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Human rights have evolved to encompass several generations—namely the first, second, and third generations—according to the framework established by Karel Vasak. Despite being categorized into these generations, they all share a common essence: the universality of human rights and their focus on human dignity. These generational classifications are neither rigid nor exhaustive; instead, they are interrelated and mutually reinforcing when applied to uphold human dignity. The research problem arises from the fact that the rights associated with the so-called fourth generation have not yet been fully defined or recognized at the international level. Countries differ in their perspectives on the legitimacy of these rights, casting doubt on their universality. The research is based on the premise that fourth-generation rights are inherently collective and can only be fully addressed through a collective vision and analysis that prioritize communal values over individual human values. Given that human rights are fundamentally linked to democracy and the rule of law, this study advocates for the elimination of anything that contradicts these principles and calls for opposition to all forms of discrimination, persecution, and exploitation of people and their rights. The study proposes prioritizing fourth-generation human rights in international activities.

Human rights and freedoms are the goal of every legal and constitutional.organization, and governments have only existed The human being has the right to the protection of his rights and freedomsHuman rights are an internal matter, but they have subsequently been taken to universality and taken into account The so-called international human rights law has been established and, as a result, has become a constraint on sovereignty States have moved from declaration to obligation after the adoption of the two International Covenants and became human rights. Human rights reflected on the performance of the United Nations in the development of its basic organs or contributed to the development of the competence of the Security Council and the exercise of broader functions that deepen the function of preserving international safety and security such as the competence of humanitarian intervention, the dispatch of peace forces to areas of tension and conflict reduction, and the activation of the criminal jurisdiction of the UN Security Council And to acquire competencies from the International Criminal Court and its role in the promotion and protection of human rights.

Discussing education for individuals deprived of their freedom is a controversial topic. However, it provides the opportunity for the emergence of other paths and possibilities for further research in the area. The interest in the topic arose after learning about the Clube dos Livres extension project, from the Federal University of Northern Tocantins, developed at the Tocantinópolis Penal Unit with people deprived of liberty. This article, co-authored with the Advisor, is an excerpt from the research developed from a case study of the extension project. Thus, it is proposed to identify the meanings attributed by project participants to experiences with reading in prison, discuss some understandings of the rights attributed to these subjects, inside and outside prison, and how reading has the power to enhance the formation of readers even within an exclusionary space that is unfavorable for learning. We are looking for theorists who discuss literature and human rights aimed at people in situations of extreme vulnerability, as is the case of prisoners, aiming to answer the following question “How does reading, as an instrument of remission of sentence, contribute to the reading formation of subjects who have been in a situation of deprivation of liberty in the Tocantinópolis Penal Unit? To this end, qualitative research was developed, with an interpretative nature, within the area of ​​Applied Linguistics (LA), using for this purpose semi-structured interviews that captured the perception of the subjects investigated with their experiences and how the educational processes experienced in prison contributed to live in society so that they felt included or not in society.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 423-442 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The legal principles governing EU coordination in international law-making fora: a weakness or a strength of Member States' external sovereignty? – III. The case of the Maritime Labour Convention: the journey of human rights from the EU to China via international law. – III.1. The Conven-tion and the EU's role in its elaboration. – III.2. The EU's rationale for uploading human rights standards into international law: a rights-oriented approach. – III.3. The impact of the Maritime Labour Conven-tion in China. – IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article presents two arguments and explores the relationship between them. First, the principles governing coordination between the EU and its Member States in multilateral fora (mainly, sincere co-operation and unity in the EU's representation) serve to increase the Member States' influence in inter-national law-making. Thus, there is a trade-off between the autonomy of Member States to determine their own positions in multilateral fora, and their capacity to influence such fora: the lesser the former, the greater the latter. Second, such an influence can be used by the EU and its Member States to pro-mote human rights laws abroad, “uploading” high standards into multilateral treaties, which are subse-quently “downloaded” by third states through ratification and implementation. Therefore, there is a link between the mentioned EU external relations law principles (which are a “condition” for a success-ful promotion) and the obligation to promote values set in arts 3(5) and 21 TEU (which provides the “direction” of the promotion). Consequently, when Member States complain about excessive EU intru-sion into their autonomy through common positions in multilateral fora, they should bear in mind that they are not only bound by the above-mentioned legal principles, but that their obligation to promote certain values abroad is also at stake. The case of the EU's influence on the Maritime Labour Conven-tion and its impact on Chinese law and policy is used to illustrate the arguments.

The Polish medieval theory of the law of nations (ius gentium) was born in the nation’s conflict with the Order of Teutonic Knights, which pursued a bloody military expansion into Eastern Europe under the pretext of converting pagans, invoking the ideology of a holy war to justify its aggressive actions. The scholars of Kraków defended not just the Polish raison d’état, but also the rights of other non-Christian peoples who were also the subject of Teutonic aggression (Lithuanians, Samogitians, and Ruthenians). Paulus Vladimiri (Paweł Włodkowic), the main founder of ius gentium, in his method argued from several levels: the legal, theological, and philosophical, thus defending basic human rights: the rights to life, freedom, equality, tolerance, and the independence of nations. Vladimiri poses a fundamental question: who is a neighbor? He states that a neighbor is every human being, not only Christians, with this, in the context of the conflict with the Teutonic Order, showing the obvious contradiction of the Order’s actions with the injunction to love one’s neighbor. Vladimiri stood consistently on the grounds of the Christian religion, from which he drew the principles of the dignity of every human being, the freedom of the will, and one’s duty to love their neighbor, invoking, inter alia, the words of St. Paul in Corinthians (13, 2) and Galatians (5, 6; 5, 14). Vladimiri used a passage from the Letter to the Galatians (5, 19-21) to demonstrate the Teutonic Order’s misappropriation of the Christian faith, for “faith cannot be useful without love.” In this context, love (caritas) appears as a political virtue in the sense of self-giving, which is reflected in the vocation of the person realised in relation to others and which serves as the root and condition for the peaceful union of different nations.

