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This article aims to exemplify how Swedish social partners, especially trade unions, have addressed the issue of in-work poverty in relation to recent and influential changes of the Swedish Employment Protection Act. Applying a methodology where Luhmann’s systems theory is used as a framework of analysis, whereby social partners and trade unions are viewed as organisations that contribute to the production of communication within the autopoietic system of industrial relations. The empirical material analysed for the article, therefore, consists of written communications from Swedish social partners and trade unions, produced during the process of changing and adapting the new the legislation. The analysis shows that Swedish trade unions could be more ambitious and direct in addressing the issue of in-work poverty and that further research on this topic would be useful to assist the trade unions in formulating relevant strategies for the future.

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Environnement, Risques & Santé is the property of John Libbey Eurotext Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Following the Conservatives’ heavy defeat in the 1945 election, The Industrial Charter (1947) arguably demonstrated the Conservative Party had reconciled itself with a shift to the left in British politics. The Charter provided the basis for what would become the Postwar consensus, accepting the mixed economy, the advocacy of industrial partnership, social reform and achieving full employment in a free enterprise system. Although the degree of consensus is disputed within the existing literature, the Conservative governments of 1951-64 would utilize these concepts in their approach to economic, industrial relations and trade union policy, satirically labelled as “Butskellism” after Labour and Conservative Chancellors, Hugh Gaitskell and Richard “Rab” Butler respectively. This approach was later defended by those in the Conservative Party who would identify themselves as One Nation Conservatives opposing the Party’s adoption of Thatcherism in 1979. Contemporary depictions of One Nation Conservatism invoke notions of a more moderate, paternalistic and pragmatic Conservative Party when contrasted with the currently hegemonic and arguably ideologically led Thatcherite doctrine. This article explores the conceptional analysis of One Nation Conservatism, determining that One Nation Conservatism should be considered a product of its time, confined within the Conservative governments of 1951-64. This article will then examine the significance of The Industrial Charter on One Nation Conservatism as a political doctrine and demonstrate that The Industrial Charter asserted the Conservative Party’s compulsion to transform as a means of preventing an existential crisis and set the course for a decisive change of approach. In addition, those Conservatives who opposed Thatcherism, would coalesce around the ideas expressed in the Charter and subsequent writings published by the Party. This article then seeks to conclude that The Industrial Charter provided the platform for the Conservative’s approach to policy in the postwar period and remains a crucial milestone in the development of One Nation Conservatism.

The aim of this paper is to shed light on the effects of the only privatisation that existed in the street cleaning service in Madrid. Framed within the international processes of privatisation since the 1970s and through a search in historical archives, it analyses the political-administrative and social factors that influenced this privatisation and its consequences on labour relations in the sector. Finally, the hypothesis of the planning of the privatisation of the service, the existence of differences with the political parties in the municipal government of Madrid and the effects of privatisation on the dualisation of working conditions affecting the further development of the service in the different districts of Madrid are tested.JEL Code: H75, I18, N9.

The professional branch has been the predominant normative space in the film and audiovisual industries since the 1990s. This observation contrasts with the recent reforms of labour law, which make the company the central body for the formulation of law, in order to adapt it continuously to the fluctuating demand. This paradox leads us to question the function of legal benchmarks set at the branch level in a project-based industry. To this end, we look back at the way in which actors in industrial relations have invested this level of collective bargaining in recent decades, the framing of the activity that has resulted from it and the reasons for its stability in the course of contemporary productive recompositions.

Industrial relations are both a system of practices and rules in labour and employment relations and a field of research study For several years, these two fields have been undergoing a profound destabilisation, interpreted by some as a crisis. To understand the reasons for this, it is necessary to look back at the conditions and modalities of their constitution. But rather than concluding that they have disappeared, the article insists on a reconfiguration, which is also that of the productive models, institutions and actors involved.

Industrial relations refer to both a set of practices and rules governing labour relations and a research field investigating the latter. Their development went hand in hand with the implementation of post-war Fordist capitalism. Rapid changes in the working worlds and the questioning of institutions and work regulations for several decades, both in the Anglo-Saxon world and in Europe, have logically led to a decline of the paradigm of industrial relations. But how should we consider this present situation? As a disappearance or as a recomposition?

This article covers the evolution of industrial relations in Australia over the last quarter century, a period which marks the country’s shift to a neo-liberal policy regime. A dominant feature of the neo- liberal project has been to shift the industrial relations system towards individualism, erode trade union authority, and extend employer prerogative. These reforms have had serious consequences on employment and its regulation, leading to the ongoing development of short-term and precarious employment, ambiguous employment arrangements, a long-term decline in labour’s share in national income. The conclusion discusses the conditions required for restoring the system of industrial relations towards promoting equity and decent employment conditions.

The genesis of a french academic research field dedicated to industrial relations dates to the early 1970s. This article reports on the main stages that marked out the construction of such a field. It focuses mainly on the constitution and dynamics of the Coordinated Research Group (Greco) no 41 "Industrial Relations, Negotiations and Conflicts" of the National Center for Scientific Research, which later became a Research Group (GDR). The angle of attack thus gives priority to an institutional arrangement that has gone beyond the walls of university departments and research laboratories and that has associated multiple disciplines (economics, law, sociology…).

The Quebec model of industrial relations established in the 1960s led to a strengthening of unions both in workplaces and at the political level. Workers benefited from collective bargaining and unions became key political interlocutors. From the 1980s onwards, the changes in capitalism have weakened standard employment relations and hampered union organizing. Unions also lost their influence with respect to the state. Advances for workers were mainly gained through the protection of individual rights and struggles led by other social movements. This situation questions both the political strategies of the labour movement and the unions’ ability to represent the diversity of the workforce.

