Search

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Douglass Greybill Adair’s influential interpretation, when James Madison was formulating his famous theses on the benefits of a large republic, he was influenced by his reading of David Hume’s essays. However, as far back as the 1980s, Edmund Morgan sharply criticized Adair, claiming that Madison had only been inspired by his political career and not by the reading of theoretical works. In addition, Morgan attempted to show that Hume’s and Madison’s theories of partisanship only give the appearance of being similar, while in reality they contradict one another. The intent of this article is to show that Morgan’s much discussed critique is based on a misleading interpretation of Hume’s theory, and that Madison truly found inspiration in his reading of the philosopher’s works. By analyzing not just Hume’s essays but other of his writings, the author also proves that this influence on Madison is much greater than the traditional interpretive literature has taken into account.

There can be no conclusive determining regarding true press freedom in Macau, and perhaps this statement can be applied elsewhere as well. Issues of self-censorship, partisanship, or cultural loyalty exist in cities and countries around the world, and most of the time there is simply no reliable measurement to determine their impact. The Special Administrative Region (SAR) of Macau is separate and distinct from mainland China, but that does not mean that it is entirely without question regarding its freedom of the press, ethical journalistic practices, and interference by non-authorized agencies at the three languages local newspapers.

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Cameroon, behind a press headline, a report, an interview, two main frames of interpretation of the news intersect, which this research highlights: the framing of "mapartism" favourable to linguistic (Anglophone/Francophone), ethnopolitical partisan interests, and the framing of the unified nation, favourable to the emergence of a Cameroonian nation turned towards republican ideals and the causes of national interests. How do these frameworks for interpreting current events appear? And what do they reveal about the functioning of socio-political and power issues in Cameroon? The problem posed here is that of the role of ethnotribal/regional and linguistic (Francophone/English-speaking) identities in the editorial orientation of press events in Cameroon. To answer this question, this study combines the analysis of press discourse and the sociology of the production of journalistic work in Cameroon. It puts into perspective the informative framing of newspapers through the designation of actors and events and their relationship to the devices of which they are the effect. Our corpus is composed of 158 articles taken from 5 Cameroonian newspapers published between 1 January and 30 June 2015 and 15 semi-comprehensive interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Insāniyāt / Revue Algérienne d'Anthropologie et de Sciences Sociales is the property of Centre de Recherche en Anthropologie Sociale et Culturelle (CRASC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A literary criticism is presented of then book "Les Défaitistes" by Louis Dumur. It calls political orientation to make Harald Arendsen the appointed representative of a partisan intention or inflection the denunciation of pacifism. It also mentions about pacifist campaign for building peace during World War 1.

Copyright of Pouvoirs is the property of Editions du Seuil and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pouvoirs is the property of Editions du Seuil and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication / Revista Română de Jurnalism şi Comunicare- RRJC is the property of Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le général de Gaulle, en instaurant en 1958 la Vème République, avait comme objectif central de mettre fin au « régime désastreux des partis ». La révision constitutionnelle de 1962 instaurant l'élection du président au suffrage universel représentait à ses yeux l'assurance que l'influence des partis politiques serait définitivement détruite. Paradoxalement, c'est cette modification qui, à la fois, a contraint les partis à s'adapter aux nouvelles institutions et leur a offert l'opportunité de revenir sur le devant de la scène politique. Le caractère mixte du régime, qui exige que le pouvoir exécutif dispose d'une majorité parlementaire pour fonctionner normalement, préservait également le rôle des partis politiques. Après le double échec du général de Gaulle et des partis issus de la République précédente, échec d'une république plébiscitaire pour le premier et échec de la résistance au régime pour le second, les partis, anciens et nouveaux, ont dû s'adapter à la double logique présidentielle et parlementaire, personnelle et partisane, du nouveau régime. Cet article se propose de montrer comment cette mue s'est effectuée et comment, après une période longue de bipolarisation gauche/droite et de multipartisme, deux partis, et deux seulement, ont pu devenir de véritables partis présidentiels et monopoliser pratiquement la représentation parlementaire et la présidence de la République. L'hypothèse posée ici est que graduellement, le système partisan s'est transformé dans le sens d'un bipartisme imparfait, UMP à droite et PS à gauche. La période 2006-2007 a encore accéléré cette évolution. Pour autant, si cette évolution paraît devoir se poursuivre, la fragilité relative des deux grands partis ne permet pas encore de la considérer comme définitive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Réseaux (07517971) is the property of Editions La Decouverte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Économie Régionale & urbaine is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politix is the property of De Boeck Universite and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When analyzing the involvement of external actors in revolutionary changes, the case of German political foundations leads us to broaden the time scale. Strongly embedded in the post-WW II institutional context, these foundations managed to develop strategies for partisan cooperation on various continents. Examining their involvement in central Europe before and after 1989 sheds light on relations between Western organizations and dissident movements. By focusing on how these foundations were embedded in German politics, we see that support for democracy abroad, far from being a consensual matter, could lead to conflicting interpretations at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented which discusses topics within the issue incluidng neutrality during the First World War, that of partisan commitment and the necessary prevalence.

Copyright of Swiss Journal of Sociology / Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Political Science Review is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The creation of the National Electoral Council (CNE) and the Electoral Court of Justice (TJE) in Honduras brought positive feelings and reservations at the same time. Months after the creation of both institutions, their authorities were appointed by agreement of the three majority political forces. The tensions within the CNE would mark its development until the general elections, in which there was progress at the level of the electoral authorities to move forward with the electoral process. Despite these efforts, partisan interests, and their interference in the institution´s autonomy were more visible, from the approval of the electoral law, until the stage of vote count before the declaration of the elections. The Electoral Observation Mission of the European Union emphasized that the interference of political parties in the management of the process continues to cause problems. Although this interference was eclipsed by the legitimacy obtained by the presidential election of Xiomara Castro, without electoral reforms and changes in the political culture that strengthen the autonomy of the institutions, future electoral processes with narrower results may cause new episodes of crisis and a decrease in citizen support for Honduran democracy.