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Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Troubles in Northern Ireland, particularly between the end of the 1970s and the beginning of the 1980s, the urban landscape of certain Catholic districts took on the colours of the Palestinian flag. Whether painted on murals, hung on buildings or waved at demonstrations, the flags reflected an identification with the Palestinian cause that, like the Northern Ireland conflict, was read through the prism of the colonial question and partition. In addition, the experiences of incarceration, administrative detention and hunger strike provided fertile ground for transnational solidarity links to flourish between certain armed groups such as the Irish Republican Army or the Irish National Liberation Army and the Palestine Liberation Organisation. These links of solidarity between certain Northern Irish republican factions and certain Palestinian organisations took the form of exchanges of weapons, ammunition and knowledge of explosives. Much later, in the early 2000s, after the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and the start of the second Intifada, Palestinian flags once again made a very visible appearance at republican demonstrations, such as the annual Bloody Sunday commemorations. Israeli flags also appeared in some Protestant neighbourhoods in Northern Ireland, notably on the initiative of the Ulster Defence Association, highlighting a discourse based on the obsidional mentality of the Unionist community, and often nourished by religious beliefs. While peace was signed in Northern Ireland, and the violence gradually subsided, the conflict shifted to the symbolic level, suggesting that the reconciliation process was not entirely successful. Through a study of primary sources (interviews, activist press, grey literature, general press) this essay sheds light on the origins of the republican identification with the Palestinian cause, its implications and its use by the Sinn Féin republican party for pragmatic purposes. It also looks at unionist demonstrations in support of Israel, trying to identify political and religious affinities. This support for the belligerents in the Middle East conflict allows us to question the unfinished nature of the peace process in Northern Ireland, and the divisions that persist « in hearts and minds », in the words of John Hume.

Malcolm Chase’s magisterial 1820: Disorder and Stability in the United Kingdom provided a powerful and richly contextualised account of the complex interactions of high and popular politics in a year of crisis. This article explores the ways in which conspiracy had been a key component of the politics of both governors and governed over the preceding decade and examines its rhetorical and tactical uses by radicals and by ministers. It ends by suggesting that 1820 may have been the high-water mark of conspiracy in British politics–another way in which the crucial period between the Peterloo massacre and the Queen Caroline crisis was an important turning point.

It would be difficult to imagine the events of World War I and at the same time overlook the importance of propaganda. In all areas of conflict, the period between 1914 and 1918 saw the circulation of numerous and convincing narratives regarding the stakes of the war. The belligerent states resorted to all the instruments likely to generate a mobilizing discourse that would vibrantly justify the participation in the war and make citizens identify with the national interests. However, when in a multiethnic state such as the Dual Monarchy Vasile Mangra (1850-1918), a metropolitan bishop belonging to a religious and ethnic minority assumes the prerogatives of a state agent and plays an essential role in the war propaganda, the analysis of such a phenomenon comes to include rather surprising levels of investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Spence’s connections with contemporary authors and political activists. It considers Spence’s relationship with the notable political reformer and fellow London Corresponding Society member Daniel Isaac Eaton (1753-1814), the evangelical conservative Hannah More (1745-1833), and the Newcastle engraver and publisher Ralph Beilby (1744-1817). Firstly, by considering the under-examined literary networks that connected Spence and Eaton in the metropolitan world of 1790s radicalism this article draws attention to the similar design and publication of Spence’s One Pennyworth of Pig’s Meat ; or, Lessons for the Swinish Multitude (1793-1795) and Eaton’s Hog’s Wash, or a Salmagundy for Swine, (1793-1795). These works are read alongside evidence of a professional and literary relationship that connected the two authors. Additionally, this article outlines Spence’s relationship with Ralph Beilby, a figure who helped Spence create the unique typeface for his Grand Repository of the English Language (1775). Next, the article explores the literary network that connected Beilby and Hannah More through the distribution of the Cheap Repository Tracts (1795). Lastly, there is a consideration of the striking correspondences that exist between Spence and Hannah More, not only through their professional connection to Beilby, but also between their popular political works which aimed at a broad labouring class audience.

This article inquires about the way as in 1808 the news arrived at the Viceroyalty of New Granada on the political events of the Peninsula. This way one looks for to show an important facet of the beginnings of the political alteration of a society that in a moment was moving in one of the most radical revolutions of Hispanic America. And although in this year the vassals faithful of the New Granada followed whereas clause of the king of Spain, in the news that circulated in viceroyalty, or rather in the confusion that they began to demonstrate, they appeared nonexistent feelings until then: the doubt and the distrust towards a form of government characterized by the stability and the certainty.

Résumé À partir du cas du judo féminin de haut niveau, l’étude du fonctionnement concret de l’institution sportive donne à voir les effets de mécanismes de production du loyalisme. Elle montre comment, au terme d’un parcours d’intégration mêlant enchantement, confinement et désenchantement, l’institution est incorporée par les athlètes de haut niveau. Or, le développement contemporain d’un système d’indexation de la performance tendant à ne valoriser que les leaders de la hiérarchie sportive affecte l’évolution des dispositions individuelles au loyalisme. Ses effets modifient le climat général des relations entre athlètes au point d’y introduire des lignes de clivage sapant une partie des fondements de l’attachement à l’organisation de production de la performance sportive. De la sorte, les dispositions initiales au loyalisme en partie façonnées par l’institution fédérale sont par la suite subverties par la production de dichotomies internes à la communauté de pratiquantes. Un redéploiement des loyautés engendre un nouvel équilibre où le « double-je » des acteurs vise la prolongation d’une situation d’apesanteur sociale. Les sportives se réapproprient en fait les codes de la loyauté envers l’institution fédérale en les adaptant selon les publics et les situations. En montrant cela, l’analyse prend à revers les perspectives qui décrivent sous un angle homogène le modelage institutionnel. Drawing on the case of high-level women's judo, this study of the practical operation of the sports institution shows the effects of loyalism generating mechanisms. It shows how, at the end of a process of integration that combines enchantment, containment and disillusionment, the institution is internalised by high-level athletes. However, the modern development of a performance ranking system that tends to value only leaders in the sports hierarchy is affecting the development of individual dispositions to loyalism. Its effects modify the general climate of relations between athletes, to the point that it introduces faultlines into some of the foundations of the attachment of the organisation that produces sports performance. In this way, the initial dispositions to loyalism partly shaped by the federal institution are subsequently subverted by the production of dichotomies within the practitioner community. A restructuring of loyalties produces a new balance in which the “ dual self ” of the actors seeks to prolong a situation of social zero-gravity. In fact, athletes reappropriate the codes of loyalty towards the federal institution, while adapting them to people and contexts. In showing this, the analysis reverses the perspectives that describe the institutional modelling from a uniform angle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian National War Memorial was designed by Edwin Lutyens and raised in 1938 on the site of the battle of Villers-Bretonneux in the Somme in France. This article examines the design and opening of the memorial in terms of how it raises the question of imperial belonging in the inter-war years. Through a discussion of the tradition of pro patria mori understood as imperial duty, as well as an examination of the debate between loyalism and emerging nationalism in Australia, the article seeks to elucidate what is so often forgotten in popular Anzac nationalism, namely, that it is associated with Dominion identity.