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Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Abstract This article sets out to provide an analysis of the relationship between human rights, public policies and ethnic-racial inequality in Brazil from a contemporary perspective. Public policies have emerged as an effective means of achieving human rights and citizenship for historically discriminated social groupings in a society like Brazil’s marked by enduring structural and structuring inequalities. The article specifically addresses the racial violence perpetrated against the black population in the country, who still endure the legacy of a colonial past. A central point highlighted is that the agency and interactions of the black population have had a positive impact by destabilizing social relations characterized by racism. In this sense, anti-racist actions are central factors in the promotion of Afro-reparatory policies, one of the motivating reasons for the interest in studying affirmative actions for black people.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 105-116 | European Forum Insight of 20 May 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introducing the impact of Artificial Intelligence. – II. The AI Act: the risk architecture. – III. Further AI policies: development incentives and state regulatory frameworks. – IV. Proposals for legislation and other measures in Italy. – V. The human-centric approach. | (Abstract) The development of new emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, has sparked a scientific debate on their risks and benefits. This debate necessitates legal and regulatory considerations, particularly regarding the balance between technological growth and the protection of human rights. This Insight analyses the legal framework established by the European Union in its initial regulatory measures. The Insight highlights the importance of considering the human-centric perspective and adopting a risk-based methodology in the Artificial Intelligence Act. It also mentions the AI regulatory measures proposed by Member States, with a particular focus on Italy.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1679-1695 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The normative positioning of the Union: a new space for the collective exercise of sovereignty. – II.1. Human rights and criminal law, a source of inspiration and legitimacy. – II.2. Normative interpretation and hybridization within the Council practice. – III. “Supplementing” criminal repression? A new space to overcome the limits of jurisdiction. – III.1. Foreign policy v. criminal repression: the nature and purpose of the measures involved. – III.2. Overcoming the limits of jurisdiction and extending the reach of the measures. | (Abstract) The EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime was adopted by the European Union in December 2020, following in the footsteps of its allies and some of its own Member States. Initiated across the Atlantic in response to the murder of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, these thematic international sanctions can now target anyone associated with the most serious human rights violations. Presented as key levers in the international fight against impunity, these instruments lie at the confluence of foreign policy and criminal justice. The EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime is therefore a privileged observation point for studying the evolution of practice in areas that are traditionally closely associated with State sovereignty. More specifically, the analysis, carried out within the framework of both EU external action law and public international law, shows how the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime enables the Union and its Member States to grasp some international situations which would fall outside their single competences and jurisdictions. This in turn illustrates a form of enhanced, collective and long-armed sovereignty, exercised on the international stage by the EU and its members in the service of their values and strategic interests.

ABSTRACT We can often find in the literature (both popular and academic) ascriptions of complex collective duties to extensive unstructured collections of individuals. By ‘complex collective duties’, I mean collective duties that, plausibly, require that the individual members of an extensive unstructured collection should enact different contributory act-types to achieve an end jointly - for example, the alleged universal collective duty to end global poverty. In this paper, I argue that these duties are not action-guiding. The reason is that they do not pass what I call the ‘test of action-guidance’. This test assumes the intuitive belief that a moral duty is action-guiding only if it is clear to the duty-bearer the act-type that she should enact after the ascription of the duty. Complex collective duties ascribed to extensive unstructured collections fail to pass this test because, even though each duty-bearer (that is, each member of the collection) receives guidance on the end that they should achieve jointly, it is not clear to these agents the act-type that each of them should put into practice.

Sometimes the information provided on the 2030 Agenda is quite fragmented and dispersed and there is a lack of systematic explanation about the link between the SDGs and human rights. The lack of criteria that easily explain the content of the 2030 Agenda and the impact of human rights in the international order is one of the reasons why a visual and sound document is necessary. The problem that is detected regarding 2030 Agenda knowledge and its relationship with human rights will be a systematic and orderly absence of the meaning and scope of this Agenda and its impact on one of the critical areas: people. This innovation Project, while covering the conceptual and normative gaps that exist on the 2030 Agenda, delves into the central components that, from an innovation perspective, are necessary to study and understanding the SDGs content. There is a need for virtual and audiovisual tools that address sustainable development content and the aspects that define human rights. The main goal of this publication is letting know the results of the project carried out by four professors, and led by Prof. (...), within the framework of the URJC Educational Innovation Projects, 2022-23. The main result of the project was the development of an audiovisual on the 2030 Agenda and human rights that develops new teaching methodologies for learning these contents by undergraduate students.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1403-1439 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The concept of autonomy beyond a jurisdictional claim. – III. Autonomy as a source of coherence. – IV. Autonomy’s omnipresence in the case law of the Court. – IV.1. Autonomy operating visibly. – IV.2. Autonomy not explicitly mentioned but operating actively. – IV.3. Autonomy as a silent undercurrent. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article aims to demonstrate that if there is a single vision of the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union, it is the idea of autonomy. It portrays how autonomy, defined as an idea of a new legal order with its distinct ontological and axiological character, serves as an organizing principle ensuring the coherence of the case law. It first examines the concept of autonomy, and then investigates the presence of autonomy in the case law of the Court, arguing that it is either explicitly or implicitly always present as the undercurrent in the Court’s legal reasoning. It goes on to show the inextricable link between autonomy and the fundamental principles of the EU legal system, among them the rule of law, the protection of human rights and the effectiveness of the EU legal order. By drawing upon case law of the Court in varied areas of EU law, the Article establishes that autonomy, with its distinct character, is the most important guideline in understanding the Court’s jurisprudence, ensuring its predictability and coherence. Autonomy vitally ensures pluralism of the European Union by contributing to the integrity of the judicial process and enabling the Court to speak with one voice. Through Aristotle’s’ approach for the search of knowledge, the Article portrays that autonomy is not the end in itself, but is rather vital for realizing the goals and values of the European Union.

