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O processo de financeirização associado às tecnologias da informação tem impulsionado o avanço mercadológico nos diferentes setores da sociedade. A mobilidade urbana é um dos setores citadinos que mais tem sido impactado. Este trabalho objetiva discutir o conceito de micromobilidade urbana e o papel das instituições financeiras atuantes nesse setor na cidade de São Paulo (SP), com especial ênfase no caso da empresa Tembici (do Banco Itaú). A metodologia adotada neste estudo inclui revisão bibliográfica de produções científicas nacionais e internacionais, dados primários e secundários, qualitativos e quantitativos, obtidos através de trabalho de campo e relatórios. Buscamos interpretar os impactos territoriais das plataformas digitais discutidas, examinando diferentes usos do território e analisando a forma como essa empresa se insere no processo de expansão dos serviços de mobilidade. Os resultados revelam como o espaço urbano, impulsionado pelo uso da tecnologia por entidades financeiras, torna-se mercado lucrativo, afetando diretamente a mobilidade urbana.

In this article I examine the repeated material-semiotic mobilization of the trope of the Berlin Wall in post-communist Bulgaria. I show that despite the official dismantlement of the Wall commenced some thirty years ago, the structure’s afterlife continues to exert a unique influence on Bulgaria’s public life today. I explore the function of the Wall as a narrative and political device in moments when the relation to public space is negotiated or when notions of “past” and “present” are short-circuited. By taking up the notion of a “recording surface,” developed by Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari in Anti-Oedipus, I show how Bulgarian post-communism can be understood as the terrain of a continuous production of consensus. I argue that after 1989 the Berlin Wall has adopted a governing and consensus-building function that contributes to the “smoothening” of political and social differences on the recording surface of Bulgarian post-communism. Yet, what makes the examination of the fictitious successors of the original Berlin Wall an interesting terrain for examination is that their operation is predicated upon a material heterogeneity and dynamism. In the article, I explore the way this trope has been mobilized in four different cases from Bulgaria’s most recent history and demonstrate in what sense its “reactivation” can be seen as contributing to the stabilization of the recording surface of Bulgarian post-communism. Author(s): Neda Genova Title (English): Material-semiotic Transformations of the Berlin Wall in Post-Communist Bulgaria Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 16, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2019) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje Page Range: 78-90 Page Count: 13 Citation (English): Neda Genova, “Material-semiotic Transformations of the Berlin Wall in Post-Communist Bulgaria,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 16, No. 1-2 (Summer - Winter 2019): 78-90.

The article has the purpose to analyze the role of disability and its inclusion in the history of the tourism in Italy in the twentieth-century. Departing from the Italian law regarding the disabled people and their inclusion in the contemporary Italian society, and continue considering the typologies of tourism, that in last century, allowed the people with disability to have safe and confortable travel condition. The focus of the article is a case study: the summer camps for children and young guests of the Istituto dei Ciechi in Milan, with particular attention to the period of great changes from the mid-fifties to the mid-seventies. Through unpublished documents, we analyze the organization and the leasure time activities of young people at the sea and mountain.

As ostensibly unwanted or undesirable non-citizens, the utter disposability of deportees appears to be finally and conclusively verified by deportation as a sovereign state power’s perfunctory and mundane act of 'taking out the trash.' Hence, it is no accident that, etymologically, the origins of the very word 'deportation' would indicate a carrying away, a removal, a disposal. The eradication of deportees’ individual lives — their personal identities and life trajectories — emerges as a frightfully routine and prosaic fact of deportation. In spite of the sheer violence of the ruptures inflicted though deportation, however, those who have been rendered the objects of this power persistently reassert their own subjectivity. Ethnographic insights into the lived struggles of the deported (as well as their loved ones and communities) elucidates the enduring subjectivity of those who have been made the objects of such sovereign acts of state power and subjected to deportation's techniques of eradication, and illustrates the stubborn incorrigibility of human life against the myriad forces that would seek to enforce its precarity and disposability. In the post-deportation condition, we confront anew the elementary and elemental human freedom of movement, and the incorrigibility of the autonomy and subjectivity of migration. Much as the autonomy of migration instigates a contest in which state power never has the first word, what we may now conceive as the autonomy of deportation — an autonomy and subjectivity of the deported within and against their predicaments of deportation — similarly ensures that state power never has the last word, either.

