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Summary The transition from the Late Neolithic to the Bronze Age has witnessed important population and societal changes in western Europe. 1 These include massive genomic contributions of pastoralist herders originating from the Pontic-Caspian steppes 2 , 3 into local populations, resulting from complex interactions between collapsing hunter-gatherers and expanding farmers of Anatolian ancestry. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 This transition is documented through extensive ancient genomic data from present-day Britain, 9 , 10 Ireland, 11 , 12 Iberia, 13 Mediterranean islands, 14 , 15 and Germany. 8 It remains, however, largely overlooked in France, where most focus has been on the Middle Neolithic (n = 63), 8 , 9 , 16 with the exception of one Late Neolithic genome sequenced at 0.05× coverage. 16 This leaves the key transitional period covering ∼3,400–2,700 cal. years (calibrated years) BCE genetically unsampled and thus the exact time frame of hunter-gatherer persistence and arrival of steppe migrations unknown. To remediate this, we sequenced 24 ancient human genomes from France spanning ∼3,400–1,600 cal. years BCE. This reveals Late Neolithic populations that are genetically diverse and include individuals with dark skin, hair, and eyes. We detect heterogeneous hunter-gatherer ancestries within Late Neolithic communities, reaching up to ∼63.3% in some individuals, and variable genetic contributions of steppe herders in Bell Beaker populations. We provide an estimate as late as ∼3,800 years BCE for the admixture between Neolithic and Mesolithic populations and as early as ∼2,650 years BCE for the arrival of steppe-related ancestry. The genomic heterogeneity characterized underlines the complex history of human interactions even at the local scale.

South of Montpellier (Hérault, France), a large Final Neolithic settlement across 5 hectares was excavated. Among the features, a large cellar converted into a collective burial yielded the remains of an earth architecture that collapsed inside the volume when it was destroyed by a fire., Au sud de Montpellier (Hérault, France), a été fouil¬lé sur une superficie de 5 ha un vaste site d’habitat du Néolithique final. Parmi les structures, une grande cave, reconvertie en sépulture collective, a livré des vestiges d’architecture en terre crue effondrés en masse à l’in¬térieur du volume au moment de sa destruction par un incendie.

International audience; A preventive excavation near Montpellier (Hérault, France) yielded two cellars from the Neolithic period (Ferrières culture, ± 3000 BC). One of these (St.1) has a rounded plan, the other (St 2) an elongated plan with an absidial chevet. Both are equipped with limestone slabs and have an access step structure towards the upper slope. These accesses, which were strengthened by large slabs, have been severely eroded by gullies, raising questions concerning the effectiveness of these buildings for food storage, or their function. The longest cellar (St.2) yielded a trench dug from the ground at the bottom of the access. Based on regional comparisons, we hypothesize that it could have been a sump for the temporary retention of surface water from the slope.; Conduite en 2010, une fouille préventive près de Montpellier (Hérault, France) a permis la découverte de deux caves du Néolithique final (culture Ferrières, ± 3000 avant J.-C.). L'une des structures (St. 1) présente un plan arrondi, l'autre (St. 2) un plan allongé avec un chevet absidial. Toutes deux sont appareillées par des dalles de calcaire (émoussées) et présentent un accès resserré en direction du haut de pente. Ces accès, qui ont été renforcés par la mise en place de grandes dalles, ont été très érodés par les ravinements, ce qui interroge sur l'efficacité de ces constructions (en tant qu'espace de stockage de denrées) ou sur leur fonction (destination). En effet, la plus grande cave allongée (St. 2), a livré une fosse creusée à partir de son sol, juste au débouché de l'accès, dont nous envisageons ici, par le biais de comparaisons régionales, qu'elle a peut-être pu constituer un puisard, en vue de la rétention temporaire de la circulation lente des eaux superficielles.

The origin of this article lies in the discovery of two Early Bronze Age graves to the south of Toulouse (Canségala, Le Vernet, Haute-Garonne). Since the excavation (2005), some colleagues have informed us of other discoveries, which it seemed interesting to integrate and set in context. Individual graves of this period remain very rare in Languedoc and burials in jars were previously unknown. The first grave at Canségala was that of an adult, probably a woman. The burial in a jar, which concerns an infant, was placed at a distance of about 8 metres. The infant had been inserted buttocks first into a container that is no different from the domestic productions. Some elements of litter (potsherds, animal bones) from a nearby structure allow the context of their implantation to be defined. Their discovery provides material concerning a possible funerary association within a domestic area. The burial in a jar allows various influences to be evoked. The only close comparisons concern some sites in the Massif Central (Auvergne) (Loison, 2003). Such infant burials in jars can be integrated in either domestic or funerary areas. As for individual graves, they remain very rare in the South of France. The Chalcolithic tradition of multiple burials in stone cists or cavities was present until the Middle Bronze Age. The few individual graves (in silos or specific pits) do not seem to be integrated in cemeteries, but seem to be vaguely organized, maybe connected to dwelling cells, as attested in Auvergne. Concerning the chronology, graves in domestic pits seem, for the moment, to be related to the emergent phase of the Early Bronze Age, but clearly “ architectured” specific pits are also known for this period in the Rhone valley. The few known burials in jars all seem connected to a more advanced phase of the Early Bronze Age. This attribution seems to be the same on a wider scale on sites where this practice is well known, such as the prestigious site of El Argar (phase 2, 1900 to 1600 cal. BC), (Siret and Siret, 1887 ; Cauwe dir., 2003) in south-eastern Spain or for the rockshelter sites of the Adige valley, in the Italian Alps (Perini, 1971 and 1975 ; Nicolis, 1996 and 2004). One of the documents integrated in the article which concerns a funerary rockshelter site in the Provence Prealps (Les Baguarettes, Ménerbes, Vaucluse) allows a convergence to be proposed with the Italian series, which may chronologically be the earliest among the proposed comparisons. This