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Based on ethnographic research conducted between 2019 and 2022, the article shows how the political system established by the government of Jair Bolsonaro has contributed to accelerating mining extraction and intensifying the grip of the sector. The intensification of extractivism in Brazil since 2019 is evident in a few emblematic cases of building new mines or expanding existing mines in Minas Gerais, a region particularly rich in minerals. To obtain environmental licenses, companies have developed various strategies to get the projects accepted by political leaders, local populations, and public actors. This article aims to analyze the plurality of entrepreneurial modes of action to accelerate mining exploitation under the favorable administration of a pro-mining government, whether through lobbying, repression, and threat, or the opportunistic use of a political system that is conciliatory towards market interests.

Despite the great economic importance of East Asia in Chile, Asianness tends to remain in a state of conditioned visibility and subject to discourses of otherness. This research studies the origins of the perspective on Asia expressed by Chilean traders and politicians from the saltpeter boom in Chile until the year before the outbreak of the US-Japan war. Informed by sources found in Chilean repositories, we identify that Chilean economic and diplomatic actors explored and got to know Asian markets and societies, reflecting pragmatism in seeking economic benefits in the relationship and at the same time an ambivalence in the cultural and political valuation given to the new trading partners.

Copyright of Études Inuit Studies is the property of Centre interuniversitaire d'etudes et de recherches autochtones (CIERA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'études Autochtones is the property of Recherches Amerindiennes au Quebec and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article propose d’explorer les relations entre les gouvernements, l’industrie minière et les Autochtones lors de la crise sanitaire de la COVID-19 au Canada afin d’identifier quelle est la place accordée aux préoccupations autochtones dans le discours des entreprises et des gouvernements durant les premiers mois de la pandémie de la COVID-19. Les positions des acteurs et les cadres discursifs qu’ils ont déployés au cours de l’année 2020 ont été identifiés et analysés à travers une revue de littérature narrative. Les résultats de cette analyse suggèrent la formation d’une coalition discursive entre les gouvernements et l’industrie minière lui permettant de se placer en acteur incontournable de la relance économique ; et la marginalisation relative des revendications et perspectives autochtones.

The "mining renewal" policy in metropolitan France, which emerged in the 2010s, encountered fierce critics. They live on the rising power of territorial and environmental mobilizations, leaving industrial and developing projects governance short of breath. Defined as a problem of social acceptance by the major actors supporting mining renewal, they lead the latter to implement tools for governing its critics. This article studies three of these tools (participative, sociometric, communicational) and their underlying frames of reference : environment and territory. The participative tool's failure shed a light on the incompatibility between civil society's stances on one side, and administrative and productive actors on the other side, leading to the persistence of corporatist reasoning in mineral resources' governance. The increasingly fine apprehensions of territory and the world's social diversity carried out by sociometric tools have also proved insufficient for a better acceptance of mining projects. If the communicational tools' effect need time to be fully grasped, one can speculate their feeble impact on mining renewal contestations, because of their particularities. Thus, tools for critic's government do not declare war on the mining industry's underlying economic (capitalist and extractivist) paradigm, while critics profoundly call extractivism into question (as an economic model based on resource extraction and as a political regime resting on the hoarding of common goods). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les vives contestations rencontrées par la politique de renouveau minier en France métropolitaine s’inscrivent dans la montée en puissance des mobilisations territoriales et environnementales, témoin de l’essoufflement de la gouvernance des projets industriels et d’aménagement. Définies comme un problème d’acceptabilité sociale, elles ont mené les acteurs de cette politique à la mise en place d’instruments destinés à gouverner les critiques qui lui sont adressées. Cet article analyse trois de ces types d’instruments (participatif, sociométrique, communicationnel) et met en lumière les référentiels sous-jacents qui en émergent : le territoire et l’environnement. L’échec des instruments participatifs met à jour l’inconciliabilité des positionnements entre la société civile d’une part, puis les acteurs administratifs et productifs d’autre part, et mène à la persistance des logiques néocorporatistes dans la gouvernance des ressources minérales. L’appréhension de plus en plus fine du territoire et de la diversité du monde social qu’opèrent les instruments sociométriques s’est également révélée insuffisante pour la meilleure acception des projets miniers. Si les effets des instruments communicationnels nécessitent quant à eux d’être appréhendés dans le temps long, on peut spéculer sur leur faible impact sur les contestations du renouveau minier, du fait de leurs particularités. Ainsi, les instruments de gouvernement de la critique ne s’attaquent pas au paradigme économique (capitaliste et extractiviste) qui sous-tend l’industrie minière, tandis que les critiques sont justement fondées sur la remise en cause profonde de l’extractivisme (en tant que modèle économique basé sur l’extraction des ressources et en tant que régime politique d’accaparement des biens communs).