In the last fifteen years, the European Court, the US Supreme Court and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights have all ruled on the issue of same-sex marriage. The Strasbourg Court has not, at this stage, dared to affirm the right to marriage, unlike its (inter)American counterparts. The article proposes a comparative analysis of the decisions rendered by the three jurisdictions: it highlights, beyond the (obvious and indisputable) differences between the three legal orders, the similar issues – of applicability, proportionality and subsidiarity – with which the judges responsible for ensuring respect for human rights are confronted. As the analysis also reveals, these issues are sometimes hotly debated within the courts themselves, while their understanding can be enriched by inter-jurisdictional dialogue. In conclusion, it is argued that, with regard to the recognition and protection of same-sex couples, the European Court should draw inspiration from American experiences and (1) clearly (re)affirm that the right to marry (art. 12 ECHR) applies to same-sex couples (2) mobilise the full potential of the prohibition of discrimination (art. 14 ECHR) and (3) move away from strict adherence to the European consensus rule. En los últimos quince años, el Tribunal Europeo, el Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos se han pronunciado sobre la cuestión del matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. El Tribunal de Estrasburgo no se ha atrevido, por el momento, a afirmar el derecho al matrimonio, a diferencia de sus homólogos (inter)americanos. El artículo propone un análisis comparativo de las decisiones dictadas por las tres jurisdicciones: pone de relieve, más allá de las diferencias (evidentes e indiscutibles) entre los tres ordenamientos jurídicos, las cuestiones similares –de aplicabilidad, proporcionalidad y subsidiariedad– a las que se enfrentan los jueces encargados de velar por el respeto de los derechos humanos. Como también revela el análisis, estas cuestiones son a veces objeto de acalorados debates en el seno de los propios tribunales, mientras que su comprensión puede verse enriquecida por el diálogo interjurisdiccional. En conclusión, se sostiene que, en lo que respecta al reconocimiento y la protección de las parejas del mismo sexo, el Tribunal Europeo debería inspirarse en las experiencias estadounidenses y (1) (re)afirmar claramente que el derecho a contraer matrimonio (art. 12 del CEDH) se aplica a las parejas del mismo sexo (2) movilizar todo el potencial de la prohibición de la discriminación (art. 14 del CEDH) y (3) alejarse de la estricta adhesión a la norma del consenso europeo. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1347

This paper explores the dynamics of family law’s transformation over the past 50 years as the result of interactions of two autonomous systems: the law and the family. The interesting feature in the change of family is its democratisation. Equality, consent, freedom of partners, participative governance have become ideals of the Western family. Law is a motor of this family transformation through its own internal transformation on two points: the transformation of legal reasoning, based on human rights; the use of mediation in judiciary conflict resolution. This U turn can be explained by the new mechanisms of social order in modern differenciated societies. Following Anne Rawls’ reading of Durkheim’s insights, the article argues for the centrality of “constitutive practices” in modern societies. Legal framework can no longer derive and perform social order through moral rituals. Modern law must fit the procedural morality (instead of a moral consensus) of family interactions in order to be able to solve conflicts. This explanation of the success of mediation in family law is also the key to understand the constitutionalisation of family law via the use of principles (instead of rules) in legal reasoning. Intercultural conflicts arise inside families as well as inside societies. New flexible family law becomes a factor of pluralization of family forms. On this basis, transnationalization of family law can develop, even if state sovereignty remains a powerful brake of this evolution. Este artículo explora la dinámica de transformación del derecho de familia en los últimos 50 años como resultado de las interacciones de dos sistemas autónomos: el derecho y la familia. La característica interesante del cambio de la familia es su democratización. La igualdad, el consentimiento, la libertad de las parejas y el gobierno participativo se han convertido en ideales de la familia occidental. El derecho es un motor de esta transformación familiar a través de su propia transformación interna en dos puntos: la transformación del razonamiento jurídico, basado en los derechos humanos; el uso de la mediación en la resolución de conflictos judiciales. Este vuelco, a su vez, se explica por los nuevos mecanismos de orden social en las modernas sociedades diferenciadas. Siguiendo la lectura de Anne Rawls de las ideas de Durkheim, el artículo defiende la centralidad de las “prácticas constitutivas” en las sociedades modernas. El marco jurídico ya no puede derivar y realizar el orden social a través de rituales morales. El derecho moderno debe adaptarse a la moralidad procedimental (en lugar de a un consenso moral) de las interacciones familiares para poder resolver los conflictos. Esta explicación del éxito de la mediación en el derecho de familia es también la clave para entender la constitucionalización del derecho de familia mediante el uso de principios (en lugar de normas) en el razonamiento jurídico. Los conflictos interculturales surgen tanto en el seno de las familias como de las sociedades. El nuevo derecho de familia flexible se convierte en un factor de pluralización de las formas de familia. Sobre esta base, puede desarrollarse la transnacionalización del derecho de familia, aunque la soberanía estatal siga siendo un poderoso freno de esta evolución.

