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Human rights and freedoms are the goal of every legal and constitutional.organization, and governments have only existed The human being has the right to the protection of his rights and freedomsHuman rights are an internal matter, but they have subsequently been taken to universality and taken into account The so-called international human rights law has been established and, as a result, has become a constraint on sovereignty States have moved from declaration to obligation after the adoption of the two International Covenants and became human rights. Human rights reflected on the performance of the United Nations in the development of its basic organs or contributed to the development of the competence of the Security Council and the exercise of broader functions that deepen the function of preserving international safety and security such as the competence of humanitarian intervention, the dispatch of peace forces to areas of tension and conflict reduction, and the activation of the criminal jurisdiction of the UN Security Council And to acquire competencies from the International Criminal Court and its role in the promotion and protection of human rights.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 423-442 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The legal principles governing EU coordination in international law-making fora: a weakness or a strength of Member States' external sovereignty? – III. The case of the Maritime Labour Convention: the journey of human rights from the EU to China via international law. – III.1. The Conven-tion and the EU's role in its elaboration. – III.2. The EU's rationale for uploading human rights standards into international law: a rights-oriented approach. – III.3. The impact of the Maritime Labour Conven-tion in China. – IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article presents two arguments and explores the relationship between them. First, the principles governing coordination between the EU and its Member States in multilateral fora (mainly, sincere co-operation and unity in the EU's representation) serve to increase the Member States' influence in inter-national law-making. Thus, there is a trade-off between the autonomy of Member States to determine their own positions in multilateral fora, and their capacity to influence such fora: the lesser the former, the greater the latter. Second, such an influence can be used by the EU and its Member States to pro-mote human rights laws abroad, “uploading” high standards into multilateral treaties, which are subse-quently “downloaded” by third states through ratification and implementation. Therefore, there is a link between the mentioned EU external relations law principles (which are a “condition” for a success-ful promotion) and the obligation to promote values set in arts 3(5) and 21 TEU (which provides the “direction” of the promotion). Consequently, when Member States complain about excessive EU intru-sion into their autonomy through common positions in multilateral fora, they should bear in mind that they are not only bound by the above-mentioned legal principles, but that their obligation to promote certain values abroad is also at stake. The case of the EU's influence on the Maritime Labour Conven-tion and its impact on Chinese law and policy is used to illustrate the arguments.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 367-376 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. The state(hood) of the Union. – II. The EU as a state in international agreements. – III. The EU as a state under the 1969 Vienna Convention. – IV. The EU as a state in international dispute settlement. – V. Degrees of statehood? | (Abstract) There is one thing that lawyers - from both European Union and international law perspectives – can agree on: the EU is not a state. Yet the EU is now treated as a state-like entity in a variety of legal settings. Through concluding and participating in international treaties, through the CJEU interpreting and applying international agreements; and through dispute settlement bodies accepting the multiple nature of EU law, the Union now presents challenges to international law. This contribution argues that a conception of sovereignty as a functional and relational concept, rather than absolute and indivisible, would allow the Union to be accepted as a state for certain purposes in international law. The term “state” in international agreements could be interpreted to include legal persons, such as the Union, exercising degrees of statehood. If the EU continues to be regarded as a state-like entity, there will be a growing case for legal consequences to flow from this. Rather than speaking of the Union’s indeterminate or dual character in international law, it should be regarded as exercising degrees of statehood.