This essay analyzes two phases of recent Turkish history: the rising of Turgut Özal (1982) and the current government led by Erdoğan and his party AKP. Some elements, aimed at a common reference to the past Ottoman identity, emerge from their own politics. It, described by many analysts as a politics of neo-Ottoman, has begun to develop in the eighties with another phenomenon, the re-emergencing of Islam in the public and political context. Turkish developments are favoured by the choices made by Özal who first tried to revive the Turkey ambitions through a gradual reconciliation with the imperial legacy. Ideas were taken up and developed in the last decade by political Prime Minister Erdoğan and his ideologue, Foreign Minister Davutoğlu, who raised the idea of neo-Ottoman Turkey. They both think that their country will revive the past glories, regaining the role of regional and global power.

This paper aims to analyse from a multi-perspective point of view the history and development of some “mega” and “hallmark” events, such as International Expositions and European Capitals of Culture. By placing them into the theoretical debate and observing some concrete examples, in this work we will suggest that the recent evolution of events in the context of city-marketing and territories competition has led to a progressive content depletion and to an increasing interconnection with urban regeneration. Typological differences are bluring: their specious character is predominant and has to be related to further parametres among which ritual dimension has not lost its peculiarity. Events have become a very strategy of municipalities and administrations, whose effects do not affect just a specific élite, but the whole community.

After a brief constitutional experience, the Ottoman sultan Abdülhamit II imposed authoritarian power as an attempt to counteract internal nationalism. In fact, his power was legitimized via an imperial ideology similar to the official nationalism brought by European dynasties, such as Habsburg and Romanov. Together with a defensive pan-Islamism, Abdülhamit II promoted the reinstatement of past practices and old symbols around his figure and the restoration of the caliphate. The hamidian period has long been underestimated and criticized by Western historiography of the twentieth century. However, it was a very complex phase in which the Ottoman dynasty attempted, unsuccessfully, to strengthen its own power and to avoid the collapse of the Empire.

Narciso López’s clandestine expeditions to Cuba represented one of the first people-to-people political and economic contacts between Cuba and the United States. The denial of federal support for these illegal actions against Spanish colonial rule created a vast pro-annexation movement in New York such as in New Orleans and López’s filibustering activities embodied the very private answer to the failure of state diplomacy in acquiring Cuba. López’s epic created a strong Cuban-American “joint venture” in order to protect Creole interests in preserving the slave labor system in Cuba, while many prominent American businessmen and entrepreneurs looked to Cuba as a new state of the Union so as to expand their commercial interests, enlarge the representation of the slave states in US Senate, make a fortune with “Cuban bonds” or liberate the island from the European colonial rule.

Resumo A expressão2 de maior ressonância das mobilizações, verdadeiramente sem precedentes, de imigrantes nos Estados Unidos em 2006 foi uma proclamação em massa de rebeldia coletiva: ¡Aquí estamos y no nos vamos! Este mesmo slogan foi frequentemente acompanhado por uma afirmação ainda mais vigorosa, incorrigível: ¡Y si nos sacan, nos regresamos! É impressionante e, como este ensaio sustenta, não apenas provocativo, mas até genuinamente produtivo notar a afinidade entre a articulação fundamental dessa política radicalmente aberta de presença migrante com as políticas abjetas semelhantes e profundamente desestabilizadoras da presença queer. De maneira muito semelhante ao slogan: “Nós estamos aqui, nós somos queer, acostume-se com isso!”, a proclamação dinâmica dessas frases no contexto das mobilizações de massa de migrantes comprova um espírito irredutível de irreverência e desafeição em relação ao poder do Estado. Ambos os gestos, sem restrições e sem remorsos, não atestam somente sua irreversível presença, mas sustentam também o desafio intransigente de sua intrínseca incorrigibilidade3.

Introduction. Herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2) is recognized as one of the most common causes of aseptic meningitis, that is also а well-known complication of genital herpes. We report a case of recurrent HSV-2 meningitis without genital lesions, but with simultaneous skin lesions that were a clue for diagnosis. Case presentation. A 21-year-old man had two episodes of aseptic meningitis in 2019 and 2021, respectively. During both episodes, the neurological manifestations were preceded by recurrent herpetic skin lesions on the right arm. HSV-2 deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) was detected in the spinal fluid only in the first episode. However, due to the possibility that the lesions and simultaneous episodes of meningitis were caused by HSV-2, systemic acyclovir was initiated. Each time, the treatment was followed by rapid symptoms’ resolution. After the second episode, the patient was put on indefinite suppressive therapy with valacyclovir. Conclusions. Recurrent skin lesions can suggest the probability of HSV-2 etiology of concomitant meningitis and justify the initiation of acyclovir. In all confirmed meningitis cases with HSV-2, counseling on this genital infection and the possibility of sexual spread should be considered.