In this introduction, the authors present the ambition that guided the composition of this edition devoted to family law. They first highlight the interest in addressing the intersection between the process of democratisation and the process of transnationalisation of families. These two processes are refracted in family law. They find their origin in the same refusal of a substantial moral definition of the “good family”. However, all normative perspective is not abandoned. A new normative and effective relationship is established between interactions and institutions. The new regulation of the family gives an important place to interactions and their immanent normativity. Legal principles (human rights, procedural standards) give expression to this mutation. Institutions are no longer given before the interaction, but rather constitute instruments for repairing the interactional order. This trend in the evolution of the law is particularly visible in the two cases treated in the issue: homosexual marriage and international child abduction. The close analysis of these two situations, however, suggests the persistence of obstacles to these transformations, due to the persistence of the principle of national sovereignty. En esta introducción, los autores presentan la ambición que guió la composición de esta edición dedicada al derecho de familia. En primer lugar, destacan el interés por abordar la intersección entre el proceso de democratización a y el proceso de transnacionalización de las familias. Estos dos procesos se refractan en el derecho de familia. Encuentran su origen en el mismo rechazo de una definición moral sustancial de la “buena familia”. Sin embargo, no se abandona toda perspectiva normativa. Se establece una nueva relación entre interacciones e instituciones. La nueva regulación de la familia da un lugar importante a las interacciones y a su normatividad inmanente. Los principios jurídicos (derechos humanos, normas procesales) reemplazan las reglas que definen la “buena familia”. Las instituciones ya no se dan antes de la interacción, sino que constituyen instrumentos para reparar el orden interaccional. Esta tendencia en la evolución del derecho es particularmente visible en los dos casos tratados en el número: el matrimonio homosexual y la sustracción internacional de menores. El análisis cuidadoso de estas dos situaciones, sin embargo, sugiere la persistencia de obstáculos a estas transformaciones, debido a la persistencia del principio de soberanía nacional.

From 2010 to 2020, several efforts to decriminalize sodomy have taken place in Singaporean courts. Although these efforts have been largely unsuccessful, the cases have highlighted how courts can serve as a space to push for rights in a city-state that some have labelled “soft-authoritarian”—a state with democratic institutions in place, but with an under-developed set of democratic ideals and practices. This article argues that strategic litigation to decriminalize sodomy is forcing institutions in Singapore to evolve, become more democratic and responsive to a rising cultural backlash particularly with regards to sexuality. This article will examine some of the incremental changes that have come about due to the legal challenges, such as the strengthening of the court, the modification of laws to protect minorities, and the growth and diversification of civil society. Entre 2010 y 2020, los tribunales de Singapur han intentado despenalizar la sodomía en varias ocasiones. Aunque estos esfuerzos han sido en gran medida infructuosos, los casos han puesto de relieve cómo los tribunales pueden servir como un espacio para presionar por los derechos en una ciudad-estado que algunos han etiquetado como “autoritario blando” –un estado con instituciones democráticas, pero con un conjunto subdesarrollado de ideales y prácticas democráticas. Este artículo sostiene que el litigio estratégico para despenalizar la sodomía está obligando a las instituciones de Singapur a evolucionar, a ser más democráticas y a responder a una creciente reacción cultural, especialmente en lo que respecta a la sexualidad. Este artículo examinará algunos de los cambios graduales que se han producido debido a los desafíos legales, como el fortalecimiento de los tribunales, la modificación de las leyes para proteger a las minorías y el crecimiento y la diversificación de la sociedad civil.

The purpose of this essay/editorial - closed on 8 January 2024 - is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that has lasted at least seventy-five years, with the creation of the state of Israel, the first Arab-Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self-defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern - war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide -, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context.This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary-General.In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, there are also briefly discussed the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six-Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two-State solution.The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRA EN GAZA Y EL CONFLICTO PALESTINO-ISRAELÍ: UN PUNTO DE INFLEXIÓN EN MEDIO DE UN CICLO SIN FIN DE VIOLENCIA El objeto de este ensayo/editorial -que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024- es el de formular de la manera más completa posible -aunque resulte necesariamente provisional- una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino-israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe-israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico-internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico-internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional -crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio-, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino-israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico-político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución bieestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial - qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 - est de formuler aussi complètement que possible - bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire - une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino-israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante-quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo-arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico-internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies.À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale - crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide -, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico-politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

El objeto de este ensayo/editorial –que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024– es el de formular de la manera más completa posible –aunque resulte necesariamente provisional– una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino–israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe–israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico–internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico–internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional –crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio–, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino–israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico–político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución biestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. THE WAR IN GAZA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: A TURNING POINT IN THE MIDST OF AN ENDLESS CYCLE OF VIOLENCE The purpose of this essay/editorial – closed on 8 January 2024 – is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Palestinian– Israeli conflict that has lasted at least seventy–five years, with the creation of the State of Israel, the first Arab–Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self–defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide –, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context. This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary–General. In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six–Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two–State solution, are also briefly discussed. The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial – qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 – est de formuler aussi complètement que possible – bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire – une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino–israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante–quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo–arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico–internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies. À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale – crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide –, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico–politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

The European Union and the Council of Europe were supposed to create continent-wide standards and rule for governance, commerce, and human rights. Yet subsidiarity remains an important principle respecting state-specific policy. Occasionally Pan-Europeanism and subsidiarity conflict and this is the case with LGBTQ and transgender rights. This Article examines the legal tensions surrounding the protection of human rights as it addresses transgender individuals and members of the LGBTQ community. It argues that the current framework of law supporting subsidiarity is inconsistent with the broader goals of non-discrimination at the heart of the values of both the European Union and the Council of Europe.

Albania, like other countries in the region, has been aspiring to join the EU for two decades. In different periods of the last 20 years, it has taken steps back and forth along the process towards membership. Therefore, in this context, the present paper will analyse the Albanian perspective, having in focus the promotion of human rights standards in lights of it s integration into the European Union. The aim of this paper is to comprehend the evolution of Albania in relation to human rights in light of the EU integration perspective and demonstrate that Albania has yet a very long road ahead to become part of the European Union.

Since the 1970s, the idea has emerged that the protection of human rights and the environment should not be the sole responsibility of States. Private actors, and in particular companies, also have a role to play. Despite a number of setbacks on the international stage, corporate due diligence has gradually gained ground. This is particularly true in Europe. Faced with the diversity of responses proposed by Member States, on June 1, 2023, the European Parliament voted in a directive on corporate due diligence with regard to sustainability. A Europe-wide unification of the subject thus seems to be underway.