The Polish medieval theory of the law of nations (ius gentium) was born in the nation’s conflict with the Order of Teutonic Knights, which pursued a bloody military expansion into Eastern Europe under the pretext of converting pagans, invoking the ideology of a holy war to justify its aggressive actions. The scholars of Kraków defended not just the Polish raison d’état, but also the rights of other non-Christian peoples who were also the subject of Teutonic aggression (Lithuanians, Samogitians, and Ruthenians). Paulus Vladimiri (Paweł Włodkowic), the main founder of ius gentium, in his method argued from several levels: the legal, theological, and philosophical, thus defending basic human rights: the rights to life, freedom, equality, tolerance, and the independence of nations. Vladimiri poses a fundamental question: who is a neighbor? He states that a neighbor is every human being, not only Christians, with this, in the context of the conflict with the Teutonic Order, showing the obvious contradiction of the Order’s actions with the injunction to love one’s neighbor. Vladimiri stood consistently on the grounds of the Christian religion, from which he drew the principles of the dignity of every human being, the freedom of the will, and one’s duty to love their neighbor, invoking, inter alia, the words of St. Paul in Corinthians (13, 2) and Galatians (5, 6; 5, 14). Vladimiri used a passage from the Letter to the Galatians (5, 19-21) to demonstrate the Teutonic Order’s misappropriation of the Christian faith, for “faith cannot be useful without love.” In this context, love (caritas) appears as a political virtue in the sense of self-giving, which is reflected in the vocation of the person realised in relation to others and which serves as the root and condition for the peaceful union of different nations.

The text discusses the theory of the just war, which was formed in the tradition of Western political thought and reflected in the institutional structure of international relations that emerged after the Second World War. The six principles of jus ad bellum, which are generally held to be the key principles of just war theory, are discussed first. It transpires that these principles were formulated on the basis of the experience of classic military conflicts between sovereign states. The possibility of their revision is then discussed in connection with the new types of military conflicts that have emerged in the meantime, whether this is the wars that occurred in the last century during decolonization, the more recent war on terrorism, or the various hybrid conflicts of the present-day.

The paper aims to point out and assess the mechanism of methodological transformation of the concept of conflict of laws. Within this mechanism, the conflict of laws does not pendulate anymore between the methodologies of multilateralism and unilateralism. Such mechanism suggests that nowadays the multilateralism survives owing to unilateralism itself. This idea is moving in between national legal orders, international legal order and quasi federal legal order of European Union, on the one side, and sets in motion the concept of „overriding or internationally mandatory rules”, on the other side. Our conclusion suggests that nowadays scholars acquired truly on the move identities. Such identities allow them a truly evolutive conceptualisation.

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(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1495-1511 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The identity of the EU and European values. – III. A constitutional moment: becoming a member of the EU. – IV. The principle of autonomy and the wider world. – V. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) This epilogue rejects the idea that the principle of autonomy is an end in itself or a tool for judicial self-empowerment. On the contrary, we support the contention that that principle serves first and foremost as a means of promoting and protecting the values on which the EU is founded. In so doing, that principle also contributes to defining the identity of the EU as a common legal order. Compliance with those values does not mean that the Member States must adopt a specific constitutional model. Instead, those values limit themselves to providing a framework of reference within which the Member States may make their own constitutional choices. Finally, it is submitted that in times when authoritarian tendencies are on the rise, the principle of autonomy allows the EU to operate as a beacon of freedom, democracy and justice for the wider world.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1333-1359 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The law of integration. – II.1. The summa divisio of the modern law and the autonomous “sphere of intervention”. – II.2. The concept of law-making treaty and the search for a European constitution. – II.3. Jürgen Habermas and the revision of Kant’s cosmopolitan right. – III. The law of intervention. – III.1. Two faces. – III.2. The concept of intervention treaty. – III.3. Post-war Europe. – IV. Joseph Weiler and the political messianism in EU law. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) In this Article, the EU Treaties which establish a new and autonomous legal order are analysed through the lens of Pierre Pescatore’s qualification of their operating sphere as “sphere of intervention”. Combining Jürgen Habermas' revision of Kant's concept of cosmopolitan law and Joseph Weiler's thesis on the messianic impact of the European integration process, a concept of international treaty is presented that is suitable for a proper analysis of the transformative character of the EU Treaties and the Common Market as such a "sphere of intervention”. Highlighting implications of the theory of international treaty, legal philosophy and messianism, the concept of the European autonomous legal order, endowed with direct effect and supremacy, shall be proven to be the historical answer to the aporias of classical international law and to the totalitarian abuse of the law in the fascist regimes in Europe in the first half of the 20th century – not only on a symbolical level but also on the level of the concrete legal structure of the European integration process. The general aim of this Article is therefore to contribute to the debate about the nature of the EU Treaties as constituting an autonomous legal order from an international law perspective by identifying a type of international treaty suitable to explain the special character of a legal order that is identical neither with international nor with domestic law, but rather constituting a realm in-between the former and showing an independent legal standing in itself.