Atmospheric pollution is associated with weather conditions. Meteorological processes make a significant contribution to the creation of unfavorable meteorological conditions (NMU). NMUs are a special shortterm combination of meteorological factors contributing to the accumulation of pollutants in the surface layer of atmospheric air. We draw a particular attention to the temperature stratification of the lower layers of the atmosphere which can cause a temperature inversion – an increase in air temperature with altitude. Temperature inversion limits the vertical dispersion of harmful impurities in the atmosphere. Observational data show that the increased level of air pollution in the city of Krasnoyarsk is most pronounced in winter with temperature inversion and weak winds (no more than 1-2 m/s). To predict periods of increased concentration of pollutants in the boundary layer of the Krasnoyarsk atmosphere we consider a numerical algorithm for determining the time intervals of formation and destruction of temperature inversion based on a onedimensional vertical model.

For this piece we were provoked by an anti-trans moment that took place during the School of Politics and Critique in September 2020. Instead of engaging in a mere “rebuttal” of anti-trans discourse and its reductive, exclusionary claims, with this text we aim to open up a space of exchange and learning that takes the form of a feminist conversation. We discuss the historical and political entrenchment of colonial, capitalist and anti-trans projects to emphasise why a solid trans politics will always hold an anti-colonial agenda to the fore. Critically appraising some unfortunate intellectual and political impasses—as the capturing of feminist politics in schemata of biological determinism or the complicity of white bourgeois feminism in anti-Blackness and colonial exploitation—we shed light on the emancipatory potential of radical transfeminism. The conversation draws on lessons from the writings and practice of many engaged in formulating the stakes of black feminist, anti-colonial and trans politics of solidarity, thus actualizing the insight that we never think or act in isolation from one another. Author(s): Neda Genova and Mijke van der Drift Title (English): Neda Genova in Conversation with Mijke van der Drift: A Conversation on Transfeminism as Anti-Colonial Politics Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje Page Range: 102-108 Page Count: 7 Citation (English): Neda Genova and Mijke van der Drift, “Neda Genova in Conversation with Mijke van der Drift: A Conversation on Transfeminism as Anti-Colonial Politics,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 102-108. Author Biographies Mijke van der Drift, Royal College of Art/University of Cambridge Philosopher and educator Mijke van der Drift works on ethics as a focal point in a multi-disciplinary research about social transformation. Van der Drift is tutor at the Royal College of Art, London and the Royal Academy of Art, the Hague. They are a Research Associate at the University of Cambridge in 2020-21, as part of the Revolutionary Papers project, in collaboration with the London School of Economics and the University of the Western Cape. In addition, van der Drift is currently working on their book Non normative Ethics: The Dynamics of Trans Formation. They obtained a Ph.D. from Goldsmiths, University of London. Their current project focuses on multilogical ethics and generosity, and is provisionally titled The Logic of Loss in Bonding. The book chapter “Radical Transfeminism: Trans as Anti-Static Ethics Escaping Neoliberal Encapsulation” co-written with Nat Raha is recently published in New Feminist Studies: Twenty-first-century Critical Interventions, ed. Jennifer Cooke, with Cambridge University Press. Neda Genova, London Bank University/Goldsmiths Neda Genova teaches at Goldsmiths University of London and London South Bank University and holds a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies from Goldsmiths. Her research is situated at the intersection of post-communist studies and media and cultural theory. She is interested in feminist and postcolonial theory, the politics of humour and laughter and post-communist digital culture. She is a member of the editorial collective of the Bulgarian-language activist-academic magazine dVERSIA (dВЕРСИЯ)

Lo studio analizza l’implementazione delle esperienze di agricoltura sociale quale potenziale area di innovazione nelle politiche di welfare regionale, nel caso studio delle Marche. Adottando l'approccio teorico analitico del process tracing, focalizza la sua attenzione sulla dimensione della governance che ha caratterizzato questi processi di innovazione, considerando le sue relative potenzialità e criticità nella prospettiva del social investment. Evidenzia il carattere circoscritto delle sperimentazioni di innovazione, discute la tipologia di attori coinvolti e il suo potenziale di upscaling, interrogandosi sul suo impatto nel contesto delle altre esperienze locali e del più ampio clima neoliberista.