The article focuses on a handwritten petition from foreign printers in 1793 protesting their expulsion from their jobs under the administration of assignats in revolutionary France. Topics include the violation of human rights and personal freedoms, the conflict between the new law and the constitutional rights of foreign residents, and the appeal for justice and reinstatement to the French legislative body.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1037-1045 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction - II. Protection of war refugees from Ukraine - III. Targeted sanctions against citizens of the Russian federation and of Belarus - IV. Human rights of the general population of the EU Member States - V. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) The conflict in Ukraine, triggered by the Russia’s act of aggression in March 2014 and, in full scale, in February 2022, has had a profound impact on the human rights situation not only in Ukraine itself but also in the Member States of the European Union. This impact manifests itself in three main areas. The first area concerns the protection of war refugees from Ukraine. The second area pertains to the sanctions imposed on the citizens of the Russian Federation and of Belarus. The third area relates to the effects of the conflict on human rights of the general population of the EU Member States, stemming either from the economic or social hardship brought about by the conflict, or from restrictive measures adopted by the EU Member States in response to the conflict. In addition to introducing each of these areas in more detail, the Insight recalls that not paying adequate attention to all of them simultaneously might result in violations of human rights and in the radicalisation of certain segments of society that might feel (rightly or not) ignored and left behind.

The main purpose of the present contribution is to analyse the constitutional paradigm from the book Norme, giudici e Stato costituzionale which, thru the study of the historic evolution of the concepts of Rule of Law and Constitution, outlines the opportunities of the international expansion of the constitutional paradigm.

Mülteci ve sığınmacıların haklarına ilişkin Avrupa İnsan Hakları Sözleşmesi’nde (AİHS) doğrudan düzenlemeler yer almamış olsa da AİHS, bu hakların korunması açısından en önemli sözleşmelerden biridir. 1951 Mültecilerin Hukuki Statüsüne İlişkin Cenevre Sözleşmesi’nde mültecileri geri göndermeme kuralına birtakım istisnalar getirilmişken, AİHS’de bu istisnaların olmaması, Sözleşme’ye daha geniş bir uygulama alanı sağlamaktadır. Sözleşme’yi uygulayan yargı organı Avrupa İnsan Hakları Mahkemesi (AİHM) ise, mültecilerin haklarını AİHS hükümleri kapsamında ele almaktadır. Türk hukukunda da Anayasa Mahkemesi’ne (AYM) bireysel başvurunun getirilmesi ve AİHM’nin ihlal kararları göz önüne alınarak düzenlenen Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Kanunu (YUKK) ile uluslararası mevzuat Türk hukukuna dahil edilmiştir. Anayasa Mahkemesi’nin de kararlarında, AİHM kararlarına paralel incelemeler yaptığı ve uluslararası kuruluşlarının raporlarını esas aldığı ve uygulamacılara yol gösterdiği görülmektedir.

Pope Benedict XVI’s 2011 address to the Bundestag can be interpreted as a comprehensive synthesis of his perspective on the foundations of law as a subsystem within society. He underscored the paramount importance of constitutional democracy and the state, governed by an implementation of the rule of law that is both free and dedicated to upholding human dignity. Furthermore, he exhorted politicians and citizens alike to persistently pursue justice, to critically assess the law as responsible individuals, and to aspire to higher moral standards. In addition to this, he cast doubt on the adequacy of scientific legal positivism and scientism in comprehending law and the realm of reason. Stemming from his scepticism concerning the sufficiency of positivism in the formulation and interpretation of law, he emphasized the significance of European “legal heritage”. According to Benedict, this tradition originated from the cultural triangle of Jerusalem, Athens, and Rome, and serves as an indicator of a “rational legal order”. As Pope Benedict XVI’s address was directed towards scholars in the field of jurisprudence and legal historians, my analysis of the speech is accompanied by a brief examination of the role of the notion of “legal tradition” within the selected European contemporary legal systems.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1067-1075 | European Forum Insight of 28 December 2023 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction - II. Labyrinth of legal issues - II.1. State-owned assets - II.2. Private assets - III. A way forward. | (Abstract) This Insight explores the legal terrain surrounding constraints on repurposing of state-affiliated property (both state-owned and private assets affiliated with the state) to compensate for human rights violations caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It briefly examines evolving norms regarding sovereign immunity, third-party countermeasures, and their impact on international human rights law. Key issues include the role of jus cogens norms and obligations erga omnes in potentially waiving state immunity, the legality and reversibility of third-party countermeasures, and the potential clash between sovereign immunity and human rights law. The Insight also discusses the relevance of investment treaty law and international humanitarian law to property constraints. Recent developments, such as establishing a compensation mechanism for Ukraine's damages, are outlined, underscoring the need for adequate funding for these mechanisms to be effective. The author proposes potential approaches to asset confiscation, including transferring frozen assets to a dedicated fund or providing financial assistance while retaining the right to reclaim assets upon reparations. Acknowledging the intricacies involved, it calls for further research to address the multifaceted issues arising in this evolving area of international law.