This paper investigates the recent option regarding the right not to use the internet, establishing direct connections with related rights. In the era of digital connectivity, we observe how, at the heart of shaping societal dynamics, the concept of an individual's right to abstain from online participation raises fundamental questions regarding legal and ethical aspects. The article critically analyses some theoretical considerations and the legal implications associated with the right not to use the internet. The line pursued involves a detailed examination of potential intersections and similarities with the more well-defined right to refuse education. Through a comparative approach, not necessarily targeting specific population samples, the analysis traverses legal systems, international human rights standards, and tested societal norms. The aim of this endeavor is to learn some lessons from the synergies and tensions between these rights. The boundaries of individual autonomy, privacy, and access to information represent the focal point where the state and the individual must now find a balanced solution together. Questo articolo indaga la recente opzione relativa al diritto a non utilizzare Internet, stabilendo connessioni dirette con i diritti connessi. Nell'era della connettività digitale, osserviamo come, al centro delle dinamiche sociali, il concetto di diritto individuale ad astenersi dalla partecipazione online sollevi questioni fondamentali riguardanti aspetti legali ed etici. L'articolo analizza criticamente alcune considerazioni teoriche e le implicazioni legali associate al diritto a non utilizzare Internet. La linea adottata prevede un esame dettagliato delle potenziali intersezioni e similitudini con il diritto a rifiutare l'istruzione, tema maggiormente trattato. Attraverso un approccio comparativo, non necessariamente rivolto a campioni specifici di popolazione, l'analisi attraversa i sistemi giuridici, gli standard internazionali dei diritti umani e le norme sociali testate. Lo scopo di questo elaborato è quello di trarre alcuni insegnamenti dalle sinergie e dalle tensioni tra questi diritti. I confini dell'autonomia individuale, della privacy e dell'accesso alle informazioni rappresentano il punto focale in cui lo Stato e l'individuo devono trovare insieme una soluzione equilibrata.

The purpose of this essay/editorial - closed on 8 January 2024 - is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that has lasted at least seventy-five years, with the creation of the state of Israel, the first Arab-Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self-defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern - war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide -, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context.This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary-General.In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, there are also briefly discussed the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six-Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two-State solution.The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRA EN GAZA Y EL CONFLICTO PALESTINO-ISRAELÍ: UN PUNTO DE INFLEXIÓN EN MEDIO DE UN CICLO SIN FIN DE VIOLENCIA El objeto de este ensayo/editorial -que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024- es el de formular de la manera más completa posible -aunque resulte necesariamente provisional- una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino-israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe-israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico-internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico-internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional -crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio-, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino-israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico-político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución bieestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial - qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 - est de formuler aussi complètement que possible - bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire - une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino-israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante-quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo-arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico-internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies.À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale - crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide -, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico-politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

El objeto de este ensayo/editorial –que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024– es el de formular de la manera más completa posible –aunque resulte necesariamente provisional– una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino–israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe–israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico–internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico–internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional –crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio–, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino–israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico–político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución biestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. THE WAR IN GAZA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: A TURNING POINT IN THE MIDST OF AN ENDLESS CYCLE OF VIOLENCE The purpose of this essay/editorial – closed on 8 January 2024 – is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Palestinian– Israeli conflict that has lasted at least seventy–five years, with the creation of the State of Israel, the first Arab–Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self–defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide –, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context. This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary–General. In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six–Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two–State solution, are also briefly discussed. The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial – qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 – est de formuler aussi complètement que possible – bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire – une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino–israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante–quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo–arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico–internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies. À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale – crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide –, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico–politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