Chi si occupa di memoria sa che essa può essere uno strumento per apprendere dal passato. La lettura di varie corrispondenze formali (telespressi e lettere) tra autorità italiane e statunitensi, e in particolare tra il Ministero Affari Esteri e l’Ambasciata italiana a Washington nel periodo 1943-1945, sulla complessa questione dei prigionieri di guerra italiani negli Stati Uniti, ha dato ragione a questo uso della memoria. Dal drammatico contesto storico-culturale del periodo in esame al lettore è apparsa la stessa contraddizione e la stessa rabbia che tutti noi, nonostante gli affanni quotidiani, la voglia di emergere, di andare oltre il muro di gomma che ci imprigiona, ci troviamo nel dover accettare ciò che non abbiamo scelto: anzi, avessimo potuto, avremmo scelto proprio il contrario. La storia d’altra parte rappresenta l’intera umanità e spesso la viviamo da contemporanei degli eventi, ma non la influenziamo: partecipiamo da comparse, quasi da ignari spettatori, da cui frustrazione e insicurezza. Siamo parte di qualcosa, di situazioni determinate da altri che non comprendiamo; vorremmo agire ma non ci riusciamo, altri lo fanno ma è qualcosa di diverso che non ci piace perché quasi sempre segue la logica del più forte. Quest’ansia ci divide e ci fa perdere la fragile solidarietà che ci unisce, vivendo emozioni diverse e molte volte opposte; proprio come fecero i militari italiani prigionieri in America che, secondo l’opinione degli storici, ebbero un trattamento migliore rispetto ai militari prigionieri degli altri alleati. L’affermazione è vera se la consideriamo nel suo aspetto organizzativo logistico complessivo, falsa o parzialmente falsa se ci concentriamo sull’aspetto psicologico e morale delle singole esperienze della diversa tipologia dei prigionieri, in relazione al loro livello di collaborazione con l’offerta organizzativa americana, che comunque non teneva in nessun conto la situazione morale dei prigionieri; ciò che era importante per il Governo statunitense era imporre i propri interessi, il proprio modello organizzativo. Varia la reazione degli italiani: la maggior parte scelse di collaborare, altri si rifiutarono di farlo, ispirati dagli stessi principi di coerenza, naturalmente a differenti valori. Comune il senso di delusione verso una patria che avevano servito in armi, dalla quale si sentivano abbandonati. L’Italia subiva un’ulteriore sconfitta da parte dei suoi stessi militari prigionieri in America. Dall’altra parte emerge chiaro il modello politico-militare americano, fondato su valori democratici che vanno accettati, magari dopo lunghi confronti che comunque portano sempre alla ragione del più forte. Dai campi di prigionia americani emerge una dipendenza politico-culturale dell’Italia verso gli Stati Uniti, che ancora oggi, con diversi sentimenti, viviamo tra chi condivide e sposa senza condizioni il modello culturale e una democrazia da “commercializzare” e chi invece li subisce, senza capacità di cambiare né di partecipare. C’è però una novità: l’attuale leadership politica degli Stati Uniti, con il suo ostentato neonazionalismo, porterà probabilmente ad un nuovo loro isolazionismo, che potrebbe favorire una maggiore consapevolezza delle nostre capacità nazionali. Tutto questo è emerso dalla memoria, riportando alla luce le vicissitudini dei prigionieri militari italiani con le loro aspettative, realizzate e deluse, le loro contraddizioni e il loro sacrificio. Sono stati elaborati i ricordi con l’intento di migliorare le nostre prospettive future.

What is charisma? What is that attracts viewer’s attention? What characterizes the capacity to act? These questions challenged many people. Following the suggestion made by those questions, we provided a series of experiments aimed to prove the existence of a Presence Energy that, by means of training and rehearsal, is able to change the proprioception of the trained person and his power of observation. It is not a coincidence that many authors and researchers tried to deepen the connection with mysticism and faith. This Presence Energy’s existence interested lots of aspect above the theatrical one: it could become a path for charisma and awareness.

O que é carisma? O que atrai a atenção do espectador? O que caracteriza a capacidade de atuar? Essas perguntas desafiaram muitas pessoas. As respostas são fundamentais para muitos aspectos além do teatral. A maioria dos estudos foi feita sobre aspectos estéticos e práticos, sobre estruturas de interpretação do texto. Alguns autores e pesquisadores conseguiram compreender a conexão com o misticismo e a fé. Atualmente, a fronteira da pesquisa é descobrir evidências empíricas, tanto científicas como fisiológicas, para produzir um método que represente nosso tempo: a era das conexões digitais. O corpo não esquecerá: ele evolui.