La professionalització dels intèrprets en l’àmbit jurídic està guanyant importància a Espanya a causa de les directives de la Unió Europea sobre els drets processals de persones sospitoses o acusades d’algun delicte. A això s’hi ha d’afegir la prolongada crisi humanitària, que ha sensibilitzat l’opinió pública sobre la qualitat de la interpretació proporcionada per diverses ONG i altres organismes que s’ocupen dels sol·licitants d’asil. Actualment, els proveïdors de serveis privats contracten els intèrprets en funció de les llengües que necessitin o que estiguin disponibles, sense exigir-los una formació específica. En aquest article, analitzem la qualitat percebuda dels serveis d’interpretació i el paper de l’intèrpret des de diverses perspectives, incloses les dels agents de les ONG (assessors jurídics, treballadors socials i psicòlegs) i els advocats que participen en aquesta mena de processos, seguint mètodes d’investigació descriptiva. A continuació, tractarem les diferents percepcions sobre la figura de l’intèrpret que tenen els diferents professionals que intervenen en el procediment de sol·licitud d’asil, amb l’objectiu d’obtenir una imatge vàlida, basada en dades, de la interpretació en el context de la sol·licitud d’asil a Espanya. S’espera que aquesta informació serveixi per omplir el buit que existeix en el desenvolupament professional dels intèrprets com a part essencial dels processos d’asil i, el que és més important, com a garantia dels drets humans. També contribuirà a sensibilitzar els professionals que desenvolupen la seva feina amb l’ajuda d’intèrprets.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(2), 1013-1035 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Setting the scene. – II. Challenges of EU Member States’ extraterritorial border management measures in select scenarios. – III. Allocating international responsibility of EU Member States for their extra-territorial border management activities: Twilight zone. – III.1. First scenario: Activities carried out by EU Member States within third countries or for their benefit. – III.2. Second scenario: Activities of EU Member State officials carried out on board of third country vessels with the aim to prevent irregular entry to the EU. – III.3. Third scenario: EU Member States sharing information with neighbouring third countries. – IV. Assessment and outlook to the future. | (Abstract) EU Member States are ever more involved in border management activities in cooperation with third countries. Such activities entail risks of violating various human rights of the people on the move, such as the right to leave any country, the principle of non-refoulement, and the prohibitions of ill-treatment and arbitrary detention. When Member States carry out various cooperative border control activities outside their sovereign territory, their responsibility is unclear. Under international law, responsibility may also arise when a State aids or assists another State to engage in conduct that violates international obligations (art. 16 of the Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts – ARSIWA). Member States’ responsibility can thus emerge via “derived responsibility” flowing from an internationally wrongful act committed by a third country. The Article seeks to discuss selected extraterritorial border management scenarios, which are in the “grey zone” in terms of State responsibility from the perspective of various human rights violations. More legal clarity is needed in such (and similar) concrete scenarios, especially when Member States “aid or assist” third countries in their efforts to manage migration flows. The Article submits that it is still debated whether related conduct entails State responsibility in such specific externalised border management situations, which involve activities carried out under the umbrella of international cooperation, but with the aim of preventing migrants from reaching the EU. Nevertheless, this piece argues that complicity of Member States under the ARSIWA can be established under certain circumstances as the presented scenarios demonstrate.

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Summary: Within the history of revolutionary upheavals, the role of the Polleur Congress remains unique and yet overlooked. Drawing inspiration from the French and American Revolutions, and rooted in Enlightenment ideas, the congress participants adapted their demands to the local reality of the Marquisate of Franchimont. In doing so, they were able to create a more radical yet also more democratic revolutionary movement. Whether in the implementation of the separation of powers principle, the proclamation of a Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, or the establishment of a Franchimont Republic, all the proposed reforms demonstrate a genuine effort to reinterpret global revolutionary ideas and tailor them to the local situation. This contribution aims to rediscover the legal aspects of this Congress through the analysis of the demands for an institutional reform of the Principality of Liège, the various fundamental rights guaranteed to citizens, as well as the intentions for organizing the new state specific to the Franchimont region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Richard Price's interpretation of natural and inalienable human rights within his political thought. Topics include the theory of freedom as self-government and legitimate government, the departure from the contractualist paradigm, and the defense of natural rights as essential in society.

The article focuses on the relationship between human rights and natural rights as depicted in the principles of criminal law in the Declaration of 1789. Topics include the revolutionary break from the jusnaturalistic tradition, the dependence of rights on human decision within a society based on consent, and the constitutional transformation of these principles into normative regulations.

The article focuses on the justification and foundation of human rights through the lens of the French Revolution. Topics include Norberto Bobbio's three ways to justify human rights, the paradox of the revolutionary act and its self-founding nature, and the philosophical and political debates between Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine regarding the legitimacy and historical context of human rights.

The article focuses on the conceptual tensions surrounding human rights, natural law, and the Revolution. Topics include the critical debates on the universality of human rights, the ambivalence within the conceptualization of these rights during the revolutionary period, and the implications of these discussions for contemporary understandings of equality and justice.

The rule of law is characterized by respect and preservation of the rights of citizens. Burkina Faso is one of the countries claiming this obedience, having regard to the ratification of numerous international human rights conventions. In a context of crisis, actions to protect human rights pose a problem to the extent that the priorities of States collide with the international requirements of the rule of law. Girls and women are presented as victims of security crises to the extent that they pay the heaviest price. If the situation of women's rights still seems problematic in times of peace in Burkina Faso, how does it present itself in times of war? This research is an outline of the state of the rights of girls and women aged 14 to 40 in Burkina Faso in crisis situations. It was operationalized using the quantitative method by sending a questionnaire to girls and women who were internally displaced and not, from the Boucle du Mouhoun, Center-North, East and Center regions. The results indicate that gender-based violence constitutes the first form of violation of the rights of girls and women in these regions. In addition, the girls and women interviewed do not have the feeling of economic inclusion in their community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No abstract available.

This article shows one of the organizational and normative reactions that indigenous peoples in Mexico have had to safeguard their rights in the current context of a structural and human rights crisis, specifically due to the implementation of megaprojects in their territories. The analysis of the results of the presents research, on the impact of the structural reform, established in previous six-year terms and continued in the current government, is done as part of the academic and teaching activity carried out, but also as part of a professional exercise in which we have accompanied social organizations for more than 20 years. Therefore, what is shown in this work has to do with the attempt to regulate the relationship with the State and other internal and external actors, based on the community exercise, the way in which peoples deliberate and make decisions, and which in other countries is called prior consultation protocols.