is not sufficient to propose an Alpine origin for the phenomenon, as that domain could merely constitute a regional relay for influences from much farther afield. What complicates the search for a possible genesis is the fact that burials of young children in jars are also known locally at the end of the Neolithic… However a local origin is not convincing either, because there still remains an important documentary hiatus for the Bell-Beaker culture and the Early Bronze Age. At this stage, we can merely observe that the use of a jar as a “ burial container” for young children could have been sporadic at the end of the Neolithic before being truly ritualized through new influences during the development of the full Early Bronze Age., C’est la découverte de deux sépultures du Bronze ancien au sud de Toulouse (Canségala, Le Vernet, Haute-Garonne) qui est à l’origine de cet article. Depuis la fouille (2005), quelques collègues nous ont transmis d’autres découvertes qu’il a semblé utile d’intégrer et de remettre en contexte. En effet, les sépultures individuelles de cette période restent très rares en Languedoc et les sépultures en jarres étaient inconnues jusqu’ici. La première sépulture de Canségala a été réalisée pour un adulte, probablement une femme. La sépulture en jarre, qui concerne un nourrisson, était implantée à une distance d’environ 8 m. Il avait été inséré par le siège, au sein d’un contenant dont la facture ne diffère pas de celle des productions domestiques. Quelques éléments de nature détritique (tessons, faune) issus d’une structure proche permettent de préciser le contexte de leur implantation. Leur découverte documente en effet une probable association funéraire au sein d’une aire domestique. Quant à la sépulture en jarre, elle permet l’évocation de plusieurs influences. Les seules comparaisons proches concernent des sites du Massif central (Auvergne) (Loison, 2003). Ces vases-sépultures de nourrissons peuvent être intégrés soit dans des aires domestiques soit dans des aires funéraires. Concernant les sépultures individuelles, elles demeurent rares dans le Sud de la France. En effet, la tradition chalcolithique des sépultures plurielles en coffres lithiques ou cavités y demeure vivace jusqu’au Bronze moyen. Les quelques sépultures individuelles (en silos ou en fosses spécifiques) ne semblent pas intégrées dans des cimetières, mais épouser un maillage diffus, peut-être lié à des cellules d’habitations, comme cela est attesté en Auvergne. Concernant la chronologie, les sépultures en fosses domestiques paraissent, pour l’instant, plutôt liées à la phase émergente du Bronze ancien, mais on connaît également à cette période des fosses spécifiques, clairement architecturées dans la vallée du Rhône. Les rares vases-sépultures recensés paraissent par contre tous se rapporter à un Bronze ancien plutôt évolué. Cette attribution semble être la même à plus large échelle, sur des sites où cette pratique est bien connue, comme pour le prestigieux gisement d’El Argar (phase 2, 1900 à 1600 cal. BC), (Siret et Siret, 1887 ; Cauwe dir., 2003), dans le Sud-Est de l’Espagne ou pour les sites sous abri de la vallée de l’Adige, dans les Alpes italiennes (Perini, 1971 et 1975 ; Nicolis, 1996 et 2004). Un des documents intégrés dans l’article, qui concerne un dépôt funéraire sous abri dans les Préalpes provençales (Les Baguarettes à Ménerbes, Vaucluse), permet de proposer une convergence avec les ensembles italiens, qui sont peut-être chronologiquement les plus précoces parmi les comparaisons proposées. Ceci ne suffit pas pour proposer une origine alpine du phénomène, ce domaine ne pouvant constituer qu’un relais régional par rapport à des influences encore plus éloignées. Ce qui complique la recherche d’une éventuelle genèse est que des sépultures de jeunes enfants en jarres sont également connues localement à la fin du Néolithique… Mais une origine locale n’est pas non plus convaincante, car un important hiatus documentaire demeure pour le Campaniforme et le Bronze ancien I. À cette étape, nous pouvons juste constater que l’utilisation d’un vase comme «matrice » d’inhumation pour les jeunes enfants a pu être sporadique à la fin du Néolithique avant d’être réellement ritualisée à travers de nouvelles influences lors du développement du plein Bronze ancien., Tcheremissinoff Yaramila, Cazes Jean-Paul, Gilabert Christophe, Duchesne Sylvie, Lachenal Thibault, Lagarrigue Anne, Maret Delphine. Nouvelles sépultures individuelles du Bronze ancien dans le Sud de la France : contextes et problématiques. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 107, n°2, 2010. pp. 331-351.

The subject of this article is a tumulus forming part of a tumulary group at a site known as «Avézac» or «Estaque», located on a prolongation of the plateau of Lannemezan (Hautes-Pyrénées) in the direction of Bielsa, representing one of the richest geographical areas for the occurrence of tumuli on the scale of the French national territory. The excavation of this site, carried out in the spring of 2006, was justified by the construction of a road between Barthe de Neste and Hèches (RD 929). The main results obtained concern the architecture and design of the tumulus, since burials themselves are lacking. Indeed, while plundering of the central part has already been mentioned in previous studies, it also appears to have also occurred over the entire site and no additional burials could be identified in this slightly eroded monument. Hence, pottery ware is scarce and only extremely rare items are available for dating. These goods were found in a secondary position in the infilled central part of the plundered structure and in the north-eastern sector of the ditch, and can be attributed to at least two occupations, during the Chalcolithic, and then during the Early Iron Age. The setting up of the monument was carried out on a natural cluster of large pebbels, probably quite apparent during late Prehistoric times, which already formed a small elevated area. The upper part of this substrate has been reworked, and has the particular characteristic of yielding a veritable lithic industry based on pebbles. In all evidence, the goods represent opportunist tools, which, in the absence of any signs of domestic occupation nearby, could be related to the tumulus; the tools could have been used for temporary subsistence and/or carrying out technical procedures directly related to funerary architecture. Concerning the depth of plundering, it is likely that the central burial would have cut down into the substrate. The very abundant pebbles contained in the infill of this plundered structure, which was probably blocked off very rapidly, could reflect the rearrangement of lithic elements in the