A value system is a complex of value orientations and meanings that have their roots in the outside world. For military students, international humanitarian law is an important part of personal value system. These norms shape the environment for quasi-professional and academic activities of future military lawyers and officers. International humanitarian legal norms regulate certain social relations, thus entering the sphere of subjective activity and acquiring positive significance. As a result, they become part of an officer’s personality. International legal acts are a quintessence of humanistic principles, goals, and ideas. In this respect, they are an objective source of universal human values and meanings. Hence, they characterize an officer as an intellectual. If introduced into military education curriculum, international humanitarian law could facilitate the development of personal values in future officers and military lawyers. To verify this hypothesis, the authors applied standard research methods to legal documents, as well as conducted a psychological and pedagogical experiment. They identified, systematized, and classified the values and meanings concentrated in the international legal acts of humanitarian law. The military students that studied the international humanitarian law respected traditions and valued security; they were more independent and achievement-oriented, as well as demonstrated a much higher level of communicative and organizational skills than the control group. Therefore, international humanitarian law proved to have a great potential for developing personality values in future officers as part of military education.

The line between peace and war, war and peace is extremely narrow and rarely stable. There are many reasons for the continuing instability in Africa. For several decades, issues of sustainable peace and security have been at the heart of the major debates on the international scene. Many of Africa’s still-developing States are heavily affected by the horrors of armed conflicts. Despite the efforts made, it is becoming increasingly difficult for weapons to be silenced for good on this continent, leaving a sad landscape of human rights violations in their wake. While the work of the ad hoc international criminal tribunals has had a positive impact, leading to the establishment of the International Criminal Court in 2002, its balance sheet is mixed. This is one of the reasons why the African Union decided in June 2014 to adopt in Malabo Protocole.. The latter allows Africa to have control over the punishment of the international crimes they are regularly faced with. Although the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, future unique Court since it is not yet effective, there is a glimmer of hope for restoring Africa to its former golden and shining face that was not tarnished by the atrocities of war.

The Jesuit philosopher and theologian, Francisco Suárez (1548–1617), believed the common rational nature of all human beings provides the foundation for both the natural law and international law. He also believed that the human race has a certain unity supported by the principles of mutual love and mercy. This article shows how the unity of the human race and the theological virtue of charity provide a basis for Suárez’s notion of international law. The article situates Suárez within the Catholic tradition of Aquinas and Vitoria, and it distinguishes between the natural law and the law of nations. The final part of the article shows how Suárez’s principles of human unity, charity, and fraternity are affirmed by recent popes.

This contribution analyzes the strategies of resistance led by Indigenous women from the Americas on the United Nations stage, with a particular focus on their forms of participation, their claims, and their demands for rights. In a context where they have long been marginalized in international discussions, it raises the question of how international law can contribute to the emancipation of a social group assigned to a subaltern position like Indigenous women of the Americas. More broadly, this raises the issue of the recognition of pluralism and the adoption of an intercultural approach based on non-domination. This contribution seeks to understand how Indigenous women from the Americas have mobilized to defend their rights within the UN system, and the ways in which they participate in the evolution of international norms and practices through their counter-discourses and counter-practices. Drawing on contributions from subaltern studies and Indigenous studies, this article explores, more specifically, the collective and transcontinental strategies led by Indigenous women representatives and activists from the Americas, and examines their participation in relevant spaces of the United Nations.

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(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(1), 77-80 | European Forum Highlight of 16 May 2023 | (Abstract) The contribution examines the impact of language in European legal studies on the discursive exchange with research on inter- and transnational law. It explores the interaction between a linguistic limitation of academic discourse and the distinction of European research from the international and transnational research.

This article shows how women moved on an international level to work for equal rights for women in a long-time perspective with a focus on the interwar time and while doing so, started to define the terms of “equal rights” and later “human rights” for themselves as well as in international law. In fact, “equal rights” did not mean the same to women as the debates related to the League of Nations and later the UN and the strategies show. Thus, the international women’s movement followed different approaches to gain equal rights and split apart in the attempt. When in 1945 the Preamble of the Charter of the UN finally stated “equal rights of men and women”, women realized that the goal they reached was only the first step to start anew to exactly define what equality rights meant for women.