Despite the fact that international law is aimed at the settlement of any disputes through negotiations and litigation, and the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the fundamental principles of international law, there are still subjects of international law in the world who prefer the military way of dispute settlement and violate the fundamental principles of peaceful interstate relations. One of the most striking examples is the armed aggression of the Russian Federation against an independent European state - Ukraine. Russia not only violated the fundamental principles of international law, such as peaceful settlement of disputes, respect for the sovereignty of the state, etc. but also caused a huge number of human rights violations. As a result of the armed aggression, many Ukrainian citizens were forced to seek refuge abroad in European countries. Thus, the issue of legal regulation of the rights of refugees in Europe is relevant both for the European countries that accept and protect such refugees, and for the citizens of Ukraine who are forced to obtain such status. The author of the article paid special attention to the protection of refugees' rights within the framework of the Council of Europe law and the ECtHR case law, as these institutions are key to the protection of human rights in the European space. Thus, the study of the role of the Council of Europe and the ECtHR will provide an opportunity to understand the overall picture of refugee protection in the region. In general, the growth of annual migration volumes makes it necessary to pay special attention to this issue, especially in relation to forced migrants who are vulnerable and in need of protection by the host state. The purpose of this article is to explore the role and significance of the law of the Council of Europe, as well as the ECHR in the protection of the rights and freedoms of refugees in the European region, as well as the current issues faced by Ukrainian refugees in European countries. In addition, the article examines the fundamental approaches to the understanding of the concept of refugee in the theoretical and legal plane.

This article is the synthesis of the research, presented in 2022 at the Postgraduate Program in Education - Professional Masters, at the State University of Rio Grande do Sul. The research sought to understand the story of four young people in the struggle for land. The production of data used the sewing of arpillleras, students of the Josué de Castro Institute of Education, located in Viamão, Rio Grande do Sul. The embroideries were named: Occupy, Resist, Produce and Conquer. The analyzes were motivated by legal documents and theorists such as: Frantz Fanon, Milton Santos, Paulo Freire, among others. The study showed that: a) students do not give up their own pedagogy, they update the demands for the guarantee of human rights to contemporary subjects in the field; b) young people produce knowledge based on their concrete realities; c) individual memories of struggles cannot be understood apart from Social Memories; d) Rural Education is the ballast for the concreteness of the settlement, and the encampment is the place where the seed of the school is planted; e) the production of arpilleras as a tool for analysis has been transformed into powerful records of stories, revealing the transforming power of Art-Education in the liberating perspective.

The topic of human rights in the aspect of relations between the state and addicted patients (and in general relations in the sphere of circulation of drugs) remains scantily explored for modern Ukraine, which actualizes further scientific research. The purpose of the article is to determine the authors’ vision of compliance with international human rights standards of the legal anti-drug prohibitions established by the state. To achieve this goal, using the historical-legal, comparative, dialectical, systemic, hermeneutic, sociological methods and legal method of cognition, national and foreign legislation was critically analyzed, international experience in implementing various models of anti-drug policy was studied, and proposals for the draft of a new Criminal Code of Ukraine were formulated. The authors pay special attention to the problems of protecting the rights of drug addicts, legal liability in the field of drug trafficking, legalization of drugs for non-medical needs and compulsory treatment of drug addicts. El tema de los derechos humanos en el aspecto de las relaciones entre el Estado y los pacientes adictos (y en general las relaciones en la esfera de la circulación de drogas) sigue siendo escasamente explorado en la Ucrania moderna, lo que actualiza una mayor investigación científica. El objetivo del artículo es determinar la visión de los autores sobre el cumplimiento de las normas internacionales de derechos humanos de las prohibiciones legales antidroga establecidas por el Estado. Para lograr este objetivo, utilizando los métodos histórico-jurídico, comparativo, dialéctico, sistémico, hermenéutico, sociológico y el método jurídico de cognición, se han analizado críticamente la legislación nacional y extranjera, se ha estudiado la experiencia internacional en la aplicación de diversos modelos de política antidroga y se han formulado propuestas para el proyecto de un nuevo Código Penal de Ucrania. Los autores prestan especial atención a los problemas de la protección de los derechos de los drogodependientes, la responsabilidad jurídica en el ámbito del tráfico de drogas, la legalización de las drogas para necesidades no médicas y el tratamiento obligatorio de los drogodependientes.

El objetivo de este artículo es presentar desde una perspectiva crítica un análisis de los derechos fundamentales de las mujeres mayores, vulnerados por las desapariciones forzadas cometidas en Colombia y México hacia sus familiares. En este artículo se argumentan cuáles han sido los derechos humanos vulnerados (el derecho a la vida y a la libertad) en las mujeres, víctimas directas e indirectas de los conflictos armados y desapariciones forzadas de Colombia y México, y que configuran un crimen de lesa humanidad. Se revisa la legislación y los tratados internacionales y se exponen datos actualizados de la magnitud de este problema. Se concluye que para la protección de los derechos fundamentales de las personas mayores en general y las mujeres en particular, es necesario articular mecanismos que defiendan y hagan cumplir los derechos en América Latina. The objective of this article is to present, from a critical perspective, an analysis of the fundamental rights of older women, violated by the forced disappearances committed in Colombia and Mexico against their relatives. This article argues which human rights have been violated (the right to life and freedom) in women, direct and indirect victims of armed conflicts and forced disappearances in Colombia and Mexico, and which constitute a crime against humanity. The legislation and international treaties are reviewed and updated data on the magnitude of this problem are presented. It is concluded that for the protection of the fundamental rights of the elderly in general and women in particular, it is necessary to articulate mechanisms to defend and enforce their rights in Latin America.