chamber. The substrate subsequently formed the foundation for the accumulation of a very clean and fine-grained deposit, without any stones or goods. Initially, the tumulus exceeded a height of 1 m with a diameter of 17 m. The outer limit of the tumulus encloses a ditch 15 m in diameter, showing an average width of 0.50 m and a preserved depth of approximately 0.30 m ; this ditch cut down into the sedimentary mass as well as the substrate. The pebbles found in the ditch infill display a linear arrangement along the central axis of the ditch. This arrangement of blocking elements was initially concealed and did not form a visible crown on the surface. In fact, we consider that this structure indicates the presence of a more or less lightly-built palisade, in which the above mentioned lithic tools could have been used in the construction. Within the framework of this interpretation, the whole of the architecture on this site would be compatible with a coherent design and planned organization taking place at the end of the Neolithic.Trad. M. Carpenter, El túmulo estudiado, objeto de este artículo, forma parte de un conjunto tumular conocido bajo el nombre de « Avezac » o de« Estaque » y está localizado en la prolongación de la meseta de Lannemezan (Hautes-Pyrénées) en dirección a Bielsa y que constituye una zona geográfica entre las más ricas en túmulos a escala nacional. Su excavación, realizada en la primavera de 2006, fue motivada por el acondicionamiento de una carretera entre La Barthe de Neste y Hèches (RD 929). Los principales resultados obtenidos en este estudio, conciernen su arquitectura y su concepción ya que faltan las sepulturas propiamene dichas. En efecto, si el saqueo de la parte central ya había sido mencionado en estudios precedentes, el expolio ha afectado a la totalidad del túmulo y ninguna sepultura anexa se ha podido observar en este monumento algo arrasado. Como consecuencia, el mobiliario cerámico es pobre y los elementos que pueden datarse son muy raros. Este mobiliario, que se ha encontrado en posición secundaria en el relleno del saqueo central y en la porción nororiental de la fosa, refleja, al menos, dos ocupaciones, una durante el Calcolítico y otra, posterior, durante la Primera Edad del Hierro. La implantación del monumento se realizó sobre una acumulación natural de grandes cantos, probablemente muy aparentes durante la Prehistoria reciente, y que debía formar ya una pequeña eminencia. La porción superior de este zócalo fue retocada y su particularidad es la de haber proporcionado una verdadera industria lítica sobre cantos. Se trata, verosímilmente, de útiles oportunistas que, dada la ausencia de indicios de ocupación doméstica en las proximidades, podrían estar en relación con el túmulo, bien con el fin de asegurar una subsistencia temporal y/o bien como consecuencia de procedimientos técnicos directamente relacionados con la arquitectura funeraria. Con respecto a la profundidad del saqueo es probable que la sepultura central perforara consecuentemente el zócalo. Los numerosos cantos que contiene el relleno de este saqueo -lo esencial del taponamiento debió tener lugar rápidamente- podrían poner en evidencia una reorganización de los elementos líticos de la cámara. El zócalo sirvió, en un segundo momento, de lecho a un aporte sedimentario, muy limpio, muy fino, sin piedras ni mobiliario. Inicialmente, el túmulo debía tener una elevación superior a un metro y presentaba 17 m de diámetro. El contorno del túmulo circunscribe un foso de 0,50 m de anchura, de alrededor de 0,30 m de profundidad conservada y de 15 m de diámetr, foso que perfora tanto la masa sedimentaria como el zócalo. Los cantos encontrados en su relleno presentaban una disposición linear en el eje central de desarrollo del foso. Se trata pues, sin duda, de elementos bloqueados, ocultos inicialmente y no de una corona visible. En este caso, pensamos que su disposición revela la presencia de una empalizada más o menos ligera, en cuya construcción pudieron intervenir los elementos líticos que hemos citado. En el marco de esta proposición, el conjunto de la arquitectura pondría así en evidencia, una programación y concepción coherentes, realizadas al final del Neolítico.Trad. M. Iglésias, M. Carpenter, Ce tumulus, qui est inclus dans un ensemble tumulaire connu sous le nom d’«Avezac » ou de « l’Estaque », est localisé sur la langue qui prolonge le plateau de Lannemezan (Hautes-Pyrénées) en direction de Bielsa et qui constitue une zone géographique parmi les plus riches en tumulus à l’échelle nationale. Sa fouille, réalisée au printemps 2006, a été motivée par l’aménagement d’une route entre La Barthe de Neste et Hèches (RD 929).Les principaux résultats concernent son architecture et sa conception, les sépultures proprement dites faisant défaut. En effet, si le pillage de la partie centrale était déjà mentionné, celui-ci a bien été mené en totalité et aucune sépulture annexe n’a pu être remarquée dans ce monument arasé. De ce fait, le mobilier céramique est pauvre et les éléments datant rares. Ce mobilier, qui a été retrouvé en position secondaire dans le comblement du pillage central et dans la portion nord-orientale du fossé, renvoie à au moins deux fréquentations, durant le Chalcolithique, puis durant le premier âge du Fer. L’implantation du monument a été réalisée sur un amas naturel de gros galets qui formait déjà une petite éminence. La portion supérieure de ce socle a été remaniée, et sa particularité est d’avoir livré une authentique industrie lithique sur galets. En l’absence d’indice d’occupation domestique stricto sensu, ces outils pourraient être en relation avec le tumulus : en vue d’assurer une subsistance temporaire et/ou en vue des procédures techniques directement liées à l’architecture funéraire. Au regard de la profondeur du pillage, il est probable que la sépulture centrale perforait conséquemment le socle. Ce socle a servi d’assise à un apport sédimenté, très propre, très fin, sans pierres, ni mobilier. Il devait initialement excéder le mètre d’élévation. Un fossé de 17 m de diamètre, de 0,50 m de largeur moyenne et d’environ 0,30 m de profondeur conservée, ceinturait ce tumulus. Les galets retrouvés dans son comblement présentaient un agencement linéaire dans l’axe central de développement du fossé. Il s’agit donc, sans doute d’éléments bloqués,initialement masqués, et non d’une couronne visible. En l’occurrence, nous pensons que leur disposition trahit la présence d’une palissade plus ou moins légère, dans la construction de laquelle a peut-être pu intervenir l’outillage lithique précité. Dans le cadre de cette proposition, l’ensemble de l’architecture relèverait donc d’une conception cohérente réalisée à la fin du Néolithique.