The country of origin principle can be contemplated in the light of the scholars’ debates relating to the rise or fall of the conflict of laws concept. This paper is an invitation to scholars to assess the notion of ‘comity’ as a genuine premise of the mutual recognition principle. The said notion reminds us all that international law and the conflict of laws are twin instruments; these instruments are conceptually designed to manage the transnational realities from nowadays. The nation-States, regional organizations of (economic) integration, international organizations, private actors are learning again how to exercise the notion of ‘comity’.

The study aims to highlight the role of feminist movements in supporting woman’s political rights through their ideas and activism directed towards her, since their inception in many European and American countries, beside the transmission of their waves to the Arab and Islamic countries in which the activities of these movements began early, and the latter played an important supportive role for woman’s social, political and cultural concerns, even though they oppose traditions and customs of those countries, these movements believe that religion is one of the main reasons that led to underdevelopment of women and the loss of their rights in general and their political ones in particular. Meanwhile the Arabic and Islamic feminist movements were working to support woman and her rights based on their vision and values, they went through many different phases, because they aimed to reach decision-making positions so they impose their values that support woman's rights. And it helped in that, the involvement of some Arab and Islamic regimes, along with the formulation of international, regional organizations and global covenants for a clear vision in which the political rights of women are enshrined, and states are required to take the necessary measures to support these rights

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(1), 85-87 | European Forum Highlight of 16 May 2023 | (Abstract) This Highlight argues that claims of the existence of a Community of Law, a Union of Law or an Area of Law with respect to the European Union would also require a unified scientific community. Several reasons why such common scientific space is wanting are discussed and some solutions for betterment are offered, with an optimistic outlook.

The 1889 International Penal Treaty of Montevideo created international asylum law in South America. This article explores the historical memory of South American asylum law, in part hidden behind an image of the region as one producing exile and the rise of the European regime since the interwar period. It is, however, its own particular tradition of asylum, linked to the recognition of diplomatic asylum and the importance of exile in the political order of the region, which translated into its early and sustained codification as a category of international law, which was extended to all of Latin America in the 20th century.

Soykırım suçunun uluslararası hukukta kabul edilen tanımı çerçevesinde, ulusal, etnik, ırksal veya dini bir grubu “tamamen veya kısmen yok etme kastı” şeklinde ortaya çıkan suçun manevi unsuru (mens rea), diğer unsurlardan bir adım öne çıkmaktadır. Zira manevi unsur, soykırım suçunun adam öldürme suçundan veya insanlığa karşı suçlar altında incelenebilecek diğer suçlardan ayrılmasını sağlayan öğesidir. Bu öneminden dolayıdır ki; öğretide soykırım suçu “mens rea suçu” olarak da anılmaktadır. Bununla birlikte manevi unsurun somut olayda ispat edilmesi; failin suç işlediği sırada taşıdığı amacın, diğer bir deyişle zihinsel durumunun, ortaya konulmasını gerektirdiğinden çoğu zaman son derece güçtür. Buna ek olarak, niteliği gereği belli bir organizasyon ve belli bir yapılanma dahilinde her seviyeden failin katılımını gerektiren soykırım suçu açısından, ilgili failin taşıması gereken grubu yok etme kastının içerik ve yoğunluğu da bu fail için kabul edilecek standart bakımından manevi unsurun yorumlanmasını gerektirmekte olup, uygulama ve öğretide bu konuda çeşitli yaklaşımlar ortaya konulmuştur. Bu çalışmada, soykırım suçunun şüphesiz en ayırıcı özelliği olan manevi unsura ve bu unsurun yorumlanmasına dair yaklaşımlara uluslararası hukuk bağlamında daha yakından bakılmıştır.

This article analyzes the philosophy of international law of the Second, or Modern Scholasticism. The author of the article concentrates on the just war theory mainly developed by Francisco de Vitoria and Francisco Suarez. The objectives of the article are to clarify and classify the main principles of the above-mentioned theory as well as to grasp its relevance nowadays. In order to achieve these objectives doxographical, analytical as well as hermeneutical methods are applied. Based on them, the principles and rules of just war are divided into two fundamental types. The article comes to conclusion that these types correspond to the parts of contemporary just war theory entitled as jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Another significant conclusion is that the vast majority of the principles of just war presented in Modern Scholasticism (e.g. just cause of the war, adversary’s warning of intended offensive actions, the inviolability of ambassadors and peaceful population, prohibition on killing prisoners of war and hostages, the compliance of reparations with the damage caused before and during the war, the illegality of religious and confessional wars) are also relevant nowadays.

Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Études Caribéennes is the property of Etudes Caribeennes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article contains a legal interpretation of relevant international human rights law provisions relating to voting rights of persons with disabilities. The focus is on a comprehensive interpretation of Article 29(a) of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD), which provides for the right to political participation for persons with disabilities. This interpretation is based on the application of the rules of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (Articles 31 and 32). The overall aim of this article is to identify and analyse the legal obligations of Colombia under Article 29(a) of the CRPD regarding the introduction of new technologies for the exercise of the right to vote for persons with disabilities, including screen readers, electronic voting systems equipped with magnification devices, and tactile ballots. The analysis of these commitments presented here may serve as a guide to assess the Colombian State’s compliance with international human rights law, for example through the recent electoral reform project, including the amendment of the National Electoral Law (Legislative Decree 141 of 2022), as provided for by Legislative Decree 2241 of 1986. Reform of Colombia’s electoral law must ensure that people with disabilities have access to accessible voting materials, can vote secretly and independently, and can freely express their political opinions, in accordance with article 29(a) of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

If the 18th century is characterized by the importance of the notion of tolerance, the law of peace is also a central concept there. Moreover, during the Enlightenment, the idea of the need to respect humanity in times of war emerged, which would later constitute the foundation of humanitarian law. In this context is also placed the literary production of Pietro Tamburini (1737-1827), a Jansenist abbot of Brescia and professor of law in Pavia. He was strongly influenced by the theories of natural law and by the authors of the École romande du droit naturel. However, the work of Tamburini constitutes a contribution hitherto ignored on the theme of peace.

The economic siege imposed by the U.S. government on the Cuban State has placed circumstances of permanent exceptionality in front of the international community. The cold war policy supported by the Helms-Burton Act of 1996, estarted in 2019 a new stage of actions began with the activation of Title III of that law, to prevent foreign investment in Cuba and to favor a regime change. This article aims to argue the impact of the blockade as a unilateral coercive measure in an irregular socio-political context that has extended for more than six decades in the Cuban case. It analyzes the nationalization of 1959 as an act of state sovereignty, the illegitimate and extraterritorial nature of the blockade insofar as it violates International Public Law and constitutes an irrational act of economic war, as well as an arbitrary political sanction that harms the most elementary human rights. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1341

This study examines the mental health of migrants under international legal texts and clinical practice. It highlights to what extent the right to mental health of migrants is guaranteed in international legal texts. It then relates this right to national practice in France. It determines practice guidelines addressing migrants' mental health. The purpose of this clinical study is to identify the adequacy of international legal texts to guarantee this right as an integral part of human rights. The individual in his or her singularity is at the heart of our work. However, a multidisciplinary approach will also address socio-cultural, anthropological and environmental factors. Indeed, steeped in clinical and social realities, we wonder how one can deny the cultural dimension of all human interactions and thus the basis of the helping relationship. We therefore understand that we need to broaden our conceptual and clinical/social framework through our awareness of clinical medical anthropology. Culture partly shapes the individual and his or her behaviour. It helps to make sense of the experiences that occur in each person's life and to prepare for what might happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Aegean conflict constitutes a dispute that has been affecting Greek-Turkish bilateral relations for the last five decades. It involves elements such as sovereignty, sovereign rights and national security. This paper suggests that the Torres Strait Treaty, an international agreement that provides the framework for the management of Australia and Papua New Guinea’s (PNG) maritime boundaries, can be utilised to provide a possible solution to the Aegean conflict. The resolution of the Aegean conflict would improve the political and diplomatic relations between Greece and Turkey, guarantee the security of the Aegean region and allow for the two countries to benefit from economic cooperation.

