had happened since July 18, 1936, when there was a turning point. The religious factor then acquired a central role in the design of the rebel propaganda strategy (“crusade”) and “sacred anger” constituted the beginning of revolutionary violence. These pages attempt to corroborate, starting from a micro-historical framework, this turn in anticlerical violence, and to see how, in the summer of 1936, its iconoclastic and clerophobic repertoire was improvised in those areas of the Republican rearguard that lacked violent precedents to facilitate the start of the revolutionary process.

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the 1920s in the USSR, the theme of the Civil War became an essential part of the mass culture of the period, and more specifically of Soviet film production. Produced in a context of shortages – experienced filmmakers and celluloid were lacking –, these films, which portrayed a simplified vision of events, had an essential propaganda purpose for the new Bolshevik regime. This article analyses the reception of these films on the basis of public discussions and opinion polls in cinemas among moviegoers. This work deals with the generational gap concerning the reception of this production: films that aroused the enthusiasm of a young public were often more criticized by the older generations, survivors of the Civil War. Indeed, the latter considered that the productions did not do justice to their sacrifices during those years of conflict. The violence of some shots, the blood on the screen, as well as the fate of the main characters are at the focus of heated discussions. This study focuses on the memory and commemoration of the Civil War in the first post-war decade.

This article challenges the alleged stability of the discourse on the two decades preceding the 1660 Restoration on the comic stage. It compares two representations (one immediate, one long-term) of the conflicts of the 1640s and 1650s, namely Robert Howard’s successful The Committee (1662) and Thomas Otway’s The Souldiers Fortune (1681). Close readings of these two plays demonstrate a previously overlooked variety and instability of tones, which affects their political interpretations. This article more broadly questions the place of comedies in the post-Restoration political and historiographical effort to make sense of past conflicts. It establishes that Howard’s strategy in The Committee is not, as previously considered, one of unambiguous royalism, where the defeated Puritans are frontally mocked and defied. Rather, the play presents a consensual, reconciliatory vision of the past which more closely aligns with the restored Crown’s broader approach. This is accomplished through the use of a scapegoat, which allows the group to present a convenient, albeit counterfeit, consensus. Similarly, emphasising the pervading influence of the satiric genre in The Souldiers Fortune shows the lack of stable normative figure during the renewed political turmoil of the Exclusion Crisis, whilst the slippery conclusion of the play allows the playwright to use ambiguity to his advantage, thereby avoiding a defined stance in politically unstable times. Both plays point towards a flexible understanding of the role of comedy and comic representation as key tools in the political games of the late Stuart period.

War has been instrumental in destroying land and forests and thus is a major contributor to climate change. Degradation due to war has been especially significant in Africa. The African continent, once green, is now almost denuded of its rich forests and pillaged of its precious natural resources due to the brutality of colonisation and more recent postcolonial civil wars. In Sierra Leone the civil war continued for over eleven years from 1991 to 2002 and wrought havoc on the land and forests. Thus the anxiety and trauma suffered by the people not only includes the more visible aspects of human brutality, but also the long lasting effects of ecocide which relate to climate change. Underlying narratives that address traumatic ecological disasters is a sense of anxiety and depression resulting from the existential threat of climate change. This paper demonstrates how narratives can metaphorically represent both ecocide and climate change and argues that such stories help people in tackling the real life stresses of anxiety and trauma. To establish the argument this paper has drawn on scientific and sociological data and placed these vis-à-vis narrative episodes in Aminatta Forna’s novels Ancestor Stones (2006) and The Memory of Love (2010). In these novels Forna depicts the ecological crisis that colonisation and civil war have wrought on Sierra Leone. The anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder – of war and ecocide – suffered by the fictional Sierra Leonean characters are explained through Cathy Caruth’s trauma theory.

Artikkelissa luodaan katsaus valkoisten perintöön: Vapaussodan historiantulkinnan ja perinnön syntyyn, sen luomiseen, siihen liittyvään keruutoimintaan sekä perinnössä tapahtuneita historiallisia muutoksia. Vaikka vapaussota dominoi historiaa sisällissodasta aina 1960-luvulle sulkien punaisen näkökulman ulkopuolelle, ei se kuitenkaan ollut monoliitti vaan jakoi osaltaan myös valkoisia. 1990-luvulla historiassa ja julkisessa keskustelussa alkaneen uusisänmaallisen käänteen myötä vapaussotatulkinta on osaltaan palannut näyttämölle, mutta sivuosassa ja monimuotoisesti tulkittuna.