The structures discussed here have been excavated on the site called “Portes de Provence” at Montélimar. They are part of the Chassean great site called the “Gournier”. This contribution focuses on two adjacent pits who are very isolated on the site. One of them contains a burial, wich offers all the caracteristics of the burials deposed in “domestic” pits within the Chassean Culture. The other one contained within its filling an anthropomorphic and notched pebble included in an original composition. We argue that the components of these two pits are part of a scenography understandable at the scale of the whole site, as it is still been proposed for sites of the middle-Rhône valley (Beeching 2003). In this particular case, we propose to associate the notched pebble and the burial, because of its morphological particularity (which evokes the lemanic “statues-menhirs”), its integration within a performance with other elements, its proximity with the dead (although it is deposed in a special place), and the isolation of both structures, sign of their spatial link. All these elements echoes the funeral and symbolic manifestations known in the cultures of the Middle and recent Neolithic in the Rhône basin. At least, although the strict transposition of the symbolic meanings known in ethographic contexts is impossible, we can ask if this small “statue‑menhir” could not embody the dead himself, or recall its ascendants, its sacrifice or its reception in a beyond. It is not unconceivable that this device was itself a kind of burial, i.e. a cenotaph., Les structures qui font l’objet de cet article ont été fouillées sur le site dit des « Portes de Provence » à Montélimar et se rattachent au vaste ensemble chasséen du Gournier. Elles concernent plus précisément deux fosses qui sont contiguës et visiblement très isolées dans le site. L’une d’entre elles contient une sépulture, dont les différentes composantes intègrent bien les manifestations des sépultures en fosses « domestiques » du Chasséen. L’autre a livré, dans son comblement, un galet encoché anthropomorphe, inclus dans une composition originale à travers plusieurs évocations de l’univers funéraire et symbolique du Néolithique moyen et récent rhodanien, nous proposons une complémentarité entre les deux structures, voire une relation étroite, peut-être pas tout à fait étrangère aux manifestations mégalithiques péri-alpines.

The site of Narbons (township of Montesquieu-de-Laurageais, Haute-Garonne), identified as a medieval area was excavated in August 1999 in the setting of preventive excavations carried out by the AFAN on the tracing of the A 66 freeway. Therefore, six pits are attributed to the Neolithic and four of them were containing burials. These burials set in holes of great depth, whose sections were principally oblong or sub-rectangular. It appears that these structures might be some well reused as graves because none of the skeleton was in contact with the funds. Hence, the primary destination of these stuctures could be reconsidered. The sediments on which they have been placed were extremely homogeneous except the filling of the single cylindrical pit which could be in relation with dumps at several layers. One raises three individual burials (an adult and two children) and two adults laid out simultaneously or in a very short time lapse and might be related because of an anomaly noted on the two subjects which could be of genetic origin (displasic thinning of the dome of the skull). All the individuals attested more or less inflections of the members, but the positions presented some variations. Osteologic and sedimentary data certify rather in favour of decomposition into a confined space. It's indoubtely the case for the two adults whose bones disposition implies a cover system. None item appears clearly as an offering, but some other pieces, dissociated, had been the object of particular settings. The majority of the fillings bang set up quickly, one cannot reject the possibility of a completely symbolic order relation between these elements and burials during the sealing of the structures. The radiocarbon datations added to the typology of artefacts in one case reveal that this group belongs to the Middle Neolithic. Three burials should be dated to the begening of Chassean, whereas one belongs at the end of this culture. Translated by Yann Beliez, Le site de Narbons (commune de Montesquieu-de-Lauragais, Haute-Garonne) identifié comme un établissement médiéval a été fouillé en août 1999 dans le cadre de fouilles de sauvetage réalisées par l'AFAN sur le tracé de l'autoroute A 66. Toutefois six fosses, dont quatre contenaient des sépultures, ont pu être attribuées au Néolithique. Les inhumations se trouvaient dans des creusements asssez profonds, dont les sections étaient majoritairement oblongues ou subrectangulaires. Aucun des individus n'était au contact des fonds, ce qui pose le problème de la destination primaire des structures qui pourraient être des puits réutilisés à des fins funéraires. Les sédiments dans lesquels se trouvaient les sépultures étaient homogènes, sauf ceux de la fosse cylindrique qui contenait des rejets à plusieurs niveaux. On relève trois sépultures individuelles (un adulte et deux enfants) et une sépulture double d'adultes qui ont été déposés simultanément ou dans un laps de temps très court et qui pourraient être apparentés en raison de la constatation sur les deux sujets d'une anomalie, peut- être d'origine génétique (amincissement dysplasique de la voûte crânienne). Tous les individus présentaient des inflexions plus ou moins marquées des membres, mais les positions sont assez variées. Les données ostéologiques et sédimentaires témoignent plutôt en faveur d'une décomposition des corps en espace confiné. C'est indéniablement le cas pour la sépulture double dont la disposition des os implique un système de protection. Aucun élément de mobilier n 'apparaît de façon évidente comme une offrande, mais les éléments associés ou dissociés ont parfois fait l'objet d'agencements particuliers. La majorité des comblements s 'étant mis en place rapidement, on ne peut rejeter totalement la possibilité d'une relation d'ordre symbolique entre ces éléments et la mise en place des défunts au moment de la condamnation des structures. Les datations absolues et, dans un cas, le mobilier associé révèlent que ce petit ensemble appartient au Néolithique moyen ; trois sépultures sont à placer au début du Chasséen, alors qu'une autre appartient incontestablement à l'étape finale de cette culture., Identificado como un asentamiento medieval, el sitio de Narbons (municipio de Montesquieu-de-Lauragais, Haute-Garonne) fue exvavado en agosto de 1999 en el marco de una rescate llevado a cabo por la AFAN en el trazo de la autopista A66. Sin embargo, estos trabajos revelaron seis fosas fechadas del neolitico entre las cuales cuatro contenian sepulturas. Las inhumaciones se encontraban en hoyos muy profundos cuyos perfiles son principalmente oblongo o sub-rectangular. Ningun sujeto estaba en contacto directo con el fondo de la fosa, lo que plantea el problema del uso original de estas estructuras que podrian ser pozos reutilizados como sepulcros. Los sedimentos en los cuales se encontraban las inhumaciones eran homogéneos, salvo en el caso de la fosa cilindrica que contenta desechos en varios nivelés. Contamos con très sepulturas individuales (un adulto y dos niños) y una sepultura doble de adultos que fueron colocados déforma simultanea o en un plazo de tiempo muy brève. Estos podrian tener alguna relacion de parentesco ya que ambos muestran una anomalia de posible origen genético (adelgazamiento displatico de la boveda craneana). Todos los individuos muestran flexiones mas o menos marcadas a nivel de los miembros aunque presentan posiciones bastante variadas. Los datos osteologicos y sedimentarios apuntan mas bien hada una descomposicion en espacio vacio. Es évidente en el caso de la sepultura doble en la cual la distribution de los huesos implica un sistema de proteccion. No se localizaron artefactos que podrian interpretarse como ofrendas. Sin embargo, los elementos asociados o disociados a veces parecen acomodados. Dado que el rellenamiento de la fosa occurrio seguramente de forma rapida, hay que contemplar la posibilidad de que exista una reladon simbolica entre estos elementos y el deposito de los muertos cuando se clausuraron las fosas. Los fechamientos absolutos y los artefactos asociados (en un caso) demuestran que este pequeno conjunto pertenece al Neolitico medio. Très sepulturas son atribuibles a la cultura Chasense mientras que la otra se relationaria a la etapa final de la misma entidad. Traduddo por Gregory Pereira, Tchérémissinoff Yaramila, Martin Hélène, Texier Myriam, Vaquer Jean. Les sépultures chasséennes du site de Narbons à Montesquieu-de-Lauragais (Haute-Garonne). In: Gallia préhistoire, tome 47, 2005. pp. 1-32.