The judgment of the Court of Justice of the European Union as of 6 March 2018 in Case C-284/16 changed the system and coordination of investment relations of the Member States of the European Union. The judgment set a fundamental precedent that changed the system of international investment law and placed the investment arbitration, conducted due to bilateral investment agreements between the EU and the Member States. The aim of the scientific study is to point to the new generation of the EU investment agreements which, in accordance with their importance, will influence the development of international investment relations between EU Member States and non-member countries of the world. The study was elaborated on the analysis of the rules of legal logic, systematics, accuracy and the generalization of conclusions. The analysis and interpretation of obtained results have proved that the traditional system of international investment agreements is being changed. A new model is emerging in the regime of investment agreement of the European Union.

The principal aim of the present essay is to explore the relationship between international law and nationalism, whilst arguing that both concepts cannot be viewed as two separate and self-contained realities, but should rather be considered in light of their mutual interaction. The external actions of a nation are reflected internally. Similarly, its internal actions have external repercussions. In this work, such consequences are examined in a nation-state with an authoritarian structure as opposed to those found in a democratic nation-state. Additionally, the concept of nationalism is studied in its variant forms in both these contexts, leading to the premise that an aggressive and expansionist nation-state is unlikely to be guided by a constitution that places a high value on democracy and freedom. A nation which does not respect the liberties of its own nationals will undoubtedly disrespect other States and their nationals, and vice-versa. This begs the question: should international law be irresponsive and neutral in these cases?

Despite the increasing importance of public diplomacy in international relations and international law, little legal research exists addresses public diplomacy. This paper provides a detailed overview of the concept of public diplomacy, its objectives and means. The study aim is to reach an understanding of what the concept stands for in terms of developing governing rules. It argues that in addition to focusing on separating the political and social concept of popular diplomacy, studies addressing the legal aspects of popular diplomacy are crucial due to its role as a tool serving the functions of international relations.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(3), 1307-1324 | European Forum Insight of 1 February 2022 | (Table of Contents) I. Climate litigation: a tool to overcome majoritarian paralysis? - I.1. One shared conclusion: politics is failing. - I.2. Different ways leading to a similar conclusion: human rights, tort, policy objectives, national legal obligations, and always international agreements and science. - II. Separation of powers at stake: what role for counter-majoritarian forces? - II.1. Different contexts lead to different separation of powers concerns. - II.2 We cannot exclude (failing) politics despite overwhelming climate science. - III. A research agenda. | (Abstract) The climate crisis is - as far as we can see in 2021 - the greatest challenge of the 21st century. The existence of global warming as a human-made problem and the abstract need of transiting away from fossil energy sources is largely accepted. The question, however, of how to best achieve this transition is a major bone of contention - internationally, within the European Union (EU), and in many EU Member States. However, the issue will only become more pressing and political struggle will only become more forceful as the negative impacts of climate change increasingly affect our lives and livelihoods. Until now, national legislatures and executives have failed to take measures anywhere close to what would be needed to reduce emissions sufficiently to mitigate the climate crisis. The consistent failure of "politics" in different contexts - international, European, and national, or even regional and local - has motivated a growing share of citizens and civil society actors to pursue what is necessary via counter-majoritarian instruments, most prominently through climate litigation. In this Insight, I analyse these growing counter-majoritarian pressures in the context of climate change. My primary focus lies with broader questions of separation of powers, the role of the judiciary in constitutional democracies, and how legally enforceable reduction standards could and should be determined.

We have been accustomed with the idea that the making of international law is the „business” of the nation-States only. The idea of a State-centric international law inspired the realities of the XXth centrury. At the time of drafting this paper, I note that international law became the „business” of the private actors as well. International society amounts to become truly a transnational law. In the process of its making, international law amounts to become a true transnational law. The so-called methodology of „transnational law” invites us all to take (public) transnational law seriously!