The Strait is without any doubt one of the most critical places on the planet from multiple points of view, including trade, strategic importance, security and migration. For Spain especially, it is a crucial area, not only for these reasons but also for others closely associated with Spain’s historical and neighbourly relations. In addition, it is the site of many unresolved disputes with Morocco and the United Kingdom.The control and stability of external borders in the Strait of Gibraltar Region has some characteristics. Because of its structural characteristics and dynamics, the region presents a very specific scenario that is different to that of other Spanish and European zones with external borders.Immigration in the Straits of Gibraltar must take into account the key elements that are objectively present, making the management of migratory flows particularly complicated. In addition, Morocco has been openly using immigration as a political weapon against Spain since 2021, with the aim of making Spain change its foreign policy on the Western Sahara issue.In this context, those who suffer most from these structural conditions in the complicated Strait of Gibraltar are immigrants and asylum seekers and refugees, climate refugees or those fleeing areas of famine and war. Human rights, democracy and European values must be taken into account, particularly needed in this key geostrategic Region for Europe.Recent pan-European narratives rest on a powerful foundation of values linked to fundamental democratic principles with a European dimension. European values, when focused on migration issues, imply that there must be a humanitarian reception, which must be inclusive. The full protection of human rights at borders and even their projection beyond, with democratic controls in the action of third countries authorities towards immigrants and refugees, is based on a compassionate attitude towards foreigners Ad Portas Europae.Greater involvement of the European Union in the area and the region of the Strait of Gibraltar would be desirable. Its intervention and mediation could smooth out conflicts and disputes in the area. This would result in better management of migratory flows. A clear European legal framework and a better-defined practice of respect for the human rights of immigrants, refugees and people seeking international protection in this key geostrategic region of southern Europe are urgent and badly needed.

This paper explores the main features of digital repression in Russia, especially in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The repression of digital activism is not a new phenomenon in Russia; however, it gained fresh momentum during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Security has been used as a pretext to expand the state’s authority at the cost of individuals’ rights and freedoms. To control political narratives, suppress online dissent and surveil regime critics, the government has significantly tightened the national legislation through its media regulator, Roskomnadzor. The aftermath of the war, harsh sanctions and increased anti-regime movements have also deepened Russia’s aspirations toward ‘digital sovereignty’. Meanwhile, regardless of a number of important initiatives in this direction, domestic digital space still remains an ambitious goal to be fulfilled. This paper concludes that, along with other devastating consequences, the war in Ukraine will provoke further digital repression in Russia aimed at achieving the Kremlin’s goal of “digital sovereignty”.

This paper is based on the concept of environmental political philosophy and from its perspective, it highlights the weaknesses and contradictions of contemporary, existing democracies. It aims to formulate an outline of the concept of environmental democracy, following the accounts of M. Bookchin, R. Morrison and H. Skolimowski, as well as international environmental law enshrined in United Nations documents and resolutions. It is based on the hypothesis that the preservation of a democratic political system in a situation of a collapsing planetary system (the Anthropocene) requires improving the foundations of democratic theory with the insights of the Earth system sciences, particularly of political ecology and critical environmentalism. Through philosophical analysis, explanation and interpretation, this paper explores an environmental democracy that would, on the one hand, preserve the basic constitutional principles of current democratic constitutional regimes, and, on the other hand, reconcile them with the current state of understanding in the Earth sciences concerning the vulnerability of the planetary system. In a sense, J. Habermas’s understanding of human rights characterizes the concept of environmental democracy as a realistic utopia. The author concludes by drawing up the imperative of sustainability, which he sees as a guiding organizing principle of institutions and public policies for the climatic, demographic and economic regime of the Anthropocene.

Many international conventions and treaties related to human rights have affirmed the need to classify inmates of penitentiary institutions in line with contemporary penal policy in order to achieve the main objective of the punishment of depriving freedom, which is reforming the prisoner, refining his behavior, and reintegrating him socially. This calls for classifying groups of prisoners according to scientific standards and principles that preserve the rights of each group according to its peculiarities and characteristics, in line with contemporary principles and methods assigned by international standards for the treatment of prisoners. Algeria, through its punitive policy, is considered one of the first legislations in the introduction of the punitive classification system; with the agencies and bodies devoted to this purpose of protecting the rights of the prisoner, and working to reform and reintegrate him socially according to Law No. 05/04 that includes the law on organizing prisons and the social reintegration of inmates.

In the article two different international protection mechanisms for persons who are forced to leave their homes for the sake of personal safety and the safety of their children (refugee status and temporary protection) which are currently provided for in European law are examined and compared. The main international document that regulates the issue of refugees is the UN Convention on the Status of Refugees of 1951. The issue of temporary protection is regulated by the EU Council Directive № 2001/55/EC of 07/20/2001, which was activated for the first time in history by the EU Council Decision № 2022/382 of 03/04/2022 to protect persons fleeing Ukraine due to a large-scale invasion by Russian armed forces began on 24 February 2022. The grounds for obtaining refugee status are individual and internal in nature (reasonable fears of a person becoming a victim of persecution), and therefore a long and complex administrative procedure for obtaining it. The grounds for obtaining temporary protection have a collective and obvious external nature (a mass influx of forcibly displaced persons in connection with a real threat), and, accordingly, the maximally simplified and fast (immediate) procedure confirming that the person is covered temporary protection.

Through my research I investigate the complex topic of citizenship and nationality by examining the evolution of concepts and practices related to citizenship and nationality throughout history. The study proposes a broad approach for understanding the dynamics and consequences of these legal phenomena. The research focuses on the complex relationship between citizenship and nationality and their role in shaping individual and collective identity. At an interdisciplinary level, the reader will discover the interaction between these concepts and society by highlighting the dialectical aspects of inclusion and exclusion. The results are based on relevant case studies, legislative, political, and social changes that have affected citizenship and nationality in different historical periods and in various geographical contexts, with an emphasis on the complexity and dynamics of these concepts. By exploring the history, legislative evolution, and legal and social debates in the field of citizenship and nationality, this study sheds light on the challenges and dilemmas facing contemporary legal systems in managing cultural and social diversity, analyzes theoretical perspectives and current practices on inclusion and exclusion and possible solutions and improvements are proposed to promote social cohesion and respect for human rights.