The excavation of the site of Cassagna 2 (Blagnac, Haute-Garonne), carried out by AFAN (French National Archaeological Association) from August to November 2001 (Tchérémissinoff et al, 2002), was due to the development of the «Aeroconstellation» ZAC (Commercial Business Area) on the outskirts of Toulouse. This excavation was surrounded by other occupation sites: to the east, by the Chalcolithic sites of Cassagna 1 (directed by Sébastien Lacombe) and to the west, by an Early Bronze Age site, Cassagna 3 (directed by Fabrice Pons). They had been preserved by the loamy cover of the land rising above the second bottom of the Garonne, approximately 3 km to the west of its present bed. The site was revealed thanks to the discovery of two sheets of artefacts trapped in vast palaeo-depressions. The sheet corresponding to Sector 1, preserved over 1400m2 (fig. 2), has been dated to the Late Bronze Age IIIb. To the north-west, the «Chalcolithic sheet» (sector 2), the object of this article, extends over approximately 340 m². The discovery of the three «Cassagna» sites, covering the entire sequence of the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, represents an extraordinary opportunity to gain clearer knowledge of these periods in the Toulouse region. The alluvial terraces of the Garonne do not provide the best fossilisation and prior information concerning this period was mainly provided by certain sites in the Aude region known as the Véraza group (Guilaine éd., 1980). Closer to home, some finds including closed units had revealed a clearer regional characterisation (Vaquer, 1990, p. 345). However, such new references to these «impersonal» fades from the boundary of the western extension of the Véraza group and its transition manifestations towards the Bronze Age were very welcome. In terms of the Bell Beaker phenomenon, the region had already provided a major excavation, the site of Lapeyrière, Muret (Jolibert, 1988), which revealed a fine series of ceramics composed of decorated elements which can be attributed to the Pyrenean fades (Guilaine, 1984) as well as numerous elements belonging to the Bell Beaker «common ware» type (Besse, 2003, p. 18). In this series, only 6 of the elements seem to belong to the regional Chalcolithic, which motivated its specifically Bell Beaker attribution. This is often the case in Western Languedoc where «exclusively» domestic occupations seemed to have predominated over «mixed» occupations (Guilaine et al., 2001, p. 254). The importance of the Chalcolithic basis for the formation of the Early Bronze Age is moreover frequently observed and this aspect undeniably constituted a supplementary difficulty in recognising Bell Beaker dwellings. Nevertheless, even on sites defined as «exclusively Bell Beaker», decorated ceramics are never in the majority: there is no reason therefore for them to be indispensable for this definition. And if the non-decorated «series» from the regional Chalcolithic and from specific types of common ware ceramics both marked the formation of the Early Bronze Age, they are also likely to have produced original variations: an authentic mix. This recognition obviously raises problems but will probably help identify the domestic manifestations of the Bell Beaker style. With this aim in mind, we consider that the site of Cassagna 2 constitutes a satisfactory example. The good state of conservation of the surface of sector 2 and the homogeneity of the ceramic series make it possible to suggest their attribution to a stage of regional evolution of the Bell Beaker productions. This would be accomplished without the help of the decorated ceramics, thanks to the presence of characteristics specific to the pottery known as «common ware» within a series not exhibiting, on the contrary, any exclusively Véraza elements. The presence of notched saws, considered as an indication of the Languedoc Chalcolithic, does not go against this proposition. When added to the absence of cordons with digital impressions, it is quite coherent, in this context which is obviously prior to the first expressions of the Early Bronze Age. Moreover, the nature of the surface also evokes a stable establishment for this site which we think has preserved the fleeting imprint of at least one light building of around 16 m2 (fig. 5)., La fouille de sauvetage urgent du site de « Cassagna 2 » menée par l'AFAN en automne 2001 a été motivée par l'aménagement de la TAC «Aéroconstellation » dans la banlieue toulousaine. Le site archéologique a été reconnu à travers la présence de petites structures fossoyées de type « trou de poteau » réparties sur une surface de près de 3500 m2 au nord-est de l'emprise décapée (environ 1 hectare), ainsi que par celle de deux nappes de mobilier. La première, qui était conservée sur une surface d'environ 1400 m2 à l'ouest de l'emprise (secteur 1), a livré des éléments se rapportant au Bronze final. La seconde, qui nous intéresse, était localisée au sud-est de l'emprise sur une surface d'environ 340 m2 (secteur 2). Il s'agissait d'un sol relativement bien conservé. En effet, l'état des surfaces et des tranches de la céramique était satisfaisant pour ce type de contexte et les grands tessons, souvent jointifs, n'avaient pas beaucoup migré. Cette surface était conforme à ce que l'on peut attendre d'un habitat stable : un sol dense en débris, issus d'une vaisselle abondante et variée. On y distinguait deux grandes concentrations. La première était clairement limitée au sein d'un quadrilatère d'environ 16m2. La seconde, plus grande, paraissait également s'inscrire dans un quadrilatère. Pour cette occupation, il nous semble possible de proposer une attribution à un stade régional de l'évolution du complexe campaniforme, ceci malgré l'absence d'éléments décorés et grâce à une série homogène de vaisselle associant types principaux de la céramique commune et formes hybrides, à l'exclusion de tout élément exclusivement vérazien., Tcheremissinoff Yaramila, Marsac Philippe, Berthet Anne-Laure, Jarry Marc, Viarouge Marion. Essai de caractérisation d'un ensemble céramique campaniforme non décoré dans le Toulousain : le site de Cassagna 2. In: Bulletin de la Société préhistorique française, tome 102, n°2, 2005. pp. 381-400.

