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This document highlights that the Peruvian State took advantage of the pandemic as an opportunity to infringe upon the rights of indigenous peoples by accelerating the prior consultation processes in the mining sector, thus violating rights recognized in its own legislation and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court. The analysis of consultation processes (2020-2022) evidenced (I) lack of accessibility, as the State used legal Spanish in all process documents, despite the fact that in 77.7% of the communities, over 80% of the population had an indigenous language as their mother tongue; (II) lack of good faith, as 88% of the cases had stages shortened and the intercultural dialogue stage excluded; and (III) the failure to aim at reaching an agreement, using less time and recording only a matrix of agreements from one community.

Conflicts resulting from oil extractivism can be seen as ecological and cultural distribution conflicts, and have involved Latin American indigenous movements attached to their land and environments as providers of livelihood and cultural identity. In Ecuador, some have argued that this has become a 'standard narrative', essentializing the struggles of indigenous people. And the various agreements found historically between indigenous people and large companies operating in their territories seem to legitimize such criticism. But how to understand the choices of indigenous groups, with incommensurable needs, values, and claims, in the presence of extractive projects involving incommensurable local outcomes? Through an analysis of the different claims of indigenous people who voted in favor of oil extraction projects in their territories in the ITT fields of the Ecuadorian Amazon, I show how oil extraction coupled with 'social compensation' might create non-conflictive, but problematic situations, rather than conflicts. Indeed, the perception of an incommensurable loss, related to ecological and cultural difference, does not necessarily translate into opposition to mining or drilling. This is especially important in countries where the right to prior consultation could legitimize the expansion of oil activities in indigenous territories.

Extractive industries increasingly use compensation measures to silence opposition, divide communities and stop resistance. Cerrejón, Colombia's largest transnational coal mining corporation, has a long history of damaging Indigenous Wayúu, Afro-Colombian and local communities' health and livelihoods. In the northeastern Colombian region of La Guajira, local communities struggle against the social and environmental impacts of coal mining. This article, based on field research conducted between 2018-2019, concludes that corporate and state-backed consultation and compensation projects are incommensurable with the damage caused by the coal mining operations and are implemented as a corporate social technology that undermines community cohesion and reinforces a power imbalance, perpetuating and enabling the expansion of damaging coal mining practices in Colombia.

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Faced with a process of intense deagrarianization, the agrarian question in Mexico, the main social demand in the post-revolutionary years, has dwindled to the point of almost disappearing from the national public sphere. However, its importance resurfaces when it comes to implementing megaprojects in indigenous and marginal regions of the country. There, land tenure, generally of the ejido or communal type, brings back the agrarian question in its relation to socioeconomic development. In this paper we explore to what extent and in what sense a leftist and "post-neoliberal" federal government has promoted a change of approach in national agrarian policy. To this end, we contrast institutional discourses and practices directed at the agrarian sector, and identify social resistance to change in the Yucatan Peninsula, where the "Mayan Train", one of the regime's flagship megaprojects, is being implemented.