Résumé: La délégation de la violence en contexte de guerre civile est souvent lue comme une érosion de l'État au profit d'acteurs non-étatiques incontrôlables. Nous soulignons ici les limites de cette lecture à partir d'une analyse du conflit afghan, en particulier de l'arbitrage qui a eu lieu sous l'administration Karzai entre l'accroissement des effectifs militaires pro-gouvernementaux et leur contrôle. Nous montrons non seulement que la présence de troupes internationales a considérablement affecté cet arbitrage, mais aussi que, contrairement aux interprétations dominantes, celui-ci révèle une volonté d'appropriation du processus de formation de l'État par ses élites plus qu'un recul de l'État lui-même. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on French writer Michel de Montaigne as a doctor, the society of his time plagued by civil wars. It mentions treatment to prescribe to this big sick body, and sees the proliferation of superfluous writings as a symptom of a social pathology. It also mentions his experience of local floods provides him with the metaphors enabling to account for it: "scribbling" is analogous to a flood.

Copyright of Ethnologie Française is the property of Presses Universitaires de France and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annales Historiques de la Révolution Française is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the political movement of students from Africa and the Middle East in the Soviet Union during the Cold War. It suggests that, beyond anti-imperialism and Communism, several national groups or members of national minorities defended first and foremost their national cause. The Kurds quitted the Iraqi student union to create a Kurdish one, Somalis supported the annexation of territories in Kenya and Ethiopia, while Biafrans fought for secession during the Nigerian Civil War. The national cause was very often much more important than the cause of socialism.

If the motive of Rome’s death is already evoked in the Augustan era, it finds an original reinterpretation in Lucan’s epic. Indeed, Lucan does celebrate a real disaster: Pharsalus consecrates the death of Rome and Lucan’s epic, especially book VII, appears like a poetic tomb of the Res publica romana. Lucan presents Pharsalus as a total disaster whose scope is at once human, historical and political, but also mythical and cosmic. The poet finally presents this battle as a poetic disaster, where the dactylic hexameter is reconfigured stylistically, not to celebrate the exploits of the past, but as a memorial for a paroxysmal catastrophe – the death of Rome.

This article aims to shed light on a part of Algeria’s contemporary history largely unknown: the internment of thousands of men in the Sahara from 1991 to 1995. This historical sequence has never been the subject of historical research while contemporary witnesses agree that it constitutes a turning point and played a key role in rallying numerous Algerians to the maquis. It is thus a question of recalling the context in which these camps were open, explaining the decision-making process which led to their establishment while sketching a first collective portrait of the men who were sent there. In doing so, this article hopes to contribute to writing the history of the Algerian Civil War, many aspects of which are still unknown.

Hundreds of women from all over the world came to Spain between 1936 and 1938 to defend the Republic as volunteers. For a long time their commitment was almost forgotten, and historical research focused solely on the "Spanienkämpfer", the male foreigners who fought against Franco's troops in the Spanish Civil War. The female volunteers were mentioned, if at all, only as companions of their husbands or as humanitarian helpers. Their political commitment was not recognized. The present article shows that not only did a large number of the female volunteers come alone, for their own decision and for political reasons, but also how fundamental their role was in the fight against the putschists: they offered resistance as interpreters, reporters, militiawomen, administrators and above all as nurses and doctors, both in the hinterland and at the front and at great personal risk. Although the leadership of the International Brigades cultivated a traditional image of women and the female volunteers did not have the same opportunities as men, for many "Spanienkämpferinnen" the engagement in the civil war became the most important time of their lives.

The eight-year Syrian armed conflict is one of the most devastating conflicts and arresting issues in the international area in the 21st century. Undoubtedly, the investigation of the role of Syrian army has its both scientific and political significance. Indeed, without having scrupulously studied the role of the army it is impossible to perceive in details many aspects of the political history of Syria. In any other Arabic country the army did not play such an outstanding role in the political life as it was in case of Syria. This reality can be proved by the serious inner-political processes that run in contemporary Syria, when the army appears as a substantial factor again. This topic has its actuality in regard of our perception of rather complicated inner-political processes happening in modern Syria today, whereas the army plays an important role as well. This research deals with certain aspects of the formation of Syrian army, its officer stratum, as well as discusses issues dealing with military overturns in Syria, their reasons and aftermath for the country in the post-independent period, as well as investigates both ethnic and confessional background of the Syrian army.

During the 1820s and 1830s in the River Plate, a series of newspapers named after atmospheric phenomenons came to light: El Pampero (1822 y 1829), El Aguacero (1823), El Rayo (1826, 1831, 1833), El Granizo (1827), El Relámpago (1831, 1833), El Trueno (1831). This article analyzes the atmospheric metaphors that designed the contours of the series, looks over the discourse that resulted from the use of these metaphors and studies the reasons that led a group of public writers of the time to link the vagaries of the heavens with the field of post-revolutionary politics. This paper proposes to understand the meteoric language of these newspapers as one of the various rhetorics deployed in the 19th century press.