Introduction. In today’s world, the profession of international lawyer has acquired a new status. This fact inspired the authors of the article to think about the need to analyse the foreign language competencies which international law students should obtain. Aim. The objective of this article is to identify the best time to start the legal foreign language course at international law faculties; the competencies which law students acquire and want to acquire; and an assessment of the significance of the competencies acquired in the course of the legal foreign language training of law students. Materials and methods. This article is a study based on an analysis of Russian and foreign scientists’ related works, and the results obtained during the surveys of 3rd- and 4th-year international law students at MGIMO studying a language. Both comparative and system analysis methods were used. Results. This research reveals the students’ views on the best time to start learning the foreign language, the foreign language competencies acquired and wanted by the students, and their significance for their future careers. Scientific novelty. Identification and analysis of the language competencies necessary for international lawyers’ professional activities, with aim of improving foreign language studies in this context, with the results for the first time based on students’ opinions. Practical significance. The results of the present study can serve as a basis to develop new approaches and methods to improve the training of international law students and to create specialty foreign language training programs for non-linguistic students.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(2), 923-932 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The lack of legal history of European law. - III. What kind of legal history for European law? - IV. Towards a legal history of European law. | (Abstract) European law differs from other fields of law in that it has no well-established tradition for legal history. This places European law at a real disadvantage when it comes to critically reflecting upon its own tradition of great classics as well as understanding the relatively conflictual role European law plays in the EU today. This Article first offers a few reflections about why there is no established tradition for legal history in European law and what this means for legal scholars in the field. In a second step, the Article explores what kind of legal history could be developed in the field of European law. Ultimately, the Article concludes that legal history today generally has adopted mainstream historians' contextual and archival approach to explore the role of law in broader society. This Special Section consequently represents an important first step for legal scholars of European law to venture into the field of legal history using the recently opened historical archives of the Court of Justice of the European Union.

The people of the earth have thus entered in varying degrees into a universal community, and it has developed to the point where a violation of rights in one part of the world is felt everywhere.» This paper seeks to comprehensively study the concept of universal jurisdiction (UJ) within the sphere of the Institute of International Law. The paper examines UJ in the twenty-first century and reverts to the nineteenth century. In doing so, the author conveys a consistent critical perspective of UJ; questioning its presumed universal nature.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 779-784 | Editorial | (Abstract) Day after day, the project to reform the current worldwide accepted system of corporate taxation is taking shape, commonly referred to as the global tax project (Statement on a Two-Pillar Solution to Address the Tax Challenges Arising from the Digitalisation of the Economy – 1 July 2021). The road to institute a global tax through international, though paved with good intentions, is presumably longer than expected. However, despite these difficulties, it is worth going along it. That road symbolically depicts the overwhelming need to govern the new social and economic dynamics triggered by the new technologies and the difficulties to do it through a decentralised approach. It remains to be seen whether this project will be as revolutionary as it promises and if it will inaugurate a new course in the international economic relations based on a common and fair approach to collective issues. In spite of the laudable intentions of the Commission and the Parliament, the European Union did not have a prominent place in promoting this project. The reason is easily explained by a combination of two factors: the segmentation of the competence assigned to the EU and the complexity and cumbersomeness of its decision-making procedure. If international law can be used – and it regularly is used – as a factor of disintegration of the European legal space, sometimes it can be used in the reverse sense, namely as a powerful element of integration. The story of the global tax may thus resurrect the doctrine 1/76, infrequently invoked and even more infrequently used in the international practice of the Union; it can invert the ordinary relation between internal rules and external powers and create a situation where the Union uses its external competence to attain objectives unattainable through domestic measures; it can give a tangible sign that the external action of the Union will be guided by its ethical values and not, or not only, by selfish interests. It can contribute to a new and fairer approach to the global governance of the economy which, after all, is one of the objectives and values of the Union.

Blockchain’s usage is increasing, and the number of possible implications that have been explored and created is mind-boggling. This paper would look at some other potential blockchain implementations in the legal sector, especially in the sense of social regulation. The blockchain-based social controller, which is neither created nor supported by sovereign foundations, has the potential to transform the planet or its components into something known as a Decentralized Autonomous Organization (DAO). These assumptions are most likely too broad. The presented research focuses on a key and practical overview of regulations in a blockchain DAO that could be framed in the future and has the potential to affect current legal essentials. The study applies comparative method, using international public law and Lex Mercatoria as primary juxtaposition.