The Quebec model of industrial relations established in the 1960s led to a strengthening of unions both in workplaces and at the political level. Workers benefited from collective bargaining and unions became key political interlocutors. From the 1980s onwards, the changes in capitalism have weakened standard employment relations and hampered union organizing. Unions also lost their influence with respect to the state. Advances for workers were mainly gained through the protection of individual rights and struggles led by other social movements. This situation questions both the political strategies of the labour movement and the unions’ ability to represent the diversity of the workforce.

In Nigeria today, the new phase of capitalist globalization is seeking to transform established notions and hence practices of industrial relations and industrial disputes management as at no other time. Under the aegis of a neo-liberal ideology that is rooted in a new labour capital relation, workers are being indoctrinated to believe that ideology, paradoxically, is dead; that capitalism is the end of human history; that established relations of exploitation are immutable; that workers must find accommodation within these relations; that employers can now do much as they please. The argument of this paper is that this approach is counter- productive because in practice, it has the potential of leading to more and not less conflict between the employer and the employee. Fundamentally it has major consequences for productivity at the individual, organizational and societal level. It is important to note that labour and management hold the key to the nation’s socio-economic development. This implies that their disposition can make or mar the economy as the case in Nigeria today. It is against this backdrop that this paper underscores the indispensability of effective management of industrial relations and industrial system is a fundamental requirement for enhancing the performance of the national economy. This paper utilized the methods of qualitative and syntheses of scientific literature as it relies on secondary data collected from books and journal articles, and were content analyzed in relation to the scope of the paper.

After a start of institutionalisation under the Weimar Republic, the German sociology of work established itself during the 1960s, making of industrial relations, technology and industrial skilled labor its core issues. The affirmation of a subjectivation paradigm in the 1980s broadened the spectrum of analysis to include the agency and embodied dimension of work. Although these different research orientations remain relatively compartementalised, they have hitherto shared a unifying framework in terms of the Marxist reference and the ambition to offer a critical diagnosis of society. But this ambition is currently in search of a new theory of society, while the dominant mode of contractual research funding leaves small latitude for broad theoretical investigations.

The article focuses on meeting of organizing committee for the 2021 edition of the Congress of the Canadian Industrial Relations Association (CIRA) on reflections on work and employment. It mentions marginal objects in industrial relations, such as self-employment, forms of work atypical and specific regimes of collective representation. It also mentions self-employment, traditionally conceptualized as the reverse of wage labor and experienced a significant rise from the end of the 1970s.

The article focuses on the consequences of COVID-19 pandemic and priorities and aspirations of generations X and Y and, obviously, the modern issue of work-life balance. It mentions issues regarding work by practicing social distancing and collective bargaining and the current asymmetry between capital and labor and change the orthodox labor relations research agenda. It also mentions uranium mining through the prism of professional identities.

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Socio-économie du Travail is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the notion of ‘moonlighting’, which in industrial relations discourse refers to secondary employment performed in addition to the employee’s main job. As this concept might lend itself to different interpretations in English, the aim of this paper is to consider whether the ambiguous nature of this wording in source texts is also reflected in target texts, exploring how translators deal with it when rendering this concept in other languages. To this end, documents published by international institutions in English and their translations in French, Italian and Spanish were compared and contrasted, investigating the strategies put in place by translators to convey the meaning of “moonlighting” in other languages.

The article gives an overview on the situation of firm-level employee representation in the private sector in Switzerland: Where are they frequent? Which formal status do they enjoy? What are the topics they deal with? How do they position themselves between the affiliation to the firm and the interconnection beyond the limits of the firm? We show that the strong decentralisation of industrial relations in Switzerland leads to regulations and conventions at branch and firm level with a much larger impact on the practice than legal regulations.

Is the intervention of the state in regulating collective labour relations a useful and beneficial tool, or rather a discouraging one? This is a long time concern of the doctrine, of the law-makers and of the practice of European industrial relations. And, on the background of different traditions and goals, the options are most diverse. Almost everywhere, the economic crisis and the digitalisation have altered the ratio of what the legislator has assumed and what is left to the social partners to regulate. Sometimes, the state has withdrawn to a certain extent from the process. Freed from constraints, the social partners have become more responsible than in the previous decade for the concrete way of negotiating and regulating collective relations. In other cases, the legislator felt the need to intervene more forcefully to offset the fragility of social dialogue. The paper aims to present some of the European options in the field and to place the experience of the Romanian law in context

HR Directors are occasionally forced to engage in adversarial interactions with company employees and their representatives, interactions that they may find emotionally taxing. Based on a study of the career path of a HR Director – crystallised in a sequence of episodes culminating in his departure from the company - this paper questions the conditions under which the individuals fulfilling such roles are more likely to remain committed to their work. “Careers” – construed in the interactionist sense of the concept - will be used to better understand the (dis)engagement processes that are in question here. The article also advocates theoretical de-fragmentation, being the idea that to understand the willingness to work of senior managers (and indeed, of frontline operatives), attention should be paid to the symbolic and material rewards of work without forgetting the practical conditions of its execution.

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politique Africaine is the property of Karthala Editions Diffusion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the notion of ‘moonlighting’, which in industrial relations discourse refers to secondary employment performed in addition to the employee’s main job. As this concept might lend itself to different interpretations in English, the aim of this paper is to consider whether the ambiguous nature of this wording in source texts is also reflected in target texts, exploring how translators deal with it when rendering this concept in other languages. To this end, documents published by international institutions in English and their translations in French, Italian and Spanish were compared and contrasted, investigating the strategies put in place by translators to convey the meaning of “moonlighting” in other languages.

The article introduces various topics covered in the issue including criticism of labor relations in capitalist market economies, exercise their profession in an environment where there are hostile influences, and why and how disciplines evolve.