The mining industry in Tuscany nationally played a key socioeconomic role during the two world wars and had a really crucial importance for energetic supplying. Basing on this significant case study and analyzing several disputes, the essay tackles the issue of the mining work during the war emergencies of 1915-18 and 1939-45, focusing particularly on the organization of the production, the recruitment and the discipline in the different industrial mobilizations, the contracts, the wages, the healthiness and the work conditions, the German occupation and the partisan management of the mining sites.

The rise in ore demand over the last two decades has fostered the opening of several mines in northern Quebec and Labrador. As a result, many new mining sites have emerged, in addition to the Hydro-Québec dams. The previous mining booms had led to the creation of small towns. However, the practice of fly-in/fly-out has replaced the building of settlement by residential compounds. The worker’s daily life is divided into two worlds, mobility allowing a new way of life which may lead to social impacts. This trend is increase by the advent of telecommunications technology. The purpose of this research is to study representations among workers involved in this labour-management system, using a survey and interviews. The results show many representations of the North, intertwining positive and negative dimensions.

At a time where State borders seem to disappear under the weight of free trade treaties, the border between Quebec and Labrador raises various issues and challenges for the development of Northern Quebec and Labrador itself. Erected in 1927, following the jugment of the London Private Council, this interprovincial boundary is partly contested by the Government of Quebec. In addition, it remains « the only Interstate border in the Americas not being clearly delineated on the ground by any physical element ». This situation is problematic insofar as the huge mineral deposit of the Labrador trough ends up straddling the border. Despite the interconnection of road and rail networks as well as the free movement of goods and persons, the border introduces the coexistence of two different legal and fiscal regimes. The border sectors of Schefferville-Menihek, Labrador-City―Fermont and Blanc-Sablon―L’Anse-au-clair live the daily consequences of geopolitics. In this context, our paper aims to discuss the effects of the existence of this border on the development of resources and the people of the North. Is this a line largely imaginary having little impact on the lives of the citizens and the practices of institutions and the companies? On the contrary, can we identify commercial leak or tax avoidance strategies of socio-economic agents? In general, can we describe the land border between Quebec and Newfoundland-and-Labrador as being a serious limit to an integrated regional development policy in the North of the Quebec-Labrador peninsula? We have tried to answer these questions using the field visits and interviews with local actors. Our results illustrate a complex reality made as much exchanges, partnerships that competition and duplication of services.

During the Postwar Era, Sardinia was interested by the decline of its most important economic activity: the mining industry. Public investiments for industrial convertion and integration were oriented to a polarized, petroleum based development model, just like the general politics in Italian’s economy. The result was the creation of an unitegrated industry and the depletion of mines, in the general deficit of state-owned societies.

Copyright of VertigO is the property of La Revue Electronique en Sciences de l'Environnement VertigO and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Driven by rapid economic growth, China’s demand for iron ore has significantly increased over the past thirty years. The rise of the Chinese economy, China’s political statement at the world stage, and its diplomatic resources strategy perceived as aggressive, contributed to develop a negative perception of China among the population of Canada. Does China, through its companies, wants to get its hands on the mineral resources of the Canadian Arctic? This article aims to determine the importance of Canada's Arctic territory for Chinese companies in the iron and steel sector, in their global iron ore supply strategies.

The map of Quebec show a vast peninsula of more than 1,6 million km2. However, the northern territories, successively called Ungava, New Quebec and North-of-Quebec, belong to that Canadian province since 1912. From a Quebecer point of view, the process of integration of these vast spaces sparsely inhabited by Inuit and First nation people was carried out late in history. Besides, the economic cycles related to the mining industry seem to deeply affect the development of these northern regions. Thus, stagnation and decline succeed periods of massive investments, which bring the installation of large facilities, megastructures and some human settlements. Fermont is one of these towns affected by economic cycles. That unique town was designed by the architect-planner Norbert Schoenauer, in 1972. It expresses a desire to adapt northern settlements to the cold climates. This paper aims at taking stock of this frontier town, forty years after its creation. We will address the issue of long-term development and resiliency of isolated mining communities in the context of the Quebec government renewed interest toward northern territories.