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The chrono-cultural frameworkAs a result of the studies presented here, we can give an entirely positive assessment of the contributions of the excavations carried out at the Chalcolithic sites on the Carmaux by-pass.To start with, the site of "La vayssonnié" yields a fine series of pottery (cf. Chap. 4), that is to say, 5498 shards derived from 121 individuals and comprising 42 partial forms. They make up a homogeneous vessel assemblage, except for two pieces that are unexpected but contained in well dated areas. Indeed, all the series come from closed structures, including five which have been dated by 14C (cf. Chap. 7.3). These dates, which are highly consistent between themselves and with the material remains, all lie between - 2600 and - 2400 years BCE. The cultural facies concerned is a Chalcolithic facies anchored in Bas- Quercy, apparently attached to the verazian sphere and the Languedocian chronology (cf. Chaps. 4.2 and 8.4). The site of "La Salaberdié" is much more limited, but complementary. Indeed, it relates to an occupation that is clearly a little more recent, included in a bracket ranging from - 2550 to - 2350 BCE. It is possible that there was some overlap, but the series exhibit small differences that evoke a slight diachronism. Although the pottery assemblages show a very strong affinity with each other, the presence of a Bell Beaker-type appropriation of style at "La Salaberdié" could reflect the emergence of this influence in the zone. As regards lithic industries (cf. Chaps. 5 and 9), exogenic materials such as flint, already very poorly represented at "La vayssonnié", are completely absent in the small series of "La Salaberdié". This small time shift between the two sites is rather an advantage, since it concerns two relatively close but quite distinct geographical areas. This is because it provides a reference chronology covering almost all the Chalcolithic, derived from closed assemblages (sixty of them yielding pottery). Such a reference frame was previously lacking between the garonne plain, Southern Rouergue, Larzac and the Montagne Noire (cf. Chap. 1). generally, the various types of artefacts evoke a local production, but are also attached to the Languedocian sphere, which seems relevant in this early metallurgy context.Nature of the occupationsThe chrono-cultural coherence of each site allows us to outline the spatial arrangement of the structures, since these latter also make up a reference frame (cf. Chap. 3). For the "La Vayssonnié" site alone, this reference frame comprises 127 anomalies distributed over an area of 5000 m2, and can bebroken down into 72 proven structures including: three "kilns", nine "small pits", 13 "bowl-shaped hearths ", 21 "oblique pits " and 29 "medium and large pits". Each occupation appears to cover a rather limited time span, since only one direct section is observed. Evidently, the depth of erosion, cutting down locally to more than 0.5 m, prevents us from observing surface works and shallow-buried structures, which leads to an important bias. However, certain activity levels appear to show through, as in the case of associations "gA and gB" (cf. Chap. 3, 1.2). Almost all the remains of activities (carbonized seeds, abundant grinding tools, wasters on large pots) evoke the conservation and preparation of cereals. Unfortunately, it is difficult to identify the combustion structures from which these remains are derived, because of various problems that are often mentioned (erosion, pedogenesis, etc., cf. Chap. 2). However, structures A “La vayssonnié” et “La Salaberdié” 40 and A 91 (association "gB") are of a very particular type. They are strongly reminiscent of the "possible pottery-firing structure" of Nôtre Dame-de-Marceille at Limoux in the department of Aude (vaquer 1994). Attributed to the Saint-Pons or vérazian group, this latter structure exhibits a longitudinal "stepped" profile, similar to that of anomaly A 91. Its fill is also primarily composed of combustion residues thrown down in various beds. Although abundant ceramic remains are recorded at Nôtre Dame-de-Marceille, no mention is made of overfired and/or deformed elements. Pits A 40 and A 91 also evoke three combustion structures of the Early/Middle Bronze Age on Tatihou island (Manche department: Marcigny, dir. Ghesquière 2003, p. 57 to 62), which are termed "suspended kilns". However, apart from their morphology, we do not find any convincing elements of architecture (fragments of hearth floor or pillar, etc.) in our two pits. Moreover, the abundant oxidized sand component in the surrounding sediments at this site makes it impossible to observe the presence of any eventual reddening. Nevertheless, we still consider that one of these structures could have been used to produce the waster pots and/or carbonized seeds, perhaps in the context of a mixed operation, implying a possible "tiered/layered kiln". Lastly, we could also explain these structures by the burning down of a building especially reserved for agricultural activities, leaving remains composed of (varied) lithic elements trapped in storage pits with platforms (9; 40; 91). Although the structures and refuse deposits present over the remainder of the site are less evocative of pottery craft activity, they remain as a "background", which is normal for the periodconsidered. Taking into consideration the taphonomic bias, it is not possible to say whether the entire zone was dedicated to agricultural and craft activities. A possible argument in favour is the slope of the substrate, the exposure towards the North (perhaps motivated by the presence of water farther downslope), the absence of faunal remains and the striking over-representation of macro-tools. Nevertheless, the distribution of pottery volumes seems in conformity with that already observed on sub-contemporary "habitats", and it is rather unlikely that the storage structures and treatment areas were located very far away from the habitat. Consequently, we adopt the hypothesis that the area was used for generalpurposeactivities, while nevertheless containing some zones related to preferential activities (gA, gB, gF, etc.) within or near the habitat. Concerning the site of "La Salaberdié", the small number of structures (12 anomalies, including 5 proven structures, over an area of 1200 m2 (cf. Chap. 7) makes it even more complicated to define the nature of the occupation. This site also displays features usually restricted to small domestic and generalpurpose occupations, which further highlights the importance of the probable smelting furnace at A10.Local metallurgy of copperIn fact, the structures used for copper smelting in the South of France are so far only known from specialized sites. They generally comprise furnaces of small volume, with simple and rather shallow bowl-shaped hearths (Ambert et al. 2005; Barge 2003, p. 54 to 60; Rovira 2005a, p. 184; 2005b) that are more suitable for obtaining a high temperature. However, these structures have little chance of being preserved on an eroded surface such as observed at "La vayssonnié". We were able to collect some slag and shards that had been strongly altered by high temperatures, but found nothing indicative of a "reduction" process. This is found, for example, at the nearby site of "Al Claus" (Carozza 1998; Carozza et al. 1997; Carozza, Burens, Laurens 1998), whose occupation is situated in the same age bracket as "La Salaberdié", and where a score of copper-rich metal encrustations were observed on the inner walls of the shards. The authors proposed to interpret these encrustations as the residue of a reduction technique carried out directly in pots derived from the common vessel assemblage and reused as "smelting pots or crucibles", which corresponds to a technique initially documented in Spain [vasos-hornos in Spanish] (Ambert et al. 1996; Ambert, Rovira 2003, p. 285 to 287; Rovira 2005a; Rovira, Ambert 2002). At "La Salaberdié", the carpet of shards covering the bottom of small furnace A 10 (cf. Chaps. 7 and 11) has also yielded a large number (about sixty) of scoriaceous lumps. This material also accumulated on the inner walls (i.e.concave faces) of the shards, which show an extremely high porosity indicating the attainment of high temperatures. But the shards correspond to very small fragments (412) derived from several pots (more than four), and are distributed with equal density over the bottom. Thus, the structure is not a "smelting-pot furnace" [vasos-hornos in Spanish], but rather a composite hearth. In this same structure, we find the "nozzle" or "tuyere" of a bellows, as well as an ingot mould that most probably corresponds to the mould of a flat axe similar in size to the specimen from "La vayssonnié" (cf. Chaps. 6.2 and 11). These finds characterize the furnace as having an authentic new character. The presence of these objects, the small size of the pit and the signs of heating undoubtedly equal to or higher than 1000°C, are all indications in favour of a smelting furnace with a hearth that represents a novel development. It probably relates to the final stages in the operational chain, including casting and moulding, since there are no proven traces of copper waste (some analyses of the slaggy residues are envisaged). As mentioned above, the framework of discovery provides a good demonstration that the final stages of the operational chain of copper metallurgy (smelting, moulding and hammering) can be carried out in a domestic context, as has already been proposed (Carozza 2005, p. 660; Maass 2005, 8; Rovira 2005b, p. 180), even though the present example clearly involves a very specialized craft industry. Moreover, the site of "La vayssonnié" has also yielded some secondary markers of this activity, that is to say, three probable fragments of "ingot moulds" and a fine specimen of a "galet à cupules" ["pitted pebble/cupstone"] (cf. Chap. 11). But the importance of opper in these societies appears on this site in a rather spectacular way, represented by the assemblage of pit A 118 (cf. Chaps. 3 and 11). In this case, we note the deposition of a collar (cf. Chap. 6.1) and a large flat axe (cf. Chap. 6.2), both carefully laid out in a small hollow dug at the bottom of a pit undoubtedly of domestic origin. This corresponds to a sort of hiding-place (or cache) masked by a pot in functional position with an atypical peariform shape. The pot containing the combustion residue, made up of charcoals and carbonized seeds, then appears to have collapsed onto itself. The significance of this deposition is problematic. It could indeed represent a simple cache for copper intended for recasting, since a defect could be partly responsible for the initial breaking of this axe. However, the axe has suffered many violent and repeated blows on one of its faces, quite unrelated to any technical process, and this occurred at the beginning. Moreover, this large possibly-decorated axe is associated with a very fine composite collar comparable with some rare pieces discovered in funerary or ambiguous contexts. The atypical and vaguely anthropomorphic shape of the vase, along with the presence of carbonized seeds on its bottom, clearly argues in favour of a symbolic deposit that links together some strong elements belonging to the universe of these populations. The numerous data presented here nearly all indicate the end of the operational chain, while also providing positive evidence for a local pre-Bell Beaker copper metallurgy. On the other hand, the question of the origin of the ore remains unanswered.The southernmost edge of the Massif Central is rich in cupriferous sites. Indeed, the oldest "mining-metallurgy" site currently known is situated in its foothills, belonging to the famous Cabrières- Péret district (Ambert 1992; 1999; Ambert et al. 1996; 2005). Since the Ségala deposit In the department of Tarn also forms part of this geological unit, an ancient local extraction is strongly suspected (Servelle 1998; Servelle, Servelle 1984 and 1991). To back up this hypothesis, a campaign of "thematic prospection" and limited (manual excavation) surveys was carried out in the framework of the preparation of this publication, to look for evidence of a prehistoric working at the "Labenq" mine, located approximately 2 km from "La vayssonnié" and already known at least since Antiquity (cf. Chap. 11). The objective was also to collect in situ ore and carry out geochemical comparisons between this material and the objects of deposit A 118. Unfortunately, while the results for the axe allow us to draw some conclusions, we did not obtain enough metal from the other highly oxidized parts or the excessively thin malachite coating of the historical crosscutting galleries. In addition, this "light" approach (prospection and limited manual excavations) failed to reveal any material evidence of a prehistoric working. In fact,a preliminary indication comes from a rather unexpected source, the presence of lithic artefacts at the two archeological sites: a crusher made of "chopped/splintered" quartz and an "attractive" quartz stone with greenish inclusions, which were certainly both collected from the Labenq vein (cf. Chaps. 10 and 11).ConclusionIn conclusion, while the studied remains do not make up an ideal record (…), the new data - in many cases unpublished – resulting from the present work have led to many valuable and sometimeseven spectacular advances in the regional study of the Chalcolithic. Thus, the 72 proven structures at the site of "La vayssonnié" themselves form a reference frame, yielding a fine series of pottery that is homogeneous and datable. In addition, the lithic series displays a striking over-representation of macro-tools, while the 300,000 carbonized seeds collected at "La vayssonnié" are clearly relevant regarding the function of the site. This function fits in with a domestic sphere where much of the activity is related to the conservation and treatment of harvests. These activities coexist explicitly here with a well-developed copper metallurgy, located at around 2550 BCE, as show by the small original smelting structure (A 10), the lithic, ceramic and slaggy remains, as well as the fine artefacts belonging to the newly discovered deposit of pit A 118. In our opinion, the various components of this assemblage plead in favour of a deposit reflecting a religious gesture, which links together certain strong symbols for these populations: axecollar/ pit-earthenware jar/cereals/fire. Finally, although we cannot formally confirm an extraction of the ore in the immediate environment of the sites, the fact that mineral substances were collected from the Labenq vein shows clearly that the Chalcolithic populations of "La vayssonnié" and "La Salaberdié" had some knowledge of this deposit., Les sites de " La Vayssonnié " et de " La Salaberdié " ont été découverts à l'occasion d'une opération de diagnostic précédant les travaux routiers de la future rocade de Carmaux (Tarn). Ces occupations, qui sont implantées sur de légères pentes, ont subi une forte érosion et se manifestent à travers la présence de structures excavées de différents types, fosses, foyers, fours, silos. Les 127 anomalies (72 structures de " La Vayssonnié " sont circonscrites dans une surface d'environ 5000 m2, sur une pente de 10% orientée au nord. L'extension maximale du site n'a pu être reconnue, car elle déborde le tracé à l'est. L'occupation de " La Salaberdié " est plus modeste, puisqu'elle n'a livré que 5 structures évidentes, mais elle est néanmoins très complémentaire à tous points de vue. Localisée à environ 2 km au sud-sud/ouest de " La Vayssonnié ", ses structures ont été reconnues sur une surface d'environ 1000 m2 dans le flan méridional d'une petite colline. Le contexte des implantations est celui du " Ségala " tarnais, qui constitue l'un des contreforts de la bordure méridionale du Massif central, riches en gîtes cuprifères. Le cadre chrono-culturel concerné est le Chalcolithique stricto sensu, presque tout le Chalcolithique, puisque l'occupation de " La Vayssonnié " concerne une fourchette temporelle comprise entre 2600 à 2400, et celle de " La Salaberdié ", une fourchette un peu plus récente, comprise entre 2500 à 2300. Jusqu'à présent, l'occupation de cette région au Néolithique était surtout documentée à travers des grottes ou des dolmens, soit des milieux " ouverts " à vocation funéraire. Les habitats de " plein air " n'ont été remarqués et explorés qu'assez récemment. C'est le cas du site d'" En Guilhem " à Roquevidal (Valdeyron, Marchais 2002 ; Valdeyron et al. 2003) et d'" Al Claus " à Varen (Carozza, Burens, Laurens 1998). Ces deux gisements ont permis de documenter, d'une part les expressions domestiques du mobilier de la fin du Néolithique et, d'autre part, une métallurgie du cuivre assez précoce, dont l'ancienneté et le caractère complexe restaient néanmoins à préciser localement. Dans le cadre de la compréhension des sphères domestiques, artisanales et géologiques de la fin du Néolithique régional, la fouille des sites de " La Vayssonnié " et " La Salaberdié " constitue réellement un apport essentiel. Concernant l'organisation spatiale tout d'abord, si les sols et les structures de faible enfouissement font défauts, les 77 structures évidentes et les associations fonctionnelles qu'elles composent, forment une documentation variée, voire inédite. Ces structures constituent également autant d'ensembles clos qui ont notamment livré dont 42 formes partielles. Ces vases renvoient à une expression plutôt récente de la sphère vérazienne, mais les influences fontbuxiennes sont également bien perceptibles. On relève bien à priori quelques carences dans les mobiliers (nucléus, outillage en silex, os de faune), mais celles-ci semblent pourraient aussi être interprétées comme des biais relevant de la vocation fonctionnelle des occupations. En effet, l'abondance du macro-outillage, le grand nombre de fosses de type " silo " et l'important volume de palé-semences découvert (environ 300 000 individus), plaident plutôt en faveur d'une aire, ou tout au moins de zones très tournées vers le traitement des récoltes (stockage, grillage, broyage). Cependant, un des plus importants apports de ces fouilles demeure l'ensemble des informations liées à la métallurgie du cuivre, dont toute la fin de la chaîne opératoire est représentée avec les deux sites. Ainsi, les témoins se composent d'une petite structure de fusion originale, d'un bel exemplaire de galet à cupules et autres " broyons ", de nombreux résidus scoriacés, de fragments de " lingotières " et " tuyère " : ainsi que d'un dépôt d'objets totalement inédit. Ce dépôt concerne une grande hache plate associée à un beau collier composite d'un mètre de longueur, dont l'assemblage est très particulier. La hache a été intentionnellement fracturée en deux morceaux. Ces deux morceaux ont été disposés contre la paroi d'un petit surcreusement ménagé dans le fond d'une fosse. Le collier était disposé entre les deux, après avoir été soigneusement replié et enroulé dans un tissu ou un fragment de cuir, ce dernier présentant le volume d'un petit cylindre lors de la fouille. Le tout était dissimulé par le dépôt d'un vase particulier en position fonctionnelle. Enfin, ce vase recelait des restes charbonneux ainsi que des paléo-semences. Ce dépôt pourrait constituer une cache : un " trésor de cuivre ". Cependant, la nature des objets, ainsi que la mise en scène de leur association, nous font pencher